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Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon North of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications

Authors:
  • Center for Archaeological Studies (Oeiras City Council) and ICArEHB (Algarve University)

Abstract and Figures

The complexity of the Beaker phenomenon in the Tagus estuary does not fit well with the model of three successive groups (International, Palmela and Incised Groups). The above seems to result from the nature of the settlements rather than from its chronology, as all three groups are present during the second half of the 3 rd millennium BC. Therefore while artefacts of the Interna-tional Group predominate in the fortified sites, the Inci-sed Group appears almost exclusively in open sites. The Palmela Group seems of minor importance, at least in the north region of the Tagus River estuary. The remarkable antiquity of Beaker pottery found in the FM hut at Leceia (which dates from the 2 nd quarter of the 3 rd millennium BC, re-confirmed by AMS dating) has parallels both in the North and South of Portugal, as well as in Spain. Thus we conclude that in the Lower Estremadura (one of the most important regions in Europe for the discussion of the origin and diffusion of Beaker "phenomenon"), the Beaker social formation with its own distinct cultural characteristics, coexisted with local Chalcolithic cultures, although never merged with them. RESUMEN: La complejidad del fenómeno campaniforme en el estuario del Tajo no encaja bien con el modelo de los tres Grupos sucesivos Internacional, Palmela e Inciso. Leceia (segundo cuarto del III milenio a. C., confirmada por datación AMS) tiene paralelos al Norte y Sur de Portugal, así como en España. En consecuencia, concluimos que en la Baja Estremadura (una de las regiones más importantes de Europa para discutir el origen y difusión del "fenómeno" campaniforme), la formación social campaniforme con sus características culturales distintivas coexistió con las culturas calcolíticas locales sin mezclarse nunca con ellas.
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TRABAJOS DE PREHISTORIA
71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon North of the
Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications
Cronología absoluta del fenómeno campaniforme al Norte del estuario del Tajo:
implicaciones demográcas y sociales
João Luís Cardoso (*)
ABSTRACT
The complexity of the Beaker phenomenon in the
Tagus estuary does not t well with the model of three
successive groups (International, Palmela and Incised
Groups). The above seems to result from the nature of
the settlements rather than from its chronology, as all
three groups are present during the second half of the 3
rd
millennium BC. Therefore while artefacts of the Interna-
tional Group predominate in the fortied sites, the Inci-
sed Group appears almost exclusively in open sites. The
Palmela Group seems of minor importance, at least in the
north region of the Tagus River estuary. The remarkable
antiquity of Beaker pottery found in the FM hut at Leceia
(which dates from the 2
nd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium
BC, re-conrmed by AMS dating) has parallels both in
the North and South of Portugal, as well as in Spain. Thus
we conclude that in the Lower Estremadura (one of the
most important regions in Europe for the discussion of
the origin and diffusion of Beaker “phenomenon”), the
Beaker social formation with its own distinct cultural
characteristics, coexisted with local Chalcolithic cultures,
although never merged with them.
RESUMEN
La complejidad del fenómeno campaniforme en el
estuario del Tajo no encaja bien con el modelo de los
tres Grupos sucesivos Internacional, Palmela e Inciso.
Dicho modelo parece resultar de la naturaleza de los
asentamientos más que de su cronología, ya que los tres
grupos están presentes durante la segunda mitad del III
milenio a.C. Mientras los artefactos del Grupo Interna-
cional predominan en los sitios forticados, los del Gru-
po Inciso se encuentran casi en exclusiva en yacimientos
al aire libre. El Grupo Palmela parece menos importan-
te, al menos en la región septentrional del estuario del
Tajo. La notable antigüedad de la cerámica campanifor-
me hallada en la cabaña FM de Leceia (segundo cuarto
del III milenio a. C., conrmada por datación AMS)
tiene paralelos al Norte y Sur de Portugal, así como en
España. En consecuencia, concluimos que en la Baja
Estremadura (una de las regiones más importantes de
Europa para discutir el origen y difusión del “fenómeno”
campaniforme), la formación social campaniforme con
sus características culturales distintivas coexistió con las
culturas calcolíticas locales sin mezclarse nunca con
ellas.
Key words: Beaker pottery; Portugal; Absolute chro-
nology; Demography; Social organization.
Palabras clave: Campaniforme; Portugal; Cronología
absoluta; Demografía; Organización social.
1. INTRODUCTION
Research about Beaker “phenomenon” in Por-
tuguese Estremadura underwent a signicant ad-
vance with the pioneering work of J. Soares and
C. Tavares da Silva (1974/1977). This contribu-
tion provided a model for its internal phasing
which is still accepted by the generality of ar-
chaeologists. In fact the model’s coherence de-
rives from the archaeological record itself, and
despite not being sustained by new radiocarbon
dating it has remained until now broadly opera-
tive.
The model postulated that Beaker sequence
began with vessels decorated by a stippling tech-
nique, involving a predominance of maritime
AOO Beakers decorated with alternately-lled
horizontal bands (“herringbone” pattern), associ-
ated to other vessels such as shoulder pots. Found
(*) Open University (Universidade Aberta), Lisbon and
Center for Archaeological Studies of Oeiras Municipality Cou-
ncil (CEACO/CMO). Rua Silva Porto 16. 2825-834 Funchalin-
ho. Trafaria, Portugal. E-mail: cardoso18@netvisao.pt
Recibido 27-IX-2012; aceptado 8-I-2013.
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 57
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
at topographically elevated sites, this was the
material support for the so-called “International
Group” – which was present during Full Chalco-
lithic occupation of those sites, coexisting with
“acacia leaf” a regional decorative pattern. This
was followed by a period of miscegenation with
pre-existing ceramic decorative patterns and tech-
niques, when the stippling technique was applied
to vessels with a very elaborated and decorated
rim (Palmela bowls) and other pre-existing ves-
sels. It is well represented around the Sado River
estuary and is known as the Palmela Group. Fi-
nally, according to this theory, the end of the
Beaker cycle was marked by the predominance
of incised decorations (Incised Group). This
group is particularly found in small domestic
sites such as family-based farms or small farming
communities. According to this traditional model
the Beaker cycle as a whole corresponded to the
last stage of the Chalcolithic in Estremadura,
which preceded the Bronze Age. However, some
authors argue that the later Beaker productions of
the incised group were already Early Bronze Age.
This brought new ways of land occupation during
which the fortied settlements, where population
had previously been concentrated, gave way to a
dispersed demographic model, more conducive to
agriculture and animal-rearing in the fertile elds
of the region.
Although very robust from the conceptual
point of view the mentioned model began to be
challenged by the publication of the rst radio-
carbon dates from enclosed Beaker contexts in
Estremadura, obtained at the prehistoric settle-
ment of Leceia. This showed a clearly-dened
stratigraphic contexts, and supported the evidence
previously obtained at the prehistoric settlement
of Zambujal regarding the antiquity of Beaker
vessels (Kunst 1987, 1996, 2010; Kunst and Lütz
2008, 2010/2011). In fact, the absolute chronolo-
gy obtained for one of the huts found outside the
walls of Leceia (hut FM), dating from the 2
nd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC (when Beaker
culture was emerging in Portuguese Estremadu-
ra), challenged the three-part sequence of the
Chalcolithic in that region, as it preceded the
cultural phase traditionally designed by Full
Chalcolithic (Cardoso and Soares 1990/1992).
Another consequence of the discovery of a hut
exclusively consisting of Beaker remains was the
possibility of attributing the Beaker “phenome-
non” to an independent populational dynamic of
that associated to the genesis and development of
Chalcolithic in Estremadura. That is to say, there
appeared to be two distinct but contemporaneous
social realities, coexisting in the same space.
Thus, assuming that different material cultures
correspond to distinct communities, we were
once more in a position to reignite the debate
about the status of the Beaker populations that
occupied the Estremadura region, based on new
archaeological data (Fig. 1). In fact thanks to the
research carried out in the last decade we know
that Beaker “phenomenon” coexisted for several
hundred years in Lower Estremadura with other
material cultures. For example, the fortied Chal-
colithic settlement of Outeiro Redondo (Sesim-
bra) was occupied throughout the second half of
the 3
rd
millennium BC (Cardoso et al. 2010/2011)
but had no effective Beaker presence (Cardoso
2010), despite being located in one of the greatest
incidence areas of Beaker sites in Iberian Penin-
sula.
The lack of operative value for the Beaker
sequence described above is also demonstrated.
In the case of the hut FM at Leceia vessels char-
acteristic of International, Palmela and Incised
Groups were found together in a structure that
would necessarily have been short-lived, empha-
sising their contemporaneousness. The logical
conclusion is that these groups have no chrono-
logical signicance (Cardoso 1997/1998).
Thus this work aims to present some consid-
erations about the chronology and socio-cultural
Fig. 1. Settlements of Lower Estremadura region dis-
cussed in this work: 1–Leceia; 2–Monte do Castelo; 3–
Freiria; 4–Ponte da Laje; 5–Penha Verde; 6–Moita da
Ladra; 7–Cave of Vendelhados Ruivos.
58 João Luís Cardoso
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
characteristics of the Beaker “phenomenon” in
Lower Estremadura, one of the most rich and
important regions in Europe, based on new exca-
vations and absolute chronology, together with a
revision of some already studied collections. The
ideas here presented are by no means denitive
and they should be viewed as working hypothesis
on how we might interpret the archaeographic
data that is currently available. The claims made
are, of course, subject to further discussion and
conrmation with new data.
2. DATA AND CONTEXTS:
STRATIGRAPHIC AND TYPOLOGICAL
ASPECTS, AND THE RESPECTIVE
ABSOLUTE CHRONOLOGY
The Beaker materials that were studied come
from very different contexts and were evaluated
regarding the nature of the sites and the period
when the archaeological interventions took place:
Leceia, Monte do Castelo, Freiria, Cave of Ponte
da Lage, Penha Verde, Moita da Ladra, Cave of
Verdelha dos Ruivos. Information from published
work as well as the recovery of unpublished ex-
cavation records has enabled us to overcome
many legitimate doubts raised in the absence of
such documents. It should be pointed out that all
published materials and their respective contexts
were directly observed, whether or not they re-
sulted from archaeological works directed by the
author.
1. Leceia: Excavations undertaken at the im-
portant fortied Chalcolithic settlement (Cardoso
2000a, 2008) have yielded the following conclu-
sions, regarding the Beaker presence (Cardoso
1997/1998, 2000b, 2001, 2004, 2005), inside and
outside the fortication.
Around 2600/2500 BC the fortied settlement
was already in sharp decline as indicated by the
quality of the architecture and building work.
During the period, corresponding to the transition
between Early Chalcolithic, represented by uted
ceramic vessels, and Full Chalcolithic, its occu-
pants received the inux of maritime vessels.
These materials were stratigraphically associated
with other ceramic vessels decorated with “acacia
leaf” pattern, a well-known regional style (Car-
doso 2007). This was indicative that during a
short period these two traditions coexisted. If we
accept that different archaeological materials re-
ect different social and cultural realities, then
the stratigraphically-supported evidence from Le-
ceia reopens the old question concerning the ex-
istence of a Beaker archaeological culture related
with a group responsible for the dissemination of
Beaker artefacts. At Rotura, Setúbal, a similar
context was detected (Ferreira and Silva 1970;
Gonçalves 1971; Silva 1971).
Dominated by maritime vessels, Beaker pro-
ductions were found in the upper part of Layer 2,
immediately covered by Layer 1 (the surface lay-
er). Layer 2 contained a mixture of the already
mentioned regional decorated productions, and
Beaker pieces (Tab. 1), concentrated on the high-
est part of the archaeological site (Fig. 2). There
were clearly more fragments with stippled deco-
ration (34 fragments) than with incised decora-
tion (5 fragments) (Fig. 3). Dating obtained for
Layer 2 placed its formation during the second
half of the 3
rd
millennium BC with several dates
in the last quarter (Cardoso 1997/1998).
Fig. 2. Leceia. Plan of the fortied settlement, with the
location of the two Bell Beaker huts identied outside
the walls.
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 59
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
DECORATION and SHAPE
Leceia
Forti-
cation
Leceia
FM
HUT
Leceia
EN HUT
Monte
do
Castelo
Freiria
Ponte da
Lage
Moita
da
Ladra
Verdelha
dos
Ruivos
Penha
Verde
S
Maritime Beaker vessels with stippled
decoration
22 13 8 31 1 41
S
Maritime Beaker vessels with stippled
linear decoration
1 3 13 1 17
S
Smooth-prole vessels with stippled
decoration
1 1
S
Carinated vessels with stippled
decoration
1 4 1
S Shoulder vessels with stippled decoration 1 2 16 1
S Large vessels with stippled decoration 1 2 4 5
S Palmela cups with stippled decoration 7 1 1
S
Spherical vessels with stippled
decoration
1 1
S
Calotte-shaped cups with stippled
decoration
1 23 1 8 1 1 1
S
Unclassiable fragments with stippled
decoration
7 15 1 30
S Geometric stippled vessels 23 36
I
Maritime Beaker vessels with incised
decoration
1 3 5 21 1
I
Bell-beaker vessels with incised linear
decoration
1 1 2
I Carinated vessels with incised decoration 2 2 1
I Shoulder vessels with incised decoration 11 1
I Large vessels with incised decoration 3 2 98 1
I Palmela bowls with incised decoration 1 7 4 2 10 6 8
I
Calotte-shaped cups with incised
decoration
3 8 3 5
I
Unclassiable fragments with incised
decoration
2 10 6 6 2
I Large incised vessels 2 7
I Incised vessels 3 136 5
I Incised bottles 2
I
Smooth-prole vessels with incised
decoration
2
I
Calotte-shaped cups with incised
decoration
60 1
I Incised Palmela cups 34
I Incised spherical vessels 1
I Geometric incised vessels 15
I Incised spherical vessels 1
I Geometric incised vessels 15
Tab. 1. Decoration and shape of Beaker vessels from the settlements of Lower Estremadura region (Portugal). S: stip-
pled; I: incised.
60 João Luís Cardoso
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
Two huts with ellipsoid ground plans have
been identied outside the fortied area. The ce-
ramic vessels found in both huts are exclusively
Bell Beaker types, as there are no decorated frag-
ments belonging to local styles. This seems to
assure the material culture of the respective oc-
cupants.
FM hut would have housed a small commu-
nity, perhaps a family group. It consisted of a
large hut formed by two lines of large blocks,
with an ellipsoidal ground plan (Fig. 2). Since
this residential unit was built on a regular plat-
form at the highest part of the archaeological
site, it is unlikely that the materials were trans-
ported there from other parts of the site by nat-
ural agents. This conclusion is conrmed by the
total absence of rolling and erosion on the sur-
faces of the Beaker ceramic fragments. It is also
unlikely that they belonged to different Chalco-
lithic periods because there is a total absence of
earlier ceramic materials such as fragments bear-
ing the well-known uted decoration, attributa-
Fig. 3. Leceia. Beaker ceramics from the space inside the walls (n.º 1-8); from Hut FM (n.º 9-18) and Hut EN (n.º 19-
25). Draws: B. L. Ferreira (CEACO/CMO).
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 61
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
ble to Early Chalcolithic, or the acacia-leaf pat-
tern, mentioned above, and attributed to Full
Chalcolithic. The structure seats directly on a
Late Neolithic layer, which has been radiocar-
bon-dated to the second half of the 4
th
millenni-
um BC (Cardoso and Soares 1996). Hence, there
is a gap of several hundred years with regard to
the dates of the bone remains now published.
Given the results obtained it cannot belong to
any context other than that of the Beaker hut in
question, where they were collected. Thus we
can conclude that the 108 Beaker fragments
gathered inside the hut correspond to waste re-
sulting from its occupation, which was certainly
limited in time. The pottery is very fragmented
and comes from many different vessels. Howev-
er this is to be expected from the excavation of
a large housing unit like this one (12 m x 5 m at
its largest points, Cardoso 1997/1998) and also
explains the very incomplete state of most of the
vessels. There is no evidence of any structural
remodelling work associated to different periods.
The decorated ceramic remains collected inside
this dwelling unit consists exclusively of Beaker
materials. This seems to indicate that this com-
munity used a much greater range of Beaker
vessels in their daily lives than those living in-
side the fortication (Fig. 3). We can see the
predominance of the stippled technique (69 frag-
ments) compared to the incised (39 fragments),
although the difference is less accentuated than
inside the fortress.
When these results were rst published (Car-
doso 1997/1998) some questions were raised:
rstly, the heterogeneity of the Beaker materials
could suggest that there was mixing of those
fragments at different times; secondly, the early
chronology obtained by dating (Sac-1317: 4220
± 50 BP: 2920-2630 cal BC, 2 σ) seemed too
early. In order to clarify this issue, two samples
of bones were selected from the Beaker context
(i.e., stratigraphically associated with the occupa-
tion of the hut), which were then dated by AMS
(Beta-260297: 4140 ± 40 BP and Beta-260299:
4100 ± 40 BP). These new results conrmed the
value obtained earlier by the conventional meth-
od, which used around 150g of bones, corre-
sponding to some 15 fragments. The results of the
three dates obtained are consistent with each oth-
er and prove that the chronology of the Beaker
FM hut, and consequently its content dated from
the 2
nd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC, prior to
the chronology of the Beaker presence inside the
fortication.
EN hut also located outside the walled enclo-
sure (Fig. 2), like the FM hut, has an ellipsoidal
ground plan dened by limestone blocks, delim-
iting a superstructure made of perishable materi-
als. However it is smaller than the other, only 4
m long and 2 m wide at the largest point. The
base of the structure was partly sealed by rubble
from the fortication walls that stretched for
some 10 meters. Compared with the set from the
larger Beaker hut (Tab. 1), the formal and deco-
rative repertoire is less extensive (Fig. 3). This
might have been due to the smaller size hut. The
group differs even more signicantly from that
collected inside the walled area. Not only because
of the clear predominance of the incised tech-
nique, but also because of the total absence of
certain items, such as maritime vessels. There is
no mixing of materials (pottery or bone) in this
case either. Pottery fragments have fresh surfaces,
probably because they were rapidly covered by
rubble from the falling walls, which would have
preserved the archaeological layer inside the hut.
Dating of an osteological collection from the
terrestrial biosphere collected inside the structure
(ICEN-1241: 3950 ± 90 BP) indicates that it does
not differ from the chronology corresponding to
the Beaker presence inside the fortication. To
check that there had been no mixing of materials
from different periods two AMS dates (bones
from the terrestrial biosphere: Beta-260295: 3840
± 40 BP and Beta-260296: 3980 ± 40 BP were
obtained) (Tab. 2). This seems to conrm the 3
rd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC as the most
probably chronology for this hut. These results
conrms that the small Beaker group housed in
the EN hut was contemporaneous with the com-
munity inside the walled area.
2. Monte do Castelo: A small cluster of ex-
clusively Beaker vessels was collected at the sur-
face within a circumscribed area after a recent
tillage of the soil. This nding was on a gentle
slope on the right bank of the Barcarena River,
about 700 m south of Leceia (Cardoso et al.
1996). This evidence suggests an isolated dwell-
ing, similar to others found in the same region,
such as that recently published from Leião (Car-
doso 2010/2011a). We can verify that the whole
group is made up exclusively of incised Beaker
ceramics (Fig. 4), and even the maritime vessels
are represented by 5 fragments decorated with
62 João Luís Cardoso
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
H 1 H 2 D Wall
D &
W
Unref. Totals
Maritime Beaker vessels with stippled bands 18 14 6 3 41
Maritime Beaker vessels with incised bands 1 1
Maritime Beaker vessels with stippled linear decoration 8 5 4 17
Vessels with stippled geometric decoration 6 17 3 2 8 36
Geometric incised vessels 3 4 6 1 1 15
Incised Palmela cups 7 1 8
Incised calotte-shaped beakers 5 5
Stippled calotte-shaped cups 1 1
Ind. forms of incised bands 2 2
TOTALS 35 49 26 4 3 9 126
TOTALS 35 49 26 4 3 9 126
Tab. 2. Typological distribution of the vessels of Penha Verde, by loci. H, Hut; D, Ditch; W, Wall; Unref., Unreferenced.
this technique. This gives a remarkable coherence
to the group.
From the same circumscribed area, bone and
malacological remains were also found, which
have been already catalogued and published (Car-
doso et al. 1996). Evidence indicates that the
bottom of a Beaker hut was disturbed by deep
ploughing, causing its materials to come to the
surface. Amongst those was the remains of a
domestic ox tooth, which was submitted for dat-
ing (Beta-296579: 4030 ± 40 BP). The result is
compatible with the chronology of other Beaker
contexts known in the region, represented by the
FM hut at Leceia (Tab. 2), despite of consisting
entirely of incised pottery, traditionally consid-
ered to be more recent in the context of the
Beaker pottery of Estremadura region.
3. Freiria: This open-air Beaker settlement
was located on a gentle slope near a stream
(Fig. 1) and consisted of various combustion
structures and several huts, which yielded an
abundant collection of decorated Beaker vessels.
An Iron Age settlement was built on the same
spot, followed by another during the Roman pe-
riod, which occupied a much larger area (excava-
tions led by Guilherme Cardoso and José d’En-
carnação). The Beaker remains were preserved
on an archaeological layer that was directly set
upon the geological bedrock, associated to resi-
dential and combustion structures. In some cases,
it was possible to recover smashed vessels in situ.
This shows that, despite the existence of more
modern constructions in certain places, the under-
lying prehistoric deposit was preserved, corre-
sponding to a large and apparently open Beaker
settlement. In fact, the Beaker productions are the
only testimonies to Chalcolithic human presence
found there.
Radiocarbon dating (Beta-260301: 3770 ±
40 BP and Beta-296577: 3630 ± 40 BP) was
obtained from two samples of indeterminate do-
mestic animal bones, recovered from the southern
zone of the excavated area, which were directly
associated to the Beaker pottery materials. Con-
sidering the intervals from the two dates (Tab. 2),
it seems that the occupation would have spanned
for a period between the last quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC until the beginning of the next
millennium.
This remarkable collection (Fig. 5) has a no-
table internal homogeneity, as it is characterized
by the presence of incised decorations, which
also appear in various maritime vessels, repro-
ducing band motifs produced in other contexts by
stippling. Similarly, there is a scarcity of stippled
Palmela bowls in relation to the incised variety.
Although dominated by incised large vessels
(Tab. 1), the collection also includes some other
types such as bottles and spherical vessels (large
and small), that in some cases have not yet been
marked in the Beaker records of Estremadura.
4. Cave of Ponte da Lage: This natural cave
originated in a Cretaceous limestone and is lo-
cated on the left bank of the Lage River (Fig.
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 63
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
Fig. 4. Monte do Castelo. Beaker ceramics. Draws: B. L. Ferreira (CEACO/CMO).
1). It was explored in 1879 by Carlos Ribeiro
and a vast panoply of Beaker materials from
funerary context was gathered then along with
residual remains of pre-Beaker and Bronze Age
artefacts. The Beaker materials consisted of a
copper tanged daggers and other metal pieces as
well as an abundance of Beaker ceramics, dom-
inated by incised vessels (Fig. 6, Tab. 1). This
context was recently dated by the Project “The
last hunter-gatherers and the rst farming com-
munities in the south of the Iberian Península
and north of Morocco”, co-directed by J. F.
Gibaja and A. F. Carvalho (project PTDC/
HAH/64548/2006).
The chronology for these burials is the 3
rd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC (Wk-25164:
3846 ± 30 BP) and was conrmed by another
AMS radiocarbon date, more recently obtained,
by using, as the precedent, an human bone: Wk-
34424: 3833 ± 26 BP (Tab. 2).
5. Penha Verde: This settlement is located
high up on the northern slope of the Sintra moun-
tain (Fig. 1). A wall has been identied, though
its full extension is not known and two huts with
a circular ground plan, built with juxtaposed
limestone slabs from area in the immediate vicin-
ity (Zbyszewski and Ferreira 1958, 1959). The
relationship between these two structures, and
between them and the aforementioned wall is not
clearly dened. It is thus not possible to conrm
Harrison’s (1977) claim that they form two bas-
tions of a defensive system. One of these units
(Hut 2) is associated with a deposit of domestic
waste in a ditch outside the structure, which
yielded many materials, and also with a paved
oor in the surrounding area.
Before commenting on the distribution of
Beaker ceramics over the various excavated are-
as, we should rst discuss the conditions in which
they were found. Although the excavation was
64 João Luís Cardoso
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
Fig. 5. Freiria. Beaker ceramics, some of them corresponding to smashed vessels in situ. Draws: B.
L. Ferreira (CEACO/CMO).
Fig. 6. Gruta da Ponte da Laje. Beaker ceramics. Draws: F. Martins (CEACO/CMO).
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 65
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
carried out in two consecutive years by the same
team (Zbyszewski and Ferreira 1958, 1959), there
were deciencies in the records and in the recov-
ery of the ndings, as was explicitly recognised
by one of the archaeologists (O. da Veiga Ferrei-
ra, personal communication). Despite that we can
claim conclusively that the conditions of the de-
posit were not so different from those found at
other recently excavated Chalcolithic settlements
in Estremadura such as Zambujal and Leceia. In
fact, the fragments decorated in local styles and
those with Beaker decorations are often large,
unrolled, and in an excellent state of conserva-
tion, which facilitates in some cases the total
reconstitution of the original vessels, despite the
fact that fragments came from different loci. This
is what happened in the case of the Ditch, which
was formed by waste that had come directly from
Hut 2, as it can be seen in a sketch from the eld
notebook of O. da Veiga Ferreira excavations
(Fig. 7).
In light of this, there is no reason to reject the
contemporaneity of the Beaker fragments and
those decorated with a local style (acacia-leaf).
The archaeological remains exhumed (Cardoso
2010/2011b) show, in fact, a close association
between ceramics decorated in the regional style
(the “acacia leaf” group) and the Beaker pottery.
The distribution of Beaker pottery (Tab. 3, Fig. 8)
shows a clear predominance of International stip-
pled vessels group, which warrants further dis-
cussion: 94 of the 126 Beaker fragments cata-
logued are stippled (maritime vessels and other
types).
Given the lack of any chronological reference
framework in Penha Verde, a systematic AMS
dating programme was carried out with careful-
ly-selected bone samples taken from the various
loci excavated. This programme ran between
2010 and 2011 (Cardoso 2010/2011b). The 6
dates obtained suggest three moments of occupa-
tion (Tab. 2): the rst, represented by samples
from the context 22/064, the Ditch and Hut 1
(statistically non-differentiable dates) is placed
into the 3
rd
quarter of the 3rd millennium BC; the
second, represented by a sample from the pave-
ment, a structure adjacent to Hut 2, is situated in
the transition between the 3
rd
and last quarter of
the same millennium; and nally, the samples
from Hut 2, atributed to the last quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC, although there is an earlier date
going back to the rst use of the structure around
the middle of that millennium.
In light of these observations it would seem
that at Penha Verde, all Beaker vessels continued
to be used over the course of the second half of
the 3rd millennium BC, corresponding to the oc-
cupation of the two dwelling units –Hut 1 and Hut
2– although the later seems to have been occupied
for longer. The more recent stage of use, from the
end of the 3
rd
millennium BC, could be concom-
itant with the production of incised vessels, espe-
cially Palmela bowls, at the same time as mari-
time Beakers were being produced, corresponding
to the last phase of the lling of the Ditch, that
resulted from the waste produced there.
The typological analysis performed on Penha
Verde emphasises the difculty in establishing
rigid operative framework for Beaker output, as
the different types of ceramic productions as in
most cases have coexisted, involving quite broad
chronologies, as was emphasised by the results
presented in this paper.
6. Moita da Ladra: This fortied settlement is
located at the top of a basalt chimney overlooking
the inner estuary of the Tagus River (Figs. 1
and 9). Vestiges of metalworking have been
found, associated with the only occupation phase
that has been identied, corresponding to a series
of decorated ceramic vessels that associating lo-
cal patterns, as acacia-leaf pattern, with Beaker
productions (Tab. 1). No other Chalcolithic or
more recent productions have been identied
amongst the ndings (Cardoso and Caninas 2010)
indicating the absence of signicant interference
or remobilizations. It can be seen that almost all
Fig. 7. Penha Verde. Sketch in the Field Carnet of O. da
Veiga Ferreira concerning the second campaign of exca-
vations (19/9/1958), showing the position of the Ditch
(Fosso) outside Hut 2.
66 João Luís Cardoso
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Site Context Laboratory C14 date 2 σ cal BC Sample
FM HUT Sac-1317 4220 ± 50 BP 2920-2630 Mammal bones
FM HUT Beta-260297 4140 ± 40 BP 2880-2590 Humerus of Sus sp.
FM HUT Beta-260299 4100 ± 40 BP 2870-2500 Metacarpal of Bos taurus
Leceia FM HUT Sac-1317 4220 ± 50 BP 2920-2630 Mammal bones
FM HUT Beta-260297 4140 ± 40 BP 2880-2590 Humerus of Sus sp.
FM HUT Beta-260299 4100 ± 40 BP 2870-2500 Metacarpal of Bos taurus
EN HUT ICEN-1241 3950 ± 90 BP 2850-2150 Mamal bones
EN HUT Beta-260295 3840 ± 40 BP 2460-2160 Calcaneus of Bos taurus
EN HUT Beta-260296 3980 ± 40 BP 2620-2350 Radium of Sus sp.
Wk - 34424 3833 ± 26 BP 2331-2200 Human radius
Freiria Beta-260301 3770 ± 40 BP 2340-2040 Mammal bones
Beta-296577 3630 ± 40 BP 2130-1890 Mammal bones
Ponte da Lage
cave
WK -25164 3846 ± 30 BP 2460-2210 Young human skull
Wk - 34424 3833 ± 26 BP 2331-2200 Human radius
Ditch
(related to Hut 2)
Beta-276400 3970 ± 40 BP 2580-2350 Third lower molar of Ovis/Capra
Context 22/064 Beta-260300 4000 ± 40 BP 2590-2460 Lower canine of Sus scrofa
Sac-2122 3700 ± 50 BP 2270-1950 Mammal bones
Sac-2123 3700 ± 50 BP 2270-1950 Mammal bones
Penha Verde Hut 1 Beta-276399 3890 ± 40 BP 2470-2210
First or second lower molar of
Bos taurus
Hut 2 Beta-296578 3700 ± 30 BP 2200-1980 Humerus of Bos taurus
Hut 2 Beta-296580 3680 ± 40 BP 2200-1950 Metatarsal of Cervus elaphus
Pavement
(related to Hut 2)
Beta-276398 3830 ± 40 BP 2460-2150 Third lower molar of Bos taurus
Ditch (related to
Hut 2)
Beta-276400 3970 ± 40 BP 2580-2350 Third lower molar of Ovis/Capra
Context 22/064 Beta-260300 4000 ± 40 BP 2590-2460 Lower canine of Sus scrofa
Moita da
Ladra
Sac-2122 3700 ± 50 BP 2270-1950 Mammal bones
Sac-2123 3700 ± 50 BP 2270-1950 Mammal bones
Sac-2370 3930 ± 80 BP 2830-2150 Mammal bones
Sac-2371 3810 ± 60 BP 2460-2050 Mammal bones
Verdelha dos
Ruivos cave
Grave 2 GrN-10972 4100 ± 60 BP 2880-2490 Human bones
Grave 4 GrN-10973 4000 ± 35 BP 2620-2460 Human bones
Grave 2 GrN-10971 3960 ± 40 BP 2580-2430 Human bones
undeterminate ICEN-1242 3940 ± 45 BP 2570-2300 Human bones
Tab. 3. Settlements of Lower Estremadura region (Portugal) discussed in this work. Radiocarbon dates.
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 67
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
shows that the main utilisation of the site occurs
along the last quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC.
7. Cave of Verdelha dos Ruivos: In this small
natural funerary cave the unique occupation iden-
tied is represented by 44 Beaker tumulations,
distributed across four different levels. Although
there is a reference to bodies systematically depos-
ited in lateral decubitus in holes and covered with
the Beaker fragments are decorated with the stip-
pled technique, and amongst them, there is a clear
predominance of maritime Beakers (Fig. 10). The
incised technique is only represented by one frag-
ment of a shoulder pot.
Four radiocarbon dates were obtained for this
occupation based on samples of animal bones
from the terrestrial biosphere (Tab. 2). The results
Fig. 8. Penha Verde. Beaker ceramics from Hut 1 (n.º 1-7), Hut 2 (n.º 8-14) and Ditch (n.º 15-20). Draws: B. L. Fer-
reira (CEACO/CMO).
68 João Luís Cardoso
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
Fig. 9. Moita da Ladra. Basaltic chimney in the top of which the fortied settlement was built. Photos: J. L. Cardoso.
Fig. 10. Moita da Ladra. Beaker ceramics Drawns: B. L. Ferreira (CEACO/CMO).
slabs, we do not know the exact identication of
each burial as they do not appear on published
plans. But the smallness of the natural cavity and
the use sequence suggests that the cavity was a
necropolis for a limited period of time. Published
archaeological record (Leitão et al. 1984) indicat-
ed that decorated productions were dominated by
incised technique (Fig. 11) applied particularly to
Palmela bowls. According to traditional view this
would confer a late chronology to the whole set,
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 69
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
the Beaker incised productions. In light of the
information presented we can conclude that in-
cised productions are dominant at the sites of
Leceia (EN hut), Freiria, and the funerary cave
of Ponte da Lage, where they were produced
throughout the 2
nd
half of the 3
rd
millennium BC
and extended even into the beginning of the 2
nd
millennium BC. The exceptions are the funerary
cave of Verdelha dos Ruivos, which corresponds
mainly to the 2
nd
quarter/middle of the 3
rd
millen-
nium BC, and Monte do Castelo, but the archae-
ological conditions of the recovered materials at
this small site demands prudence. Thus, in spite
of the similarity of the ceramic record, the radi-
ocarbon dates shows that the incised productions
cover a wide timespan, ranging from the end of
rst half till the late 3
rd
millenium BC (Fig. 12).
This conclusion contradicts the traditional moder-
nity that is attributed to these kind of productions,
associated to small communities (probably fami-
ly-based) spread across the fertile lands of the
region.
reinforced by the residual presence of the tradition-
ally earlier productions (maritime Beakers and
other vessels with stippled linear patterns) (Tab. 1).
Four radiocarbon dates (Tab. 2) were obtained
from human bones (Cardoso and Soares
1990/1992: Quadro 1). The main utilisation of the
cave as a funerary space occurs mainly along the
2
nd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium cal BC and in
the transition to the second half of the same mil-
lenium. The absolute chronology does not agree
with the relative modernity of the pottery, accord-
ing to the traditional typological approach. In
fact, the uniformity of dates obtained and the
overall coherence of the recovered remains, and
the same characteristics of the funereal deposi-
tions reinforces this conclusion.
3. DISCUSSION
1. The rst set of questions that are raised
concerns chronology, status and signicance of
Fig. 11. Verdelha dos Ruivos cave. Beaker ceramics (after Leitão et al. 1984).
70 João Luís Cardoso
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
Fig. 12. Graphic representation of probability distributions of calendar dates using the OxCal v4.1.7 program (Bronk
Ramsey 2009) and the calibration curve IntCal09 (Reimer et al. 2009).
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 71
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
although ornate burnished ceramics occurred in
the higher areas where the elite lived such vessels
were scarce or even non-existent in the open
agro-pastoral sites (Cardoso 1999/2000). This is
the case with the agricultural community of
Abrunheiro, Oeiras, where there is not a single
fragment of such ceramic ware amongst the thou-
sands of pieces collected, despite the fact that
such productions were at their peak at the same
time and region (10/9
th
century BC) (Cardoso
2010/2011c).
Thus, social differentiation can be observed in
Beaker communities, with the emergence of a
dominant segment that occupied (and in some
cases built) the walled sites situated on the top of
elevations in Lower Estremadura, such as Zam-
bujal, Penha Verde, Moita da Ladra and Leceia.
This group is clearly represented by the well-
known panoply that includes tanged daggers,
wristguards, Palmela points and, probably, for the
rst time, gold jewellery. This situation contrasts
with that of the small farming communities that
worked at the same time the fertile lands nearby.
Thus it is not surprising that, in those sites, the
ner artefacts destined for drinking, such as mar-
itime Beakers, were replaced by thicker and usu-
ally bigger vessels, besides those destined for the
storage of cereals, with incised decorations.
Another evidence of the contemporaneous-
ness of the two main types of vessels (small to
medium maritime Beakers versus medium to
large incised vessels) is that they generally appear
in association, though in very different relative
quantities, according to the nature and function
of the respective settlements: walled settlements
versus small farming communities.
The two natural funerary caves mentioned and
dated yielded Beaker productions exclusively
(Verdelha dos Ruivos cave) or almost exclusively
(Ponte da Lage cave); in the case of Ponte da
Lage cave, only one individual grave was found
at the entrance to the cave during the excavations
of the 1950s dating from the Late Neolithic/Ear-
ly Chalcolithic (Vaultier et al. 1959); thus, we
can be sure that all the radiocarbon dates corre-
spond to Beaker contexts related to the funerary
depositions found in the interior of the cave by
Carlos Ribeiro in 1879.
4. The antiquity of Beaker pottery collected
at the FM hut at Leceia is one of the most impor-
tant aspects of this study, following the demon-
stration of contemporaneity of the incised and
2. Another important matter is the status and
signicance of the maritime Beakers and associ-
ated vessels with stippled geometric decorations.
Some of the elevated fortied sites, such as the
settlement at Leceia, were founded at the begin-
ning of the 3
rd
millennium BC and had already
gone into decline when the rst Beaker vessels
appeared inside its walls during the 3
rd
quarter of
the millennium. In other fortications, founded
ex-novo throughout the 2
nd
half of that millenni-
um, as is the case of Moita da Ladra and Penha
Verde, maritime Beakers are also the most repre-
sentative. In both sites, as well as Leceia, the
Beaker productions are associated with local-style
ceramics (“acacia-leaf” pattern).
These two sites conrm the continuation of
fortication practice by bearers of Beaker pro-
ductions during the 2
nd
half of the 3
rd
millennium
BC. Despite the tendency for a disinvestment in
the maintenance of some previously ourishing
fortications, such as Leceia, there are still a
number of strategic sites for the control of circu-
lation of people and goods builted and occupied
in that time.
3. Fig. 12 shows the results of the probability
distribution of all the calibrated radiocarbon dates
presented above. It is clear that the two main
types of Beaker productions could have coexisted
in both space and time. These two groups devel-
oped in close relation with the nature of their
respective sites. Thus, while the fortied sites are
characterised by Beaker productions dominated
by the maritime vessels and by vessels with ge-
ometric decoration, also obtained by stippling,
the productions found in the small family-based
domestic sites on the more gentle slopes are
largely dominated by the incised technique. This
suggests one immediate conclusion. If we admit
that different material cultures may correspond to
human groups with different cultural characteris-
tics, it is tempting to interpret the communities
settled in the fortied sites as socially differenti-
ated from those living at the same time on the
vast adjacent territories. The generally superior
quality of the Beaker productions found in forti-
ed sites, compared to incised vessels found else-
where, supports some kind of economic and so-
cial differentiation between these two groups of
people. In fact, this situation has parallels with
that found a millennium and a half later in the
same region, with the populations that occupied
it throughout the Late Bronze Age. That is to say,
72 João Luís Cardoso
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doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
stippled Beaker productions. In Portugal various
dates stand out due to their respective absolute
chronologies, compatible with the chronology
obtained for the FM hut at Leceia. For example,
there is a date obtained for a Beaker occupation
of the settled area of Porto Torrão (Ferreira do
Alentejo) (Arnaud 1993; Cardoso and Soares
1990/1992). This yielded the result of ICEN
60/61 –4220 ± 45 BP, which, after being calibrat-
ed corresponds to the interval of 2823-2658 cal
BC 2 s. This set is represented almost exclusive-
ly by vessels with stippled decorations, applied
to maritime vessels.
Recently published dating of Beaker occur-
rences in Crasto de Palheiros (Bettencourt 2011:
370) related to Layer I of the Inner Unit, where
18 Beaker vessels of various types (maritime,
stippled geometric and incised) were collected
conrm this antiquity: CSIC-1280: 4087 ± 34 BP
and UA-22284: 4035 ± 45 BP corresponding to
the intervals, at 2 σ, of 2861-2494 cal BC and
2850-2466 cal BC respectively.
We should stress the diversity and the contem-
poraneousness of the Beaker vessels found in
Tumulus 1 of Chã do Carvalhal (Baião), which
reinforces the conclusions from the FM hut at
Leceia: in this probably single grave were found
fragments of a classic stippled maritime vessel, a
stippled geometric vessel, two vessels with in-
cised decoration, and one Palmela bowl with stip-
pled decoration, as well as another one not dec-
orated (Cruz 1992) with seven copper artefacts
(two daggers and ve Palmela points).
Finally, still in the northeast of the Iberian
Peninsula, dates were also obtained for the Beak-
er contexts of Level 1 of Buraco da Pala: ICEN-
310: 4120 ± 80 BP (2888-2490 cal BC); ICEN-
311: 4120 ± 50 BP (2876-2572 cal BC);
GrN-19101: 3955 ± 25 BP (2569-2348 cal BC).
The associated materials reveal local interpreta-
tions of the decorative motifs of classic Beaker
vessels (Sanches 1997), which means that the
rst Beaker vessels were already known in this
region, despite the relative antiquity of their suc-
cedaneous.
Given the above mentioned we may conclude
that the North of Portugal, despite the few Beak-
er occurrences recorded, has contributed deci-
sively to demonstrate the antiquity of Beaker
productions, which clearly date back to the 2
nd
quarter of the 3
rd
millennium BC. A similar an-
tiquity was also found in southern Portugal (Por-
to Torrão, Zambujal, Leceia), and the respective
pottery sets are also remarkably diverse, in terms
of the kinds of vessels found and decorative tech-
niques used.
6. CONCLUSIONS
After the presentation of the materials and
sites that form the empirical basis of this study,
and the discussion of the results obtained, inte-
grated within the regional and superregional con-
text, the following conclusions may be drawn
concerning the organization of Chalcolithic soci-
ety in Lower Estremadura.
1. The comparison of chronometric and ar-
chaeological results described above suggests
that the rst Beaker productions in the region of
Lower Estremadura (between about 2700 and
2600 BC) coexisted, with lower interaction, with
Chalcolithic populations that lived in some forti-
ed sites, as shown by the chronology of the FM
hut at Leceia. This is the same period in which
uted pottery typical of the Early Chalcolithic of
Estremadura was still used inside this fortied
settlement. But in other cases this coexistence
was followed by interaction with the inhabitants
of those already-existing fortied sites (as found
in the fortied Chalcolithic settlement of Zambu-
jal).
This interaction persisted throughout the
whole Full Chalcolithic (represented by the char-
acteristic “acacia-leaf” ceramic pattern) until the
end of the 3
rd
millennium BC, as can be seen in
almost all the fortied settlements of Lower Es-
tremadura.
2. Throughout the whole second half of the
3
rd
millennium BC this interaction would have
resulted in the segregation of ner artefacts (rep-
resented by maritime and geometric stippled ves-
sels) in strategically-located and fortied sites (in
this work, represented by Leceia, Penha Verde
and Moita da Ladra). These sites were active
until the beginning of the 2
nd
millennium BC
where the most important members of the com-
munity lived. Incised ceramic group proliferated
in adjacent fertile lands, farmed by numerous
family-based agricultural-pastoral activities. Its
general inferior quality suggest other socio-eco-
nomic conditions. Thus open sites like Freiria and
Monte do Castelo were only apparently self-suf-
cient. The close afnities between them (shown
Absolute chronology of the Beaker phenomenon north of the Tagus estuary: demographic and social implications 73
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
despite being located at in the region that is the
heart of the highest concentration Beaker materi-
al, some settlements such as Penedo de Lexim
(Mafra) and Outeiro Redondo (Sesimbra) present
an almost total absence of Beaker productions
during that period (Arnaud 1974/1977; Sousa
2010; Cardoso 2010; Cardoso et al. 2010/2011).
This conclusion is important having in consider-
ation the signicative excavated areas in both
settlements. In fact, the possibility that there may
have been coexistence of these two social forma-
tions with distinct cultural roots was suggested
for the rst time about the communities that lived
inside the fortication of Leceia and in the two
Beaker huts found on the periphery of the walled
line (Cardoso 1997/1998), and it was taken up
again in the context of other contributions (Car-
doso 2000b, 2001, 2004, 2005, 2010/2011a,
2010/2011b).
5. Absolute chronology of the earliest Beaker
contexts in Estremadura is now well-established
as having occurred circa 2700/2600 cal BC prior
to the transition from the traditional Early to the
Full Chalcolithic. This transition has been estab-
lished in Leceia between 2600/2500 cal BC (Car-
doso and Soares 1996). Thus the tripartite phas-
ing of the Chalcolithic (Early, Full and Late) is
no longer admissible in this region, as it means
that the Beaker culture would have emerged only
in the third and last phase of that sequence (Soares
and Silva 1974/1977). On the contrary, the Beak-
er “phenomenon” seems to have a parallel but
independent course regarding the development of
the Chalcolithic in this region, represented only
by two successive stages (Early and Full/Late
Chalcolithic) each of them characterised by two
particular types of ceramic productions with re-
gional expression (channelled and “acacia-leaf”
patterns).
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Dr. A. M. Monge Soares provided the radio-
carbon dates of Moita da Ladra, and the Fig. 12
presented in this work, with the collaboration of
António M. Matos Martins, besides the critical
appreciation of the manuscript. C. Tavares da
Silva read a preliminary version of this work. Dr.
Miguel Kunst gave me the information regarding
absolute chronology and stratigraphic distribution
of Beaker productions in the settlement of Zam-
by the similarities in the ceramic ware, dominat-
ed by the incised technique and the abundance of
large storage vessels) suggests that they were
integrated into economic networks administered
by the inhabitants of the rst type of settlements.
This was the model which around a millenium
and a half later, would be fully adopted during
the Late Bronze Age in the same geographic area.
This would, therefore, have been a segmented
society, segregated into two interdependent
groups making part of the same social formation.
3. The complexity of the Beaker phenomenon
in the region does not t well with the model of
three successive in time classic distinct groups
(International Group; Palmela Group and Incised
Group), as shown by the results obtained at this
study. Moreover its remarkable antiquity in the
region, proved by AMS dating and the diversity
of types of respective Beaker materials, where
very different productions coexist, has parallels
in the South (settlement of Porto Torrão, already
mentioned in that work) and North of Portugal,
namely Crasto de Palheiros and Buraco da Pala
(Sanches 1997, 2008; Bettencourt 2011), and also
in Spain (Harrison and Mederos Martín 2001).
4. On a more global approximation to the
socio-cultural reality during the 2
nd
half of the 3
rd
millennium BC in Lower Estremadura, we may
consider that if Beaker society was segmented
with two clearly-differentiated components, it
may have corresponded nevertheless to a cultural
entity as a whole with its own characteristics, at
least in the region under appreciation. In fact,
based on the archaeological record identied at
Leceia since the end of the Early Chalcolithic it
is possible to admit that that two communities
with different cultural roots coexisted with a low-
er level of interaction (and conict) during the
course of the Chalcolithic in Lower Estremadura.
And the reinforcement of this coexistence, with
the increment of interaction, between Beaker and
indigenous productions at the majority of walled
settlements of Lower Estremadura, during the 2
nd
half of the 3
rd
millennium BC shows that inherent
interaction did not appear to have been conic-
tive. On the contrary, there are examples of dec-
orated ceramics that congregates Beaker and lo-
cal patterns.
Therefore this is a question of recognising the
reasons that differentiated the bearers of Beaker
productions, from those who did not possess or
use them in the same time and region. In fact,
74 João Luís Cardoso
Trab. prehist., 71, N.º 1, enero-junio 2014, pp. 56-75, ISSN: 0082-5638
doi: 10.3989/tp.2014.12124
bujal (Torres Vedras). Dr. Rui Boaventura revised
the english version. And, last but not least, Dr.
Isaltino Morais, Mayor of the Oeiras Municipal-
ity, provides support for the preparation of the
present work.
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Barrow 1 of Chã de Carvalhal forms part of the megalithic complex of Serra da Aboboreira. It is situated in the westernmost part of the counterfort of Marão, on a gentle slope, near other monuments of the same type. The tumular construction stands out from the landscape quite impressively (especially if seen from the south), owing to its size. The archaeological investigations of the monument in 1982 and 1986 have permitted a more precise description of the characteristics of the construction: an earthen tumulus, its surface protected by a very thick stone casing; circular in shape; measuring 13m. in diameter and 1.30m. at its maximum height (not taking into account the ground in situ, ancient burial soil, the depth of which varies between 0.40 and 0.60m.). Immediately above this structure (or in some cases, on an earthen layer formed over it), is an incomplete lithic circle. This is made of blocks and slabs of granite, of medium size and regular shape, which show signs of being finished or of having been carefully selected, but which have no technical function. In the central area of the monument (and of the lithic circle), stands the burial chamber: cystoid in type; sub-rectangular in shape (1.50 x 1m.); closed; composed of six supports not more than 1.50m. in height; reinforced by a counterfort on the exterior. Between this and the lithic circle, on the eastward side, there is a granite monolith, completely different in texture and configuration from the blocks from which it was made, resting on the superficial structure. The preparation of the designated site (previously cleared of vegetation, perhaps through fire) and the regularity and symmetry of these different structures, indicate that there was a previously established and carefully executed plan. It is possible that even the very act of construction had been ritualized: the tumular "building" would have constituted a collective offering by the community, of the highest magnitude. The scouring of the surfaces and the excavation of the burial chamber, as well as of the tumulus soil, by opening two boring ditches, allowed some objects to be collected: ceramic fragments, perhaps belonging to about 10 vases, some of them plain, sometimes quite coarsely made; others decorated and resembling the bell beaker in so far as the spotted band is concerned — international variety (Maritime type: Herringbone var.) —, "geometrical dots" and "notched" (Palmela and Ciempozuelos Complex); 2 tanged daggers and five spearheads (in copper with a high arsenic content) of various types; 2 granite "spheroids" showing clear signs of being finished, having peg marks. Only metallic materials were found in situ in the tumulus soil, near the burial chamber, distributed in two groups (daggers and spearheads) on the outer stone casing. The ceramics came from the surface soil covering this structure, although the greater concentration, sometimes related, was collected near the granite monolith on the eastern side, as well as inside the lithic circle. This raises the possibility of ritual depositions outside the funeral chamber. Barrow 1 of Chã de Carvalhal represents, technically, a symbiosis of archaised characteristics — common in dolmens — and innovative solutions, which place the barrow at the high-point of the megalithic movement in this region. The objects found are also from a later period, showing evidence of a mixture of different elements: some local in character; others exogenous. This indicates connections with the Calcolithic period or with Early Bronze Age. The conjunction of the different elements allow it to be placed, within the context of the pre-history of northern Portugal, in the period of transition from the late Calcolithic to the Bronze Age, which the author places at around 1850 B.C. (in conventional chronology). On the other hand, there is clear evidence of external contacts, which would make possible the penetration of the bell beaker from the Portuguese coast and in a North-South direction. The study of the monument has been complemented by pedological, pollination, anthracological, paleocarpological and metallographical analyses, the results of which are to be found in the appendix to this text. The integration of Barrow 1 of Chã de Carvalhal into the local context requires an overview of the pre-historic settlement of Serra da Aboboreira. Without taking into account the existing evidence of pre-megalithic settlement, data on which is as yet unpublished, all the information collected from archaeological excavations in the area of Serra da Aboboreira is compiled here. As far as megalithic monuments are concerned, the valorization of different aspects (typology, dimensions, the location of the monuments in a particular place, material culture, megalithic art, radiocarbon dating etc.) allows the defining of distinct types of construction and their chronological location. This should be treated as an approximation, probable but still debatable; and provisional given the quantity and quality of information currently available. The area of Serra da Aboboreira would have started to be used for funerary purposes from the second half of the fourth millenium B.C., with the construction of enclosed dolmens, of reduced usable space and having tumulus of medium size. The largest and most spacious monuments would have been built at a later date, at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the third millenium B.C. The only galleried dolmen, with painted and engraved supports (and which provided the first arrowheads to be found in this group of monuments), possibly dates from the third millenium B.C. and perhaps from the second quarter. For the period of approximately 3500 to 2500 B.C., contrary to architectonic polymorphism, it appears highly likely that there was an evolution in the direction of greater complexity, size and monumentality. We do not know much of the use of this area during the second half of the third millenium B.C. Even given the weakness of the available elements, it might be surmised that a group of monuments which were significant in number, type V, with technical characteristics, size and location which clearly indicate earlier dolmenic constructions, would correspond to be a date or dates within this period, or even perhaps from the beginning of the second millenium B.C. The "cairn" type of constructions date from the Early Bronze Age, although one of these monuments, without an internal structure, could have been built at a later period; perhaps during the second half of the second millenium B.C. Finally, reference can be made to the graves without tumulus, which date from the latter part of the millenium and which are connected with the initial occupation of the nearest settlement. Other pre-historic remains in the region have been mentioned, namely those relating to the later population of Serra da Aboboreira. The last chapter of the text is an attemp at a global interpretation of the pre-historic settlement of Serra da Aboboreira. The emphasis, as far as megalithic monuments are concerned, is upon aspects which have symbolic character, and which are closely related to social and economic change. Resumo A Mamoa 1 de Chã de Carvalhal faz parte do conjunto megalítico da Serra da Aboboreira; situa-se no sector mais ocidental deste contraforte do Marão, em superfície de vertente, de declive suave, na proximidade de outros monumentos do mesmo tipo; a construção tumular, pelas suas dimensões, surge na paisagem com relativa monumentalidade, particularmente se observada de sul. A intervenção arqueológica realizada no monumento, em 1982 e 1986, permitiu a definição das suas principais características construtivas: tumulus em terra, superficialmente protegido por uma estrutura pétrea de revestimento, muito densa, de planta circular, medindo 13 m de diâmetro e 1,30 m de altura máxima (não considerando as terras in situ do "solo" antigo enterrado, cuja espessura variava entre 0,40 e 0,60 m); assente directamente sobre esta estrutura, ou, em alguns casos, sobre uma camada de terra que se lhe sobrepunha, desenvolvia-se um círculo lítico, incompleto, formado por blocos e lajes de granito, de dimensões medianas, de formato algo regular, denotando afeiçoamento ou escolha criteriosa, sem funções de ordem técnica; na área central do monumento (e do círculo lítico), implantava-se a câmara funerária, de tipo cistóide, de planta sub-rectangular (1,50 x 1,00 m), fechada, constituída por seis esteios, cuja altura não ultrapassava 1,50 m, exteriormente sustentada por um contraforte; entre esta e o círculo lítico, no lado nascente, dispunha-se um monólito de granito, de textura e configuração distinta da dos blocos que constituíam aquele, pousado sobre a estrutura pétrea superficial. A preparação do sítio escolhido, previamente limpo de vegetação, talvez através do fogo, a regularidade e simetria destas diferentes estruturas, apontam no sentido da existência de um plano previamente concebido e criteriosamente executado e, talvez mesmo, da ritualização do próprio acto de construir: o "edifício" tumular constituiria para a comunidade, em última instância, a oferenda colectiva de maior expressão. A decapagem superficial e a escavação da câmara funerária e das terras do tumulus, através da abertura de duas valas de sondagem, permitiu a recolha de algum espólio: fragmentos cerâmicos pertencentes, talvez, a 10 vasos, lisos uns, por vezes de feitura mais grosseira, decorados, outros, no âmbito do vaso campaniforme, segundo os estilos pontilhado de bandas — variante internacional, pontilhado geométrico e inciso; 2 punhais campaniformes e cinco pontas de lança, em cobre com elevado teor de arsénio, de diferente tipologia; dois "esferóides", em granito, mostrando claramente afeiçoamento através de piquetagem. Apenas os materiais metálicos foram recolhidos in situ, nas terras do tumulus, na proximidade da câmara funerária, distribuídos em dois grupos (punhais + pontas de lança), sob a estrutura pétrea de revestimento; a cerâmica proveio das terras superficiais que cobriam aquela estrutura, embora as maiores concentrações, por vezes em conexão, tivesse sido recolhida junto do monólito de granito, na área nascente, e no interior do círculo lítico, admitindo-se, por isso, a existência de deposições rituais no exterior da câmara funerária. A Mamoa 1 de Chã de Carvalhal traduz, ao nível técnico, a simbiose de características arcaizantes, comuns às construções dolménicas, e soluções inovadoras, situando-se no culminar do movimento megalítico da região. O espólio é também tardio, evidenciando a mistura de diferentes elementos, de carácter local, uns, exógenos, outros, ora denotando ligações ao período Calcolítico, ou já da Idade do Bronze Antigo. A conjugação dos diferentes elementos fornecidos autorizam a sua inserção, no contexto da Pré-história do Norte de Portugal, na transição do Calcolítico final para a Idade do Bronze, momento que o autor situa em torno de 1850 a.C. (conologia convencional). São claros, por outro lado, os contactos exteriores, admitindo-se uma penetração do vaso campaniforme a partir do litoral português e no sentido sul-norte. O estudo do monumento é complementado com análises pedológicas, palinológicas, antracológicas, paleocarpológicas e metalográficas, cujos relatórios se publicam em apêndice. A integração da Mamoa 1 de Chã de Carvalhal no contexto local é motivo para a apresentação de uma perspectiva de síntese da ocupação pré-histórica da Serra da Aboboreira. Não considerando os vestígios de uma ocupação pré-megalítica, cujos dados se encontram ainda inéditos, sistematiza-se toda a informação fornecida pelas escavações arqueológicas realizadas na área da Serra da Aboboreira. No que concerne ao megalitismo, a valorização de diferentes elementos — tipologia, dimensões e inserção dos monumentos no espaço, cultura material, arte megalítica, datações radiocarbónicas, etc. — permitiu a definição de distintos tipos construtivos e momentos cronológicos; trata-se de uma aproximação, verosímil mas discutível, que deve ser vista com provisoriedade e tendo presente a quantidade e a qualidade da informação disponível. O espaço da Serra da Aboboreira terá começado a ser utilizado, com fins funerários, a partir da 2ª metade do IV milénio a.C., com construções dolménicas fechadas, de reduzido espaço útil, providas de tumulus, de dimensões medianas; os monumentos mais amplos e abertos terão sido construídos mais tardiamente, na transição do IV para o III milénio a.C., ou nos seus inícios; o único dólmen de corredor, cujos esteios são pintados e gravados — fornecedor, também, das primeiras pontas de seta deste conjunto de monumentos —, inserir-se-á no III milénio a.C., talvez já no 2º quartel. Para o período de, aproximadamente, 3500 a 2500 a.C., ao invés de um polimorfismo arquitectónico, sugere-se, mais verosilmelmente, a existência de uma evolução no sentido de uma maior complexidade, dimensionamento e monumentalidade. Não é bem conhecida a utilização deste espaço durante a 2ª metade do III milénio a.C.; ainda que considerando a fragilidade dos elementos disponíveis, admite-se que um grupo de monumentos, quantitativamente significativo — tipo V — cujas características técnicas, dimensões e situação no terreno o distingue claramente das construções dolménicas anteriores, corresponderá a momento, ou momentos, deste período, ou, talvez ainda, dos inícios do II milénio a.C. As construções de tipo "cairn" são da Idade do Bronze Antigo, embora um destes monumentos, sem estrutura interna, possa ter sido construído mais tardiamente, talvez já na 2ª metade do II milénio a.C. Uma referência final é feita às sepulturas sem tumulus, datando dos finais do milénio e relacionando-se com a ocupação inicial do povoado que lhe é próximo. Outros vestígios pré-históricos da região são mencionados, nomeadamente os que se ligam ao povoamento tardio da Serra da Aboboreira. O último capítulo do texto é uma tentativa de interpretação global da ocupação pré-histórica da Serra da Aboboreira, relevando-se, no que respeita ao megalitismo, os elementos de carácter simbólico, em estreita relação com as mudanças de ordem social e económica.
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Tradicionalmente, considera-se, na Estremadura, a existência de três grupos de cerâmicas campaniformes, definidos tantos pelas formas dos recipientes, como pelas técnicas e motivos decorativos que ostentam; a tais grupos foi atribuído significado cronológico-cultural diferenciado: do mais antigo para o mais moderno, teríamos, segundo este modelo, sucessivamente, o Grupo Internacional, o Grupo de Palmela e o Grupo Inciso (SOARES & SILVA, 1974/1977). Na região a Norte do Tejo, é em Leceia (Oeiras), povoado fortificado calcolítico, que assumem a sua maior expressão e significado (CARDOSO, 2000 a): a importância das conclusões ali obtidas afiguram-se, com efeito, de grande relevância para a discussão da emergência e do estatuto de tais produções cerâmicas no ocidente atlântico da Península Ibérica.
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In this study we present the results of the first excavation campaign performed in the chalcolithic fortification of Sesimbra, in 2005, under the sponsorship of a Research Project approved and funded by the Instituto Português de Arqueologia, directed by the author. The works undertaken demonstrated the scientific importance of this archeological site, in what concerns the structures found, related with a well preserved stratigraphic sequence, whose chrono-cultural meaning was determined using the rich archeological. A defensive structure was identified, composed of at least one fortified circuit, around the rocky acropole that crowns the elevation constituted by a wall and a bastion, aside a well defined entrance. It dates from a late phase of the Middle Calcolithic of Estremadura, considering the structure is over a layer of materials characteristic of this period (Layer 2). This observation is of great interest if one remembers that in general the construction of such fortifications is considered to occur in the Earlier Calcolithic, as it was the case in Leceia, among other examples. On the other hand, the life of the fortification was very reduced, may be just a few decades, because no materials ulterior to this cultural phase were found, except two fragments of campaniform pottery of the maritime type collected in Layer 1. The pre-fortification layers from the Middle Calcolitic (Layer 2) and Early Calcolithic (Layer 3) reached the maximum development of 1.2 m and included a rich and diversified archeological data, totally drawned (except for the non-decorated pottery) upon which the proposed cultural sequence was based, especially on the group of decorated pottery. The archaeological remains obtained also included artifacts of flint, copper and amphibolite, from various origins, demonstrating the economic welfare of the populations that, during the Calcolithic, inhabit the top of the hill.
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The chalcolithic fortified settlement of Moita da Ladra is located on a high volcanic chimney overlooking the Tagus estuary. A request for the exploitation of basaltic resources on the site has lead to the total excavation of it, performed by a large team under the supervision of the authors of this study, between September 2003 and March 2005. It is still going on (May 2006) the excavation on a closed structure located outside the fortified area and found when the archeological excavation was undertaken. Its publication will be made elsewhere. The structures identified are defensive and domestic. The former integrate a Wall having an ellipsoidal shape, in part lost, and whose length was estimated in about 80m, having a width of 44m, encompassing two massive towers and an entrance, facing the estuary of Tagus, extending to the southern area. It is interesting to note that the area of the precinct with the highest visibility and also the more monumental, corresponds to the local where the two towers and the entrance have been built and incorporates massif coating blocks corresponding to the internal and external faces of the structures, made of white compact limestone, extracted from the cretaceous layers surrounding the basaltic massif on the base of the hill. Such operation included the cutting and transport of several tones of rocks when, on the site itself, they could obtained them in abundance, made of compact basalt. The huge constructive effort involved in such operation can be explained especially by the concern to give more visibility to the fortification located on the top of the hill, which contrasts with the black color of the basaltic rocks of the volcanic chimney. 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This natural circulation way thus defined could articulate the Atlantic litoral and the inside part of Tagus estuary, setting a route for the supply of this and other settlements, located in the hinterland of Lisbon peninsula, for products originated in Alentejo, through the Tagus river (copper, amphibolites). In this case, one must remember the location, among others, of the fortified settlement of Penedo de Lexim (Mafra) which is located also in a majestic volcanic chimney dominating the entire landscape and occupying the middle part of the referred natural pathway. The habitat structures identified inside the precinct are represented by holes open in the altered basaltic rock and can correspond, in the case of those having the smallest dimensions, to the post holes for the huts that should have existed there, or to container structures reutilised as dump holes, as suggested by the filling of two by ashes and another one by clam shells, in some cases still connected. 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