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CASTE SYSTEM: THEORIES AND PRACTICES IN NEPAL
@ Madhusudan SUBEDI
ABSTRACT
There has been a long debate in the literature over whether the caste
system is a unique social phenomenon or simply one manifestation of
divisions and differentiations have been giving rise to new antagonism
and social norms. Caste is not today what it was before 1950; and it
has not become completely class or replica of it in Nepal.
KEY WORDS:
INTRODUCTION
traditional literatures, or from what people consider to be its traditional
CASTE SYSTEM: THEORETICAL DEBATE
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
includes the pursuit by tradition of a particular occupation and usually
associated with a more or less distinct ritual status in a hierarchical
is used in two different senses. On the one hand it is a word used
that caste in perpetuity. This kind of situation is likely to arise when
in his stratum, and when this is done, one knows how to deal with him
and Y to the second one, X will be considered socially superior to Y,
the caste system is a unique social phenomenon or simply one
caste is best considered as a cultural or as a structural phenomenon
136
concept, but then he proceeds at once to the remark that ‘there are
Indian phenomenon, he proceeds immediately to the discussion of
traits characteristics of Hindu India and then slide imperceptively into
the assumption that caste refers to certain features of social structure
The work of Dumont and Pocock, Marriott and Inden, and their students,
terms of its Hindu attributes and rationale, and therefore, is unique
features which are found not only in Hindu India but the number of
only on the level of social structure and not in terms of cultural pattern
North America and the contemporary United States. In my opinion,
whether the caste system is viewed from the standpoint of that which
certain characteristics of the caste system which are almost universally
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
HINDU CASTE SYSTEM: A BRIEF OVERVIEW
jat / jati
•
• Hierarchy,
•
•
sections,
•
• Lack of unrestricted choice of occupation.
•
• There are restrictions on commensality between members of
different castes.
•
• The various kinds of contexts, especially those concerned with
• Castes are very commonly associated with traditional
occupations.
•
birth, unless he comes to be expelled from his caste for some
ritual offence.
138
There are minute rules as to what sort of food or drink can be accepted
kachcha
and pakka
will never eat kachcha food
kachcha meal with someone is to imply intimacy and
In contrast, pakka food is the food of the bazaar (market), the food
that is eaten at public events and in public places. In India and Nepal
this is customarily fried food. Traditionally such foods were fried in
comes from a sacred animal (cow). This type of food is eaten at public
However, there are foods eaten at public events that are not fried in
pakka is now
Concept of pollution or contamination (jutho
with taboos when associated with food and drinks. The leftover from a
An awareness of cultural differences, mutual avoidance and social
meal with them, nor invites them into his own house. The avoidance
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
of close relationship with members of other communities is based on
halal. In traditional
and taboos which are culturally determined are important in the sense
Hindus is the concept of kanyadan. The concept of dana in Sanskrit
(Nep. dan
kanya. Hence kanyadan
occupation: Brahman priest, Kshatriya warriors, and Vaisya merchants.
(Nep. Achhut, Dalit
The Kami (blacksmith) exist to make metal work, the Damai (tailors)
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earth is to make shoes, and the only reason for the Badi (traditionally
sex.
Every individual has own status in the occupational framework of
jajmani
system’. ‘ Jajman
ajmani
practical and ritual services. Purely ritual services are provided by
castes have ceremonial and ritual duties at their jajmans
jajmans
therefore the systems are perpetuated, by birth. Membership in them
is ascribed and unalterable. Individuals in low castes are considered
The question arises whether the caste system in Hindu texts was made
AN OVERVIEW OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL POSITIONS
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
conceived and understood by the people who live their lives within
is stressed.
society whose discrete sections are all ranked vertically (Berreman
social structures elsewhere in which rank is ascribed, such as American
caste.
well acquainted with these sources, and he was also familiar with the
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belief systems as a main determinants of social and economic structure
belief and the social differentiation was direct and explicit, whereas in
western society the connection was indirect and obscured. Hence caste
else, without caste there is no Hindu´ (Weber quoted in Lunheim:
the essential features of both phenomena. This serves to corroborate
caste are not to be found in economy, or material conditions, but in
feature of social life. In the caste system of India this mechanism is
concept of pollution. Caste is thus a perfected variety of closed status
from class.
and Hinduism, the karma doctrine is the key principle of cosmic reality.
other than Hinduism, combined in India with caste to form such a
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uncertain, but pleads in favour of notion of racial differences in ancient
India as the main determinant in the evolution of caste. Weber does not
as an important landmark in the intellectual history of caste. In the
Hereditary Specialization: The hereditary association of caste and a
Repulsion: The phenomena of mutual repulsion between social
not (ibid: 66). He concludes, like Weber, that many social systems,
essays on caste was Louis Dumont, who considered himself to continue
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DUMONTIAN VIEW OF HINDU CASTE
Dumont, the best known of symbolic school, based his interpretation
of caste on the attributes of hierarchy and repulsion. He focused on
as yet available to this end. A structural analysis is concerned with
as jajmani system or food transactions between castes.
For Dumont, the dominant principle of Hindu caste system is hierarchy
and interdependence by which parts are interrelated, and related
to the whole. Thus, Dumont says ` the Indian caste system is not
Dumont seeks the idea that hierarchy in India (Hindus) is different
to be based on two ideas, that the Brahman priest is at the top, and that
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
purpose is the superior status of the Brahman over the Kshatriya on
Brahman and Kshatriya are interdependent and superior to the other
two Varnas. It is a matter of an absolute distinction between priesthood
dependent upon, and inferior to the Brahaman. Dumont indicates that
the modern West, in which the political is both completely secularized
Dumont has associated the ends of man, spoken of in the ancient
Hindu law books, the Dharmasastras, with the Varnas. There are three
dharma, artha and kama,
dharma corresponds
to the Brahman or priest, artha
power, and kama, to the others. Brahman counsellors who knows the
dharma dharma) to protect the
Dharma
jajmani system
duality. Dumont is concerned essentially with the structure of value
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One theoretical school advocates an interpretative framework based
The Brahman caste appear in no matrix as receivers any lower forms
lower caste, or ordinary cooked food. Brahman typically accepts
and trade, supply their butter and pay taxes.
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
status and sacredness, and is seen as partly independent of purity and
pollution per se. This theory is unable to provide the answer of above
questions.
of all arable land in Pahansu and are hence, by virtue of economic
by three different orders which are actualized and emphasized to
constituted by the principle of ritual purity, has the Brahman and the
corresponds to the traditional conception of caste rank.
jajmani relationship.
Jajmani
(jajman
asymmetrical, and linked with power and economy, jajmani relations
(jajman), it is
dan
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dan prestation
Dan prestation are related to notions of the social world as a closed,
The duty of caste members to accept dan
sweepers, carry out virtually identical ritual roles in relation to the
society. Therefore, it can be said that Brahmans always do not possess
and consider as pure. These two visions about Hindu caste clearly
contradict to each other which clearly show that there in no uniformity
centrality is nearer to the Marxist view of social class (who control the
than Hindu concept of purity and pollution.
constant threat to status quo. It is suppressed whenever possible, but
effective.
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
COMPARATIVE THEORY OF CASTE
of inequality based on social classes, wealth or political party (power)
dominant caste), more than consensus.
wants to analyse what caste systems are, how they work, and what
they do to people. When viewed comparatively and structurally, ‘caste
ordered and culturally distinct. The hierarchy entails differential
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Hindu India, and it can be usefully applied to societies with system of
says that the literature on caste in India, the race in America, on the
place of a comparative study of caste.
individual a different status in society. Birth ascribed social status and
the extreme seclusion of the model of a caste. This is why it can be said
that Rwanda strata are more on the side of caste than class.
must be based on structural criteria and not on particular features of
status summation seems to be the structural feature which most clearly
and Hindu jajmani
societies, the notion that pollution derives from body processes marks
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7) who are similar to (Pode in Newars), Sarkis and Badis of Hindu
caste in Nepal respectively.
between the various status frameworks found in the community, with
of the salient features of the life circumstances for different caste at
different times.
Nepal and India. On the one hand, people are divided on the basis of
Warna
very salient feature of their everyday lives and contemporary social
about purity and pollution. These two brilliant studies of Barth provide
the clear picture that on the one hand, there are much more similarities
there are Hindus (Bali) without traditional types of castes or Varna
The Marxist approach to the study of caste has been applied with
study in India has introduced a new system in which lower castes
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and even education are not to some extent dependent upon caste (ibid:
5). Today the education system is far more open both in principle and
practice. Education not only enables to compete on more equal terms
more equal chances of political participation. In the town and cities,
CASTE SYSTEM IN NEPAL: YESTERDAY AND TODAY
Valley and with the introduction of the Muluki Ain
Muluki Ain divided
Tagadhari:
Brahmin, Sanyasi, Lower Jaisi and various Newar castes who wear
holy cord (janai
Matawali : Matawalis were further
or namasinya matawali masinya
matawali’
Gharti were included in masinya matawali.
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
Pani nachalne chhoi chitto halnunaparne (Impure but touchable
castes): Kasai (Newar butchers), Kusle (Newar musicians), Hindu
Dhobi (Newar washerman), Kulu (Newar tanners), Musalman, and
Pani nachalne chhoi chitto halnu parne (untouchable castes): Kami
unions between Kami and Sarki), Damai (tailors and musicians), Gaine
been determined from the order in which they were found mention in
connection with laws that lay down punishment for different castes for
and Chhetri were treated differently. The children of Brahman fathers
their status was labelled to that of pure Chhetris.
inferred from their consecutive enumeration but the castes of the
Matawali)
Kusle, Hindu Dhobi, Kulu, Kami, Sarki, Kandara, Damai, Gaine,
Badi and Pode. The lowest caste of all was Chayme. It was said that the
restrictive, anachronic and out of step with the spirit of times. These
values were seen as a potent instrument of Rana political repression.
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of caste shifted from public to private domain.
The discrepancy between the traditional Varna model and the hierarchy
of the Muluki Ain
functions of the Brahmins as spiritual teachers and priests, the Muliki
Ain
caste membership. All four Varna and 36 Jat are allowed to sharpen
the madal drums and to pursue all other works as an occupation, to
occupations are enumerated which are pursued by impure castes, such
jat/jatis
labourers, and persons of any jat avail themselves of the services of
assessment of rank and at the same time make it possible for others
equal status. Thus the different economic and political status of the
same jat/jatis in different areas account for variations in its hierarchical
status. The number of Brahmans who maintain themselves mainly
by priestly work is small, and many of the Nepalese Brahmans are
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Himalayan Journal of Sociology & Antropology-Vol. IV (2010)
status, and many Brahman peasants are no wealthier than their Chhetri,
education, industrialization and economic prosperity, there has been a
practices (worship and prayers) do not appear as an important part of
This situation clearly shows the decline in jajmani system which is a
key feature of Hindu caste system.
Economic and political developments have pressed the caste system to
power. Such social mobility has broken traditional caste barriers. In the
CONCLUSION
the society is based on traditional Hindu value system and which is
156
hierarchically ordered, culturally distinct, and wherein the hierarchy
entails differential evaluation, rewards, and association, whether one
is simply a matter of lexical preference. Caste, Varna or Jati in Hindu
States, and all share in addition a wide variety of social and personal
caste is that variety as well consistency in their characteristics can be
them to accept lower positions and conditions of work embedded
with oppression and exploitation. On the other hand, caste based
movements to emancipate the oppressed. Caste is not today what it
it. It is also true that a dominant caste has not necessarily a part of the
dominant class.
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