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Sartorial symbols of social class elicit class-consistent behavioral and physiological responses: A dyadic approach


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Social rank in human and non-human animals is signaled by a variety of behaviors and phenotypes. In this research, we examined whether a sartorial manipulation of social class would engender class-consistent behavior and physiology during dyadic interactions. Male participants donned clothing that signaled either upper-class (business-suit) or lower-class (sweats) rank prior to engaging in a modified negotiation task with another participant unaware of the clothing manipulation. Wearing upper-class, compared to lower-class, clothing induced dominance in participants—measured in terms of negotiation profits and concessions, and testosterone levels. Upper-class clothing also elicited increased vigilance in perceivers of these symbols: Relative to lower-class symbols, perceiving upper-class symbols increased vagal withdrawal, reduced perceptions of social power, and catalyzed physiological contagion such that perceivers’ sympathetic nervous system activation followed that of the upper-class target. Discussion focused on the dyadic process of social class signaling within social interactions.
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Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 1
Sartorial symbols of social class elicit class-consistent behavioral and physiological
responses: A dyadic approach
Michael W. Kraus
University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Wendy Berry Mendes
University of California, San Francisco
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Michael W. Kraus, Department of
Psychology, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, 603 East Daniel Street, Champaign, IL,
61820. Email:
In Press: Journal of Experimental Psychology: General
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 2
Social rank in human and non-human animals is signaled by a variety of behaviors and
phenotypes. In this research, we examined whether a sartorial manipulation of social class would
engender class-consistent behavior and physiology during dyadic interactions. Male participants
donned clothing that signaled either upper-class (business-suit) or lower-class (sweats) rank prior
to engaging in a modified negotiation task with another participant unaware of the clothing
manipulation. Wearing upper-class, compared to lower-class, clothing induced dominance in
participants—measured in terms of negotiation profits and concessions, and testosterone levels.
Upper-class clothing also elicited increased vigilance in perceivers of these symbols: Relative to
lower-class symbols, perceiving upper-class symbols increased vagal withdrawal, reduced
perceptions of social power, and catalyzed physiological contagion such that perceivers’
sympathetic nervous system activation followed that of the upper -class target. Discussion
focused on the dyadic process of social class signaling within social interactions.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 3
Sartorial symbols of social class elicit class-consistent behavioral and physiological
responses: A dyadic approach
In mammalian social life, social rank is a powerful influence on a wide range of life
outcomes (Sapolsky, 2004). As such, the capacity to signal one’s rank in social encounters with
others is beneficial across social domains: Accurate communication of social rank helps
individuals to predict others’ behavior, find desirable mates, and avoid potential costly
aggressive encounters (Krebs, Davies, & Parr, 1993). In human societies, social rank is defined ,
at least in part, by one’s position in the social class hierarchy (Adler et al., 1994; Kraus, Tan, &
Tannenbaum, 2013; Marmot et al., 1991). Symbols of social class—expressed in a variety of
ways including in one’s manners, tastes, and preferences—communicate the social rank of
individuals during everyday interactions (Gillath, Bahns, Ge, & Crandall, 2014; Kraus &
Keltner, 2009). The present research examines the extent that sartorial symbols of social class
shape social interactions by changing the behavioral and physiological responses of both the
wearers and the perceivers of these symbols.
Social Class as Rank vis-à-vis Others
Researchers typically define social class as contrasting levels of material and social
resources that individuals possess, and measure the construct using indices of annual income,
educational attainment, and occupation status (Kraus & Stephens, 2012; Oaks & Rossi, 2003).
Together, these measures make up the objective material substance of social class.
Social class is more than simply one’s level of available material resources: Social class
environments, defined by varying levels of material and social resources, socialize and produce
unique conceptions of the self that are expressed in class-specific behavioral profiles (see Fiske
& Markus, 2012; Markus & Kitayama, 2010; Stephens, Markus, & Fryberg, 2012; Weininger &
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 4
Lareau, 2009). When expressed during public life, these behaviors become signals of social class
that are used by perceivers to infer relative position in the social class hierarchy—by virtue of
comparing the class-based behaviors of the self to that of others. Thus, every time a person in
America engages in behavior consistent with relatively lower-class models of the self (e.g.,
attends a Nascar event) or with the relatively upper-class self (e.g., drinks a local craft beer), the
information carried in those behaviors can be used to accurately discern a target’s position in the
social class hierarchy. It is through this social class signaling process that individuals lea rn their
position on the social ladder of society at a chronic level, in comparison to society as a whole,
and specific to a particular situation or context (for a review, see Kraus et al., 2013).
One implication of this dynamic social class signaling process is that symbols of social
class allow individuals to dynamically judge others’ social class rank at levels above chance
accuracy. In support of this perspective, viewing 60s slices of a social interaction between two
University students led a sample of naïve observers to accurately predict the social class position
of the students on a ten rung ladder representing ascending levels of social class , based solely on
behavior during the interaction (Kraus & Keltner, 2009). In other work, a similar sample of naïve
observers was able to accurately discern the social class of participants after viewing a selection
of profile photographs from (Rheinschmidt, Kraus, & Keltner, 2014; Kraus et al.,
2013). In a study examining sartorial symbols, a sample of naïve judges were able to accurately
discern a person’s income and a host of other personality characteristics based only on a
standardized photograph of their shoes (Gillath et al., 2014).
A second implication of this class signaling process is that merely expressing symbols of
social class, regardless of the objective social class environment in which a person developed,
will shape an individual’s own experience of their rank in society vis-à-vis others. Data in
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 5
support of this overarching hypothesis is limited but suggestive: For instance, nonverbal
behaviors that communicate socially valued success (e.g., dominance, victory) have been shown
to elicit behavioral changes on the part of targets expressing these behaviors. In one experiment,
people randomly placed in a dominant body position, expanding the chest and body, tended to be
more focused on gambling rewards—they were more likely to wager a sure $2 for the chance to
double their money—relative to individuals positioned submissively b y constricting the arms and
torso (Carney, Cuddy, & Yap, 2010). In another study using sartorial symbols, wearing a lab
coat—a form of clothing presumably associated with attention to detail and precision —induced
increased performance on attention-related tasks whereas just seeing a lab coat or wearing the
same coat labeled as a “painter’s coat” did not improve performance (Adam & Galinsky, 2013).
Based on the above conceptual analysis, we tested the overarching hypothesis that merely
wearing sartorial symbols associated with a particular social class will be enough to elicit
changes in the class-consistent behavior and physiology of both the targets who display these
symbols as well as the perceivers who view these symbols expressed by others.
Evidence suggesting that sartorial symbols of social class elicit changes in behavior and
physiology is theoretically important for two reasons: First, though mounting evidence suggests
that social class environments influence patterns of behavior, that evidence is co rrelational in
nature and subject to several alternative causal explanations (e.g., neighborhood effects, political
and economic trends). That an experimental manipulation of symbols of a person’s social class
can shift patterns of behavior establishes these symbols as a causal force in shaping a person’s
experience of their own social class rank in society relative to others (see Kraus, Côté, &
Keltner, 2010). Moreover, examining this process in a dyadic social interaction adds to our
understanding of the origins of class-based behavioral profiles observed in prior research: These
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 6
profiles do not solely arise from socialization processes; rather, they also occur based on relative
comparisons of the symbols of social class one expresses in interactions and p erceives on others
(Kraus et al., 2013).
Social Class, Dominance, and Threat Vigilance
We make two theoretical predictions with respect to how symbols of social class shape
behavior and physiology of targets and perceivers: First, we predict that wearing upper-class
symbols will activate concepts in memory and behavioral scripts that are consistent with
expectations for how people wearing upper-class clothing feel and behave. Specifically, we
expect that wearing upper-class symbols will elicit behavior and physiology associated with
elevated dominance. Dominance includes a variety of social behaviors that involve tendencies to
value the self, or one’s in-group, over others (Sidanius, Pratto, & Bobo, 1994), engaging in self-
benefitting actions or actions to gain or maintain social influence (Goodwin, Operario, & Fiske,
1998), and in men, elevated levels of testosterone (Mazur & Booth, 1998). Dominance elicits
similar influences on social behavior, to other rank-related constructs like social power
(Goodwin et al., 1998; Keltner, Gruenfeld, & Anderson, 2003), but is a theoretically distinct
construct because, unlike social power, it does not necessarily include control over others’
rewards and punishments.
A wealth of research indicates that people from relatively upper-class backgrounds tend
to engage in dominance, specifically related to behaviors and perceptions that benefit the self:
For instance, prior research indicates that people from relatively upper -class backgrounds
evaluate the self more positively than their lower-class counterparts (Twenge & Campbell,
2002), tend to think that high status groups in society obtain their posit ions legitimately (e.g.,
Brandt, 2013), and are also less likely to engage in pro-social behaviors to help others in need
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 7
relative to their lower-class counterparts (Piff, Kraus, Côté, Cheng, & Keltner, 2010). Thus, we
predict that wearing upper-class sartorial symbols will elicit increased self-benefitting patterns of
behavior relative to lower-class symbols.
Given that sartorial symbols of social class communicate one’s relative position in
society in comparison to others, wearing these symbols, we predict, will influence hormone
responses related to dominance (i.e., testosterone). Specifically, wearing lower-class sartorial
symbols will elicit decreases in testosterone levels (Akinola & Mendes, 2013; Mazur & Booth,
1998; Mehta, Jones, & Josephs, 2008; c.f. Mehta & Josephs, 2006) relative to wearing upper-
class sartorial symbols. We make this prediction based on prior research indicating that low
status contexts reduce testosterone levels whereas high status contexts maintain those levels: For
instance, research on chess tournament winners and losers found that losing chess matches
decreased testosterone whereas winning chess matches maintained testosterone levels (Mazur,
Booth, & Dabbs, 1992).
For our second prediction, we expect that upper-class sartorial symbols will elicit
increased vigilance of threats in perceivers of these symbols. Upper -class symbols observed
within an interaction, we predict, will increase the likelihood that perceivers will scan their
external environments for potential social- and survival-related threats. This will occur, we
reason, because having subordinate status relative to an interaction partner elevates expectations
that one may have lower standing in society and reduced resources to cope with demands of the
social context (for a review, see Kraus et al., 2012).
Several studies suggest that, within social interactions, perceiving the elevated s ocial
class of interaction partners elicits heightened vigilance: An eye tracking study revealed that
individuals focus more of their visual attention on targets who behave dominantly during social
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 8
interactions (e.g., aggressively stating their opinion; Cheng, Tracy, Foulsham, Kingstone, &
Henrich, 2013). In related research in which two friends engaged in an interaction where they
were required to tease each other, participants exhibited heightened perceptions of hostile
emotions when interacting with an upper-class interaction partner (Kraus, Horberg, Goetz, &
Keltner, 2011).
In the present study, we predicted that perceivers of sartorial symbols of high social class
would exhibit increased threat vigilance—indexed in terms of cardiac vagal withdrawal. Cardiac
vagal withdrawal occurs during active tasks when the vagal brake on the heart is released and as
a result, the heart presents with reduced inter-beat variability (Grossman & Taylor, 2007). Vagal
withdrawal is indexed by examining changes in heart rate variability (HRV), which is the
variability between heart beats (Porges, 2007). In prior research, vagal withdrawal has been
linked to a variety of psychological states including greater conscious control and effort, reports
of psychological distress, and threat vigilance (e.g., Grossman & Taylor, 2007).
Increased threat vigilance is also likely to manifest in the form of affect contagion.
Affect contagion is the extent that people pass on the emotions they experience to others
(Barsade, 2002; Hatfield, Cacioppo, & Rapson, 1994). We predict that perceivers of upper-class
symbols will be more likely to catch others’ affective states than perceivers of lower -class
symbols. Given that upper-class symbols elicit vigilance and increased attentional focus, targets
wearing these symbols are likely to be used as informational guides for appropriate behavioral
and emotional responses during social interactions. Thus, the affect and physiological responses
of targets wearing upper-class symbols are more likely to influence their interaction partner than
the reverse.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 9
Several correlational studies are suggestive that symbols of high status result in greater
attention from low status partners, which will elicit contagious affect: Low -status individuals
tended to modulate their voices to become more similar in tone to a high -status partner over the
course of a live televised interview (Gregory & Webster, 1996), and low -status individuals are
more likely to engage neural circuitry involved in mentalizing—thinking about others thoughts
and feelings—than individuals higher in social status (Muscatell, et al., 2012). In an example
specific to social class, during the aforementioned laboratory interaction between close friends,
individuals were more likely to shift their self-reported emotions over the course of a social
interaction to become more similar to the emotions of their interaction partner, if that partner was
upper-class (Kraus et al., 2011).
Affect contagion can be assessed in multiple ways including coordinated ch anges in
facial expressions and behavior (Chartrand & Bargh, 1999), autonomic physiology (Levenson &
Reuf, 1992; Waters, Mendes, & West, 2014), neuroendocrine responses (e.g., Saxbe & Repetti,
2010), and vocal frequency (Gregory & Webster, 1996). We have chosen to examine
physiological changes, specifically changes in sympathetic nervous system (SNS) activation, as
our measure of affect contagion. We view SNS responses as an ideal way to examine affect
contagion because physiological responses vary as a function of arousal states, a key component
of affective experiences (Barrett & Russell, 1999; Mendes, 2009; Waters, Mendes, & West,
2014). Moreover, unlike self-reports of affect, SNS responses capture affective states as they
occur during interactions thereby allowing us to examine moment-to-moment changes in affect
(e.g., Blascovich, Mendes, Vanman, & Dickerson, 2010; Kassam & Mendes, 2013; Waters et al.,
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 10
Based on the above analysis, we expected that wearing sartorial symbols of higher social
class would elicit dominance-related behavior and physiology whereas perceiving these upper-
class symbols would elicit increased threat vigilance—indexed in terms of vagal withdrawal and
affect contagion. We tested these two predictions in an experiment wherein one participant (the
target) donned clothing of upper-, neutral, or lower-class rank prior to a negotiation exercise.
In this study, male participants arrived at the experiment separately. One of the
participants (i.e., the target) was randomly assigned to a condition where he would wear lower-
class, neutral, or upper-class clothing. The target then joined his interaction partner (i.e., the
perceiver) in a large experiment room where the two would engage in a negotiation exercise
from prior research (Galinsky & Mussweiler, 2001). The perceiver was always unaware of the
target’s clothing change. Autonomic physiology was recorded prior to, during, and immediately
following the negotiation. The experiment was completed in two hours.
Our sample was recruited through, and consisted of 134 healthy adult
males from the San Francisco Bay Area ranging in age from 18 to 34 (Mage=24.14). Participants
completed the study in dyads and we confirmed, prior to the study, that they did not know each
other. Two experimental sessions encountered errors and so the data for the four participants in
those sessions could not be used in analyses. In one other session, a participant expressed
suspicion about the bogus physiological sensors and was excluded from analyses along with his
partner. The final sample consists of the remaining 128 participants (64 dyads). Participants
(allowed to check multiple ethnic categories) were European American (n=88), Latino (n=22),
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 11
Asian American (n=21), African American (n=15), Native American (n=9), or other (n=2) and
were from diverse social class backgrounds: Seventy-one participants were, at most, high school
educated, and the median family income was between $50,001 and $75,000 annually.
Participants arrived, scheduled 10 minutes apart and were seated in different rooms to
avoid meeting until the designated time. Disposable sensors were applied to the participants’
torso and limbs and they sat quietly for a 5-minute baseline/resting period (Mendes, 2009).
Following baseline, participants provided a saliva sample. After baseline, half of participants
(i.e., perceivers) were instructed that they would move to another room where they would meet
another participant.
The other half of participants, (i.e., targets), were instructed after baseline that they were
taking part in a test of ambulatory physiological equipment embedded in clothes that were to be
validated against the stationary equipment. This “cover story” distracted participants’ attention
from the purpose of the clothing manipulation in an attempt to reduce demand characteristics.
One of two types of clothing, which had visible sensors that were sewn into the lining, was then
presented to participants. Participants in the neutral condition (ndyad =24) were allowed to remain
in their current clothing and were instructed that the laboratory needed to run some additional
tests on the stationary physiological sensors. Photos of the upper- (ndyad =20) and lower-class
(ndyad =20) sartorial symbols are displayed in Figure 1.
Following this clothing change, targets and perceivers were placed in the same
experiment room, initially separated by a portable dividing wall, where they would sit for the
remainder of the study. We then removed the portable wall allowing the participants to see each
other for the first time. We confirmed that the participants did not know each other, and had
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 12
them get acquainted. Following this interaction, we provided instructions for a negotiation task.
After the negotiation, a second saliva sample was collected, and questionnaire s were completed.
The target then changed back into his original clothing and all participants were probed for
suspicion, debriefed, and paid for their participation.
Materials and Measures
Clothing manipulation. The upper-class clothing consisted of a black suit, a white long-
sleeve button-down collared shirt, black socks, and a pair of black leather dress shoes all
purchased at Macy’s. The lower-class clothing consisted of a white short-sleeve t-shirt, blue
sweat pants, and plastic sandals all purchased at Walgreens.
The experimenter described to targets that the laboratory was attempting “to test a new
version of advanced ambulatory physiological sensors that can record a person’s physiological
responses while they conduct normal daily activities.” The experimenter then showed
participants the “experimental physiological sensors,” which were bogus sensors that were sewn
into the clothing inside one leg, under one arm, and inside the shoes. The experimenter described
the sensors while showing them to participants. Participants were then disconnected from the
physiological monitoring station and went to an adjacent room to put on the clothing.
After the clothing change, participants viewed themselves in a full length mirror before
returning to the laboratory room. Upon return, the experimenter re -attached the leads to the
monitoring equipment and then placed an IPhone in the pocket of the suit or the sweats with the
explanation that the sensors would “transmit the participants’ physiological responses wirelessly
to the IPhone.” To enhance the realism of the procedures, the experimenter spent time with the
participant, pretending to validate the lab sensors against the sensors in the clothing.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 13
Negotiation task. In the negotiation task, participants role play as the chief financial
officer of a biotechnology company—Synertech or Dosagen (see Galinsky & Mussweiler, 2001).
As in prior research, participants were given written and verbal instructions for the negotiation
that included shared information about the negotiation (e.g., estimates of real estate market
changes) and confidential information about their own company (e.g., the cost of building a new
plant). The confidential information included a best alternative to a negotiated agreement
(BATNA) as in prior research—for the seller, the profit from stripping the plant and selling the
parts, and for the buyer, the cost of building a new plant. With this information, a fair sale price
for the manufacturing plant, where both parties benefit equally is $20.5 million, but because the
buyer and seller have confidential information, neither party knew this true compromise value.
Given that Masters in Business Administration (MBA) students are the typical
participants for this negotiation task, we modified the procedures for our community sample
who, based on pilot testing, had far less negotiation experience: To give participants more
information about successful negotiation behavior, we provided several examples (e.g., not
settling for an unfair offer, taking the full allotted time to mull over an agreement, holding out
for more than just an opponent’s first offer). To encourage competition between our participants,
the experimenter informed participants that they could win up to an additional $5 for engaging in
these types of successful negotiation behaviors. We also imposed a 6-minute limit on the
negotiation because pilot testing revealed this time limit was sufficient for reaching agreement in
most dyads. Specifically, during experimenter training, all but one of our practice dyads (made
up of research assistants) reached agreement prior to 6-minutes of negotiation. Participants were
instructed that they did not need to reach an agreement in the 6-minute time period. If
participants did not agree on a sale price (which occurred in 18 dyads), the last offer a participant
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 14
made during the negotiation was used as the final price offer in the analyses. A chi -square
analysis revealed no differences in reaching agreement during the negotiation by condition
(Χ2=1.13, p=.57).
Physiological Assessments
Cardiac Vagal Withdrawal. Mendes (2009) provides a comprehensive and detailed
review of methods to collect and score autonomic physiology. Inter-beat variability between
heart beats, i.e., cardiac vagal tone, was measured using electrocardiography (ECG, Biopac,
Goleta, CA). Two pre-gelled snap electrodes were placed directly on the skin of participants in a
Lead II configuration (right arm, left leg). Signals were integrated with Biopac MP 150 hardware
and ECG responses were edited and scored offline by the first author. ECG responses were
visually examined and HRV scores were calculated using Mindware software (Mindware
Technologies, Gahanna, OH; HRV 3.0), averaged in 30s intervals, and computed using a Fast
Fourier Transformation (Mendes, 2009). Heart rate variability (HRV) reactivity scores were
calculated by subtracting HRV scores during the last 30 seconds of the 5-minute baseline
(presumably the most relaxed interval) from the HRV scores collected during the negotiation
task (Mendes, 2009). Rates of breathing (i.e., respiration rates), measured from this same time
interval, were assessed from impedance cardiography (see below). We controlled for
participant’s respiration rate in all analyses of HRV data given that respiration influences inter-
beat variability (Grossman & Taylor, 2007).
Sympathetic Nervous System. Pre-ejection period (PEP) is a measure of sympathetic
nervous system activation representing the time interval between the contraction of the left
ventricle and the opening of the aortic valve. We used PEP scores to calculate affect contagion,
as in prior research (Waters et al., 2014). The benefits of this measure include that PEP reactivity
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 15
is responsive to affective states, responds in a short-time frame (3 to 5 seconds), can be measured
unobtrusively and continuously, and has extant literature linking the responses to psycholo gical
states, primarily general arousal, that are directly related to a specific underlying biological
system—the sympathetic nervous system.
PEP is derived from both ECG and impedance cardiography. Cardiac impedance was
collected using four strips of disposable tetrapolar aluminum/mylar electrodes that are placed
directly against the skin and completely encircled participants’ neck and torso (Mendes, 2009).
PEP also was scored in 30s intervals using Mindware (IMP 3.0) and is calculated as the duration
between the Q-point on the ECG waveform, and the b-point on the Δz/Δt waveform obtained
from impedance cardiography. Data were visually inspected by the authors for any recording
artifacts and following numerous published studies the b-point was manually adjusted rather than
relying on algorithms (e.g., Blascovich & Mendes, 2010; Mendes, 2009; c.f., Lozano et al.,
Testosterone assays. Participants passively drooled 1ml of saliva into a 2ml vial (IBL
salicap) using plastic straws (Mbaseline=111.57pg/ml, SDbaseline=51.79pg/ml). These samples were
stored in a -80°C freezer and then shipped to be assayed at Kirschbaum’s laboratory in Dresden,
Germany. The testosterone assay used 25ul of saliva per determination, has a lower limit of
sensitivity of 1 pg/mL, and average intra-and inter-assay coefficients were below 11% (IBL
International, Hamburg, Germany).
Negotiation Outcomes
We used two common outcome measures from the negotiation exercise as indices of
performance during the negotiation: profit earned and concessions offered (e.g., Galinsky &
Mussweiler, 2001). To determine the amount of profit earned and concessions offered during the
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 16
negotiation, two coders watched video recordings of the negotiation and recorded the first and
last price that each participant offered. First (M=$1.93m, SD=$4.12m) and final (M=$0.25m,
SD=$3.39m) offers were coded to indicate amount of profit buyers and sellers would earn over
and above the $20.5m fair price. These two price values were also subtracted from each other to
indicate the total amount of concessions, in millions, during the negotiation (M=$2.02m,
Sense of Power
Prior to the start of the social interaction, participants indicated their baseline sense of
power on 7-point Likert scales (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree). A sample item from
the eight-item scale is “I can get people to listen to what I say.” (M=4.95, SD=0.86; Anderson,
Keltner, & John, 2012). Participants indicated their sense of power right after the negotiation and
at the end of the experiment by answering the question: “During the negotiation/experiment, I
felt I had power and influence.” These two items were highly correlated ( r=.54, p<.05) and so a
composite measure was created indicating sense of power during the experiment ( M=5.00,
SD=1.09). We then computed changes in sense of power by subtracting standardized scores of
the mean for power in the experiment from the baseline mean (M=0.00, SD=1.16).
Manipulation Check
To determine the success of our sartorial manipulation, a team of three coders rated
photographs of targets in the upper- and lower-class clothing conditions taken prior to the
clothing change using a 7-point Likert scale indicating ascending levels of sartorial formality (1
=“sweats or clothing for exercising”, 7 = “dress shirt and slacks or business suit”). The three
coders’ ratings of participants clothing correlated highly (rs between .71 and .98, ps < .01; α =
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 17
.88). In general, participants wore moderately informal clothing when arriving at the experiment
(M=3.25, SD=0.82) and this clothing was uncorrelated with the assigned social class of
participants (coded “-1” for lower-class, “0” for neutral, and “1” for upper-class) during the
experiment (r=.03, p=.70).
Our manipulation of sartorial symbols was effective in shifting participant clothing
formality: In the lower-class symbols condition, we determined if coder judgments of target
clothing differed from a value of 1 (“sweats or clothing for exercising”). This analysis revealed
that targets in the lower-class condition had significantly more formal clothing when they arrived
at the experiment (M= 3.43) than the clothing they were assigned by the manipulation
t(19)=12.15, p<.01. We then compared upper-class targets’ rated clothing to a value of 7 (“dress
shirt and slacks, or business suit”). Again, this analysis revealed that targets in the upper-class
condition had significantly less formal clothing (M= 3.53) than they were assigned by the
manipulation t(19)=-15.06, p<.01.
We also determined if the sartorial manipulation was successful in manipulating
perceptions of social status using a separate sample of 200 observers who were collected online
through Mechanical Turk ( The online observers were instructed to view still
photographs of the first 10 of our laboratory participants assigned to the upper- and lower-class
symbols conditions wearing either their assigned clothing or their own neutral clothing prior to
the clothing change. The online observers were instructed to make various judgments about the
person based solely on the photographs. These stimuli were randomly presented such that each
of the observers had an equal chance of seeing the 10 laboratory participants in the manipulated
clothing or their own neutral clothing. In addition to a number of filler measures, participants
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 18
responded to the single item “This person has high social status.” using a 7 -point Likert scale (1
=disagree strongly, 7 = agree strongly).
A repeated measures Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) comparing observer ratings of
social status for laboratory participants in the upper-, neutral, and lower-class symbols conditions
yielded significant mean differences in observer-rated social status between participant clothing
conditions F(2,380)=112.40,p<.01, µp2=.37. Examination of the specific means reveals a pattern
aligning with our expectations: Laboratory participants wearing a business suit were judged to be
highest in social status (M= 4.65, 95% CI [4.51 to 4.78]) with participants wearing the t-shirt
and sweats rated the lowest in status (M= 3.42, 95% CI [3.24 to 3.59]) and neutral participants in
between (M= 3.61, 95% CI [3.48 to 3.73]). These results indicate that the sartorial manipulation
was successful in shifting participant social status, as rated by observers viewing static
Dominance in the Negotiation
Profits and concessions. Our overarching hypothesis was that sartorial symbols of social
class would shift the behavior and physiology of both the wearers and perceivers of these
symbols in class-consistent ways. To test this prediction, we first examined negotiation outcomes
with the expectation that targets wearing upper-class symbols would optimize their own self-
interests during the negotiation relative to their partner, which we operationalized as obtaining a
higher relative profit beyond the $20.5m fair compromise value. Given that the negotiation was a
competitive interaction between the target and perceiver, we conducted an Analysis of Variance
(ANOVA) predicting negotiation profit with dyad as the unit of analysis, target versus perceiver
profit as the within subjects factor, and dyad social class as the between subjects factor (Kenny,
Kashy, & Cook, 2006). This ANOVA technique allows us to compare differences in profit
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 19
between members of the same dyad, which is the most appropriate comparison for our relative
profit hypothesis. For all subsequent analyses, we use a hierarchical linear model (HLM)
controlling for dyad-level dependence (Kenny et al., 2006). Unlike the ANOVA technique which
compares outcomes within the same dyad, the HLM technique allows for the independent testing
of target and perceiver effects on behavior and physiology.1
The ANOVA revealed no main effects for target vs. perceiver role F(1,59)=1.14, p=.29
or dyad social class F(2,59)<1, but as predicted, a significant interaction emerged between dyad
social class and target versus perceiver role F(2,59)=3.39, p<.05, µp2=.06. Examination of 95%
confidence intervals surrounding the calculated profit mean revealed that targets wearing upper-
class symbols obtained significantly higher profits (M=$2.06m, 95% CI [$0.47m to $3.65m])
than did perceivers (M=-$1.20m, 95% CI [-$2.63m to $0.24m]) beyond the $20.5m fair
compromise value. Targets and perceivers did not differ in profits in the lower-class
(Mtarget=$0.68m, Mperceiver=-$0.50m) or neutral dyads (Mtarget=-$0.66m, Mperceiver=$1.15m).
We also expected sartorial symbols to influence concessions in the negotiation, with
lower-class targets offering more concessions than upper-class targets. To conduct this analysis,
we predicted negotiation concessions with target and perceiver clothing condition (coded “-1”
for lower-class symbols, “0” for neutral, and “1” for upper-class symbols) in a HLM analysis
controlling for dyad-level dependence (Kenny et al., 2006).
As expected, lower-class targets made significantly more concessions than did upper-
class targets b=-1.01, t(105.79)=-2.95, p<.01, d=.41 (see Table 1 for means). For perceivers, no
significant differences in concessions emerged by condition b= -0.56, t(105.79)=-1.63, p=.11.
Target (t<1) and perceiver (t=-1.04, ns) social class did not influence first offers in the
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 20
negotiation. This latter result suggests that differences in the amount that participants offered in
concessions were not driven by differences in starting offers.
Testosterone. Next, we examined the influence of sartorial symbols on testosterone (T)
change. To the extent that lower status reduces feelings of dominance relative to elevated rank,
we expected that participants wearing lower-class sartorial symbols would show lower levels of
salivary T after the negotiation relative to upper-class targets (Mazur & Booth, 1998). The HLM
analysis revealed that lower-class targets showed a significant reduction in percent of T relative
to upper-class targets b=9.87, t(122.23)=2.25, p<.05, d=.15. Perceivers showed no differences in
T change based on their partner’s social class symbols b=1.22, t(122.39)=0.27, p=.79. The
sartorial symbols manipulation effect on T change held when controlling for target and perceiver
age b=11.05, t(106.78)=2.49, p<.05 (Table 1). Importantly, targets wearing lower-class sartorial
symbols also had significantly lower T levels relative to neutral targets b=8.82, t(98.82)=2.43,
p<.05. This latter finding suggests that lower-class sartorial symbols, and not upper-class
symbols, are the catalyst of T change. This finding is consistent with prior research examining
associations between T change and social status (e.g., Mazur et al., 1992).
Threat Vigilance in the Negotiation
Cardiac vagal withdrawal. Having observed evidence suggesting that sartorial symbols
elicit class-consistent changes in self-benefitting behavior and T, we then examined predictions
related to physiological reactivity that is correlated with threat vigilance within dyadic
interactions. We expected that upper-class sartorial symbols would elicit cardiac vagal
withdrawal in perceivers. The HLM analysis did not yield a target effect: Participants wearing
upper- and lower-class clothing did not show differences in HRV reactivity b=0.20,
t(116.70)=1.03, p=.30, however perceivers were affected by their partner’s sartorial symbols.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 21
Specifically, perceivers interacting with targets in upper-class clothing showed greater vagal
withdrawal from baseline relative to perceivers interacting with a target in lower-class clothing
b=-0.38, t(116.70)=-1.97, p=.05, d=.12 (Table 1). These results suggest that perceivers may have
engaged in greater vigilance of their upper-class interaction partner.
Subjective sense of power. Prior research indicates that low-power individuals tend to
exhibit enhanced vigilance relative to high-power individuals (e.g., Galinsky, Magee, Inesi, &
Gruenfeld, 2006). Given these data, we tested whether perceivers of upper-class targets
experienced increased powerlessness during the competitive negotiation with their partner . We
tested this possibility by conducting an analysis predicting self-reported changes in sense of
power from baseline with target and perceiver social class symbols while controlling for target
and perceiver baseline power. Consistent with the HRV analysis, we observed no effect of target
social class b=0.03, t(121.65)=0.19, ns, but perceivers showed a change in sense of power b=-
0.32, t(121.65)=-2.17, p<.05, d=.29. That is, perceivers of upper-class targets felt reduced power
during the negotiation relative to perceivers of lower-class targets.
Affect contagion. Finally, we hypothesized the upper-class sartorial symbols would
catalyze affect contagion in perceivers. To assess affect contagion, we tested whether upper-class
targets’ physiological responses would influence their partner’s in a time-lag design: We
examined changes in PEP during the negotiation; where shorter intervals between the ventricle
contraction and the aortic valve opening indicate greater sympathetic nervous system (SNS)
activation. We computed average correlations representing the association between a
participant’s PEP at time X and their partner’s PEP at time X+1 ( M=0.001, SD=0.34). We chose
a time lag of one unit (equaling 30 seconds) given the rapid responsiveness of SNS activation.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 22
Higher average positive correlations indicate that the participants’ time X PEP predicted his
partner’s change in PEP at time X+1.
Consistent with our affect contagion hypothesis, when targets wore upper-class clothing
their time-X PEP was more positively associated with their partner’s time X+1 PEP —indicating
physiological contagion—than it was for targets who wore lower-class clothing b=0.11,
t(120.78)=2.03, p<.05, d=.13 (Table 1). No perceiver effects for PEP contagion on target’s
responses were observed b=-.02, t(120.78)=-0.45, p=.65.
Raw correlations between variables reported across analyses are displayed in Table 2.2
When controlling for respiration rates, heart rate variability (HRV) during the negotiation was
significantly positively associated with offering more concessions. One possible explanation of
this effect is that activation of the vagus nerve has been associated with pro-social emotional
states, such as the experience of compassion, in prior research (Goetz, Keltner, & Simon -
Thomas, 2010). Alternatively, lower levels of HRV reactivity have been linked to better
decision-making, effort and conscious control, which might explain lower concessions (Kassam,
Koslov, & Mendes, 2009). No other correlations were significant. The lack of significant
correlations between physiological assessments and self-reports or behaviors potentially reflects
the differing psychometric properties of each measure, or that physiological responses are
differentially impacted by unconscious processes (Mauss et al., 2005; Mendes, 2013). Self-
reports of annual income and educational attainment did not significantly interact with the
sartorial manipulation (ts < 1), and controlling for these indices did not change the relationship of
the sartorial manipulation to any of the outcome measures.3
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 23
Symbols of rank are communicated across social living animals and organize social life
by managing the expectations of those perceiving these symbols (Krebs et al., 1993). In humans,
symbols of social class communicate hierarchical position in dyadic interactions, but up to this
point, the capacity of these symbols to actually elicit class-consistent behavior and physiology
had never been tested. In the present research, we examined the influence of manipulated
sartorial symbols of social class within dyads to determine their unique influence on the behavior
and physiology of targets who wear the symbols and on perceivers of these symbols.
Consistent with our hypotheses, results suggest that wearing sartorial symbols influence
both self-benefitting behavior during negotiations and hormone levels related to dominance.
With respect to behavior, wearing an upper-class business suit increased profits within a
competitive negotiation and decreased concessions offered relative to wearing lower-class
sartorial symbols. Wearing sartorial symbols also shifted neuroendocrine responses: wearing
lower-class clothing resulted in significantly lower testosterone relative to wearing upper-class
Perceiving symbols of social class worn by others influenced participants’ threat
vigilance during the negotiation: Specifically, perceivers of upper-class targets experienced
significant cardiac-vagal withdrawal during the negotiation —a physiological state associated
with increased vigilance and attention (Grossman & Taylor, 2007)—relative to perceivers of
lower-class targets. Importantly, perceivers of upper-class targets also reported reductions in
sense of power following the negotiation in comparison to lower-class perceivers. This result
dovetails with the HRV findings because, as prior research indicates, low power is also
associated with increased vigilance (Keltner et al., 2003). Given that sartorial symbols of social
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 24
class were manipulated in the present research, these results represent the first causal evidence
suggesting that perceiving others’ upper-class symbols in interactions elicits vagal withdrawal.
Finally, upper-class targets catalyzed affect contagion in their partner during the
negotiation. That is, the SNS responses of individuals wearing upper-class sartorial symbols
were more likely to be caught by their partner 30s later in the interaction than were the SNS
responses of lower-class individuals. This effect aligns with past correlational evidence
suggesting that affect contagion occurs in the direction of upper-class individuals’ affect (Kraus
et al., 2011) and is, in our estimation, the first evidence suggesting that social class symbols are
catalysts in this contagion process.
The current research examined sartorial symbols of social class and we differentiate these
social class symbols from other symbols of dominance or status (e.g., social power). We make
this distinction because, although measures of social power are correlat ed with measures of
social class in prior research (Bullock & Lott, 2010; Keltner et al., 2003; Kraus et al., 2012), the
correlations are only moderate in size and so these rank-based constructs are empirically
separate. As well, whereas social power represents direct control over others’ resources and
ability to administer punishments, symbols of social class are defined within social comparisons
between one’s own resources and that of others—elevated social class does not necessarily
indicate control over others’ outcomes. Moreover, research indicates that status and power vary
independently of each other: In prior research, high power individuals perceived as low in status
tended to be perceived less warmly (Fragale, Overbeck, & Neale, 2011) and behave d more anti-
socially than their high power/high status counterparts (Fast, Halevy, & Galinsky, 2012). These
results underscore the empirical distinctions between power and status.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 25
Related to this point, it is important to acknowledge that our manipulation of sartorial
symbols of social class, though it elicited a higher sense of power in perceivers of lower -class
targets, is not a true manipulation of social power. Manipulations of social power typically
involve participants thinking of a time when they had control over others or actually give
participants control over some resource (e.g., Côté et al., 2011). Participants in the present
research had equal control over rewards and punishments during the experiment tasks across the
conditions of the sartorial manipulation. Despite these theoretical and methodological
distinctions between class and power, it is clear from these results that symbols of social class
exert influence on social cognition and behavior in ways that are similar to that of social power
(Keltner et al., 2003).
One noteworthy implication of the findings of the current experiment is that class -based
patterns of behavior and physiology, typically thought of as culturally learned and socialized
during early environment experiences, are more malleable than researchers have previously
argued (e.g., Weininger & Lareau, 2009; Fiske & Markus, 2012). That these patterns change as a
function of the symbols of social class that people express in everyday social interactions is
indicative of the process by which relative social class is communicated in society more broadly
(Kraus et al., 2013). Specifically, individuals enter into social interactions with others, bringing
with them symbols of social class that, in turn, both change perceptions of their own position in
the social hierarchy and the way they are perceived by others. Understanding the ways in which
social class symbols elicit class-consistent behavior in dyadic settings is an exciting area of
future research. Importantly, future research on nonverbal status symbols would benefit from
considering the simultaneous and dynamic influence of these symbols on both targets and
perceivers within dyadic interactions.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 26
Study Limitations
Several important limitations should be noted with respect to this study and its
conclusions. The negotiation task we used in the present research was modified in order to
accommodate differences in negotiation experience between the typical MBA student
participants and our community sample (e.g., Blader & Chen, 2012; Galinsky & Mussweiler,
2001). Thus, we advocate some caution when interpreting the findings from this research with
respect to the broader negotiation literature.
Our sartorial manipulation was easily visible for participants, and as such, it is possible
that demand characteristics played a role in some of the patterns we observed in our results. Our
experiment went to great effort to reduce the demand characteristics inherent in donning suits
versus sweats by directing the attention of participants to the goal of validating ambulatory
physiological equipment. These steps help us minimize the extent that our results can be
explained by participant expectations (Boot, Simons, Stothart, & Stutts, 2013). As well, our
examination of funnel debriefing questions asked of participants at the end of the study
suggested a lack of awareness of the study hypotheses.
In our results we found some differences between upper- and lower-class sartorial
symbols on behavior and physiology. For T change, we also found that participants in the lower -
class condition differed from neutral participants, indicating that lower -class sartorial symbols
decrease T levels. This finding is sensible given that most research on social status and T change
reveals that low status reduces T rather than high status increasing it (Mazur, Booth, & Dabbs,
1992; Mehta & Josephs, 2006). For our other outcome measures, however, neutral participant
responses were directly in between upper- and lower-class participants—thereby, limiting the
extent we can conclude that our effects were driven by either lower - or upper-class sartorial
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 27
symbols. Future research examining the effects of symbols of social class on behavior and
physiology, using larger samples, may more definitively answer the question of whether lower -
or upper-class symbols drive dominance or threat vigilance.
We made the decision to focus on male dyads rather than female or mixed -gender dyads
because we wanted to constrain participants’ sartorial options for the clothing manipulation.
Because of this, we are limited in what we can conclude about the sensitivity of female dyads to
sartorial class symbols.
Additionally, we chose a negotiation context that conceptually matched the upper-class
sartorial symbols we used in our manipulation. Because of this, it is unclear how much the “fit”
between clothing and context accounts for the effects we observe here. Some of our own
exploratory analyses (see Footnote 2) suggest that clothing condition did not influence
participant feelings of comfort with the negotiation task. Still, a more definitive test of our
hypotheses might occur in an experiment where the sartorial symbols completely misfit the
context of the interaction: For example, if we had participants engage in a coaching exercise
would the lower-class sartorial symbols have been more effective in terms of affect contagion
because the clothes matched this context? Clearly, our arguments regarding social class symbols
suggest that, in most cases, we expect social class symbols to elicit a similar pattern of results to
what we observed in this study. Future research is necessary in this regard, to completely rule out
situational fit as an alternative explanatory variable.
With respect to our affect contagion findings, research indicates that the spread of affect
involves both the perception of others’ affective states as well as target expressions of affect
(Zaki, Bolger, & Ochsner, 2008). In the present research, we cannot completely rule out the
possibility that expressivity, and not vigilance, accounts for the affect contagion findings.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 28
However, that overall changes in cardiac output did not differ by experimental condition (see
Footnote 2) indicates that targets were not different in activity levels during the negotiation based
on the sartorial manipulation. This result further raises the possibility that the enhanced vigilance
of perceivers of upper-class targets played a role in the contagious spread of affe ct.
Future Directions and Conclusions
Our findings generate several promising lines of future inquiry. A first concerns whether
there are other symbols that might engender immediate changes in social class (e.g., Gillath et
al., 2014). We chose to focus on clothing because of its clear use as symbols of social class in
social groups (Bourdieu, 1979). Since the current investigation involved men, it would also be
important to determine if similar patterns would be observed both for women and in mixed -
gender interactions. For the latter case, perhaps the social class signals inherent in clothing are
harder to discern across genders.
Notably, our study involved a context that asked participants to engage in a competitive
interaction. Would a similar pattern emerge if participants were instructed to help each other
complete a cooperative task? Perhaps incentives for cooperation would lead upper-class
individuals to enhanced cooperative patterns. Research showing enhanced cooperation among
upper-class individuals induced to experience pro-social emotional states suggests this possibility
(Kraus et al., 2012). It was also interesting that mean levels of concessions offered were highest
among partners of lower-class targets (see Footnote 1). We speculate that this pattern may have
been due to either assumptive helping or disengagement from an “unworthy” opponent, but
future research should test these explanations more systematically.
Finally, it is interesting to speculate about how sartorial symbols of social class influence
behavior outside the laboratory. For instance, school uniforms have helped schools improve
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 29
student conduct in a variety of studies, and this might be because of the way these policies
dampen naturally occurring sartorial symbols (Bodine, 2003). Importantly, our research suggests
that one of the benefits of “dressing the part” at a job might be that it helps individuals more
easily shift their behavior to match their desired position in society.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 30
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1The alternative analyses using the ANOVA method are reported below: In the analysis
of participant concessions offered during the negotiation, the ANOVA revealed a significant
main effect of target vs. perceiver concessions F(1,53)=4.08, p<.05, with targets offering more
concessions than perceivers. There was also a significant main effect of social class
F(2,53)=5.79, p<.05, with lower-class dyads showing more concessions than neutral or upper -
class dyads. The interaction was not significant F(2,53)=1.10, p=.34. These results indicate that
concessions were more likely in the lower-class dyads, and that it was particularly likely among
targets that had changed clothing. In the analysis of testosterone change, the ANOVA revealed
no main effects of social class F(2,61)<1 or target vs. perceiver testosterone change
F(1,61)=2.11, p=.15. However, the analysis did yield a significant interaction F(2,61)=3.91,
p<.05. Examination of the 95% confidence interval surrounding the means revealed that targe ts
(95% CI [-31.79pg/ml to -8.51pg/ml]) had significantly reduced testosterone relative to
perceivers (95% CI [-7.89pg/ml to 29.77pg/ml]) in the lower-class condition, whereas no such
differences in testosterone emerged for the neutral or upper-class dyads. For HRV reactivity, the
Analysis of Covariance (controlling for respiration rate) revealed no main effects for social class
symbols F(2,57)<1, target v. perceiver HRV reactivity F(1,57)<1, or a significant interaction
F(2,57)=2.59, p=.08. Examination of 95% confidence intervals surrounding the means revealed
that in upper-class dyads, targets (95% CI [-0.33 to 0.66]) did not exhibit significantly higher
HRV reactivity than did perceivers (95% CI [-1.31 to -0.07]), although the pattern was in line
with our predictions. No such differences emerged in the neutral or lower -class dyads. For the
affect contagion analysis, no main effects for social class F(2,60)<1, or target v. perceiver affect
contagion emerged F(1,60)<1. The interaction was also not significant F(2,60)=1.75, p=.18.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 38
Examination of 95% confidence intervals with this analytic strategy revealed no mean
differences across conditions.
2We also examined correlations between partner responses on each of the critical
outcome measures. Partner profits were significantly negatively associated r(60) = -.91, p< .05,
as were power and profits r(57) = -.36, p< .05—the latter indicating that as one participant felt
more powerful, their partner tended to earn fewer profits. Partner concessions were positively
correlated r(54) = .26, p= .05, although this latter result did not reach conventional levels of
statistical significance. No other significant correlations were observed between partner outcome
3It is possible that the behavioral and physiological responses observed in the experiment
were driven by a willingness of participants to act in a manner that is consistent with their style
of dress, or that dressing in a business suit increased fluency on a negotiation task where this
attire is more appropriate (e.g., Oyserman, 2011). A few analyses we conducted suggest that
fluency is unlikely to be a mechanism explaining the effects of social class symbols on behavior
and physiology: When we examined self-reports of how challenging participants felt the
negotiation was using a 6-item scale (e.g., “The previous task was very demanding.” M= 4.64,
SD = 0.86, ɑ= .62) we found no significant influence of target [t(122.71) = 1.07, ns] or perceiver
[t(122.71) = -0.98, ns] status on challenge judgments. A single item measure of self-rated
performance yielded similar results (i.e., “I think I performed well during the negotiation task.”
M= 5.09, SD = 1.34). Participants wearing the business suit also did not enjoy the task more
than other participants (i.e., “I enjoyed the negotiation task.” M= 5.94, SD = 1.10) [t’s < 1].
Examining physiological responses reveals a similar pattern: If participants in the high class
symbols condition felt more like they were dressing the part in the negotiation, one might expect
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 39
these participants to exhibit physiological responses suggesting their comfort with meeting the
demands of the negotiation task—indexed by increases in cardiac output from baseline (M=
0.33, SD = 0.99; Blascovich & Mendes, 2008). Contrary to this prediction, targets show no
condition differences in cardiac output during the negotiation [t< 1]. Overall, these results cast
doubt on the notion that participants in the upper- class symbols condition felt more comfortable
than their lower-class symbols or neutral counterparts.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 40
Table 1. Mean differences in hierarchical linear model analyses comparing upper-, neutral, and lower-class
symbols of targets and perceivers on key outcome variables. Numbers in parenthesis indicate standard errors of
the mean. Significant (p < .05) mean differences between upper- and lower-class targets and perceivers are
indicated using different subscript letters.
Partner is
Partner is
Partner is
T change
0.17 (0.25)
-0.21 (0.25)
-0.35 (0.24)
-0.69 (0.31)a
0.04 (0.31)b
-0.26 (0.30)
Average r
.09 (.08)a
-.13 (.08)b
.04 (.07)
-.03 (.07)
.02 (.07)
.02 (.07)
T = testosterone; HRV = heart rate variability; Δ = change from baseline; PEP = pre-ejection period
+Analysis reports results controlling for target and perceiver respiration rates.
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 41
Table 2. Raw correlations between behavioral and physiological responses during the
1. Profit
2. Concessions
3. T change
4. HRVareactivity
5. Δ Power
6. Average r (PEP)
* p < .05, +p < .10; T = testosterone; HRV = heart rate variability; PEP = pre-ejection period;
Δ Power = change in power from baseline; aAnalysis reports results controlling for respiration
Sartorial Symbols of Social Class 42
Figure 1. Lower-class (left panel) and upper-class (right panel) clothing used in the sartorial
manipulation. Photos of M. Halverson taken with permission by M. W. Kraus.
... A lot of research has been published over the past decades on how one's physical appearance and clothing impact others' opinion about the person in meetings and events. Appearance influences a person's credibility and possibilities for interaction and networking [44]. However, the studies on the impact of an avatar's clothing and visual appearance have scarcely been studied so far. ...
... Furthermore, the participants lacked routines expressing immediate feelings via avatar. Such expression of feelings via avatar has been found important in earlier studies about the role of the avatar [44], thus the creation and perception of trust were challenged at the SHIFT event partly due to these technical details. Reserved and less experienced 3D virtual platform users were more reluctant to interact, and thus did not advance the innovation process. ...
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The COVID-19 pandemic brought abrupt changes for international events that promote entrepreneurship and innovation. Usually, such events bring together thousands of participants to provide them with information about ongoing and emerging trends in their fields, to network with old and new colleagues and get ideas that can develop into innovations. In 2020, most such events were cancelled. Few events were organized virtually, that is without participants physically coming together. Compared with physical face-to-face events, virtual events reduce the travel-related emissions and consumption, thereby supporting sustainability. This article studies the SHIFT entrepreneurship and innovation event held virtually in October 2020 and organized in Finland. For this article, the author gathered data about user preferences from surveying participants, speakers, presenters and organizers, almost all of whom were first-time users of VirBELA’s 3D virtual platform. Furthermore, participant observation and interviews via avatars were conducted during the event. At the virtual event, 68% of respondents talked with former acquaintances, and 68% also talked with new acquaintances, and 53% opinioned that using the virtual platform can support the emergence of innovations. Virtual entrepreneurship and innovation events have potential to support networking, novel ideas and thus innovations, but issues of trust and confidentiality arose concerns among some participants.
... More than 40 studies have assessed PL across a range of cooperative and competitive or conflict-laden contexts and within a range of relationship types, including romantic partners Helm et al., 2014;Chen et al., 2020), parents and their children (Giuliano et al., 2015;McKillop and Connell, 2018;Li Z. et al., 2020), friends (Chanel et al., 2012;Järvelä et al., 2014), acquaintances (Codrons et al., 2014), and strangers (Kraus and Mendes, 2014;Page-Gould, 2018, 2019). By and large, PL has been ubiquitous throughout each of these studies. ...
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The present study explores physiological linkage (i.e., any form of statistical interdependence between the physiological signals of interacting partners; PL) using data from 65 same-sex, same ethnicity stranger dyads. Participants completed a knot-tying task with either a cooperative or competitive framing while either talking or remaining silent. Autonomic nervous system activity was measured continuously by electrocardiograph for both individuals during the interaction. Using a recently developed R statistical package (i.e., rties ), we modeled different oscillatory patterns of coordination between partner's interbeat interval (i.e., the time between consecutive heart beats) over the course of the task. Three patterns of PL emerged, characterized by differences in frequency of oscillation, phase, and damping or amplification. To address gaps in the literature, we explored (a) PL patterns as predictors of affiliation and (b) the interaction between individual differences and experimental condition as predictors of PL patterns. In contrast to prior analyses using this dataset for PL operationalized as covariation, the present analyses showed that oscillatory PL patterns did not predict affiliation, but the interaction of individual differences and condition differentially predicted PL patterns. This study represents a next step toward understanding the roles of individual differences, context, and PL among strangers.
... To develop a sense of their own standing within the social hierarchy, people must also identify the social status of other people, often based on immediate appearances. Such perceptions inform people's behavior; for instance, people become more physiologically vigilant and aware of others' emotions when interacting with peers of visibly higher status (Kraus & Mendes, 2014;Mattan et al., 2017). The present study examined how online raters' judgments of appearance, with respect to attractiveness and dominance, relate to judgments of status of incoming undergraduate students, a group actively developing status. ...
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Hierarchies naturally emerge in social species, and judgments of status in these hierarchies have consequences for social relationships and health. Although judgments of social status are shaped by appearance, the physical cues that inform judgments of status remain unclear. The transition to college presents an opportunity to examine judgments of social status in a newly developing social hierarchy. We examined whether appearances—as measured by raters’ judgments of photographs and videos—provide information about undergraduate students’ social status at their university and in society in Study 1. Exploratory analyses investigated whether associations differed by participants’ sex. Eighty-one first-year undergraduate students ( M age = 18.20, SD = 0.50; 64.2% female) provided photographs and videos and reported their social status relative to university peers and relative to other people in society. As hypothesized, when participants were judged to be more attractive and dominant they were also judged to have higher status. These associations were replicated in two additional samples of raters who evaluated smiling and neutral photographs from the Chicago Faces Database in Study 2. Multilevel models also revealed that college students with higher self-reported university social status were judged to have higher status, attractiveness, and dominance, although judgments were not related to self-reported society social status. Findings highlight that there is agreement between self-reports of university status and observer-perceptions of status based solely on photographs and videos, and suggest that appearance may shape newly developing social hierarchies, such as those that emerge during the transition to college.
... Prior research demonstrates that interactions with "devalued" individuals elicit more threat responses whereas interactions with higher status individuals elicit more challenge responses (Mendes et al., 2002). Insofar as intergroup interactions can create anxiety via an increase in perceived demands (e.g., uncertainty; Blascovich & Mendes, 2000) and that higher status members can physiologically influence lower status members (Kraus & Mendes, 2014), little is known how this extends to interactions among people with different sexual orientations. Future work examining both the perceiver and target's perspective is important for understanding the implications for sexual minorities as they navigate their social interactions with non-sexual minorities. ...
Sexual minority is an umbrella term used to describe individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or queer and/or engage in sexual behavior with individuals of the same sex or gender. Drawing on previous models (Hatzenbuehler, 2009; Major et al., 2013; Meyer, 2003; Ryan et al., 2017) and social psychological theory, this article outlines the social and health consequences of the stigma associated with being a sexual minority and the societal, social, and intrapersonal factors that might lead to these health and social disparities. We highlight key responses to stigmatization such as physiological responses, affect, and behavioral reactions that may contribute directly and/or indirectly to health outcomes. In doing so, we propose that the stigma of sexual minority identity, manifested at multiple levels, is associated with disparities in health and social outcomes and that social psychology can provide a useful lens to begin to reduce health disparities.
... This difference between revealing and non-revealing PDR clothing likely matters in terms of the subjective experience of wearing such clothing. A suit can hide perceived bodily flaws and make a person feel (and be perceived as) more powerful (Kraus & Mendes, 2014); highly revealing clothing can prompt body consciousness and make a person more likely to be perceived as a sexual object (Gray et al., 2011). ...
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Using the framework of objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts in Psychology of Women Quarterly 21(2): 173–206, 1997), the current studies explored how often women (vs. men) reported wearing clothing that is painful, distracting, and/or restricting (PDR clothing). Additionally, we examined differences in body surveillance (i.e., chronically monitoring the appearance of one’s body) and body appreciation between those who reported wearing various types of PDR clothing and those who did not. In both a sample of U.S. college students (n = 545) and a broader sample of U.S. adults (n = 252), results indicated that women were substantially more likely to wear PDR clothing than men. Across both samples, the largest differences between men and women were in wearing uncomfortable or painful shoes and in wearing clothing that is distracting because it requires ongoing monitoring or adjusting. Women and men with higher body surveillance were more likely to report wearing PDR clothing. Though some findings pointed toward a negative association between body appreciation and wearing PDR clothing, these results were inconsistent. Overall, results were consistent with the notion that the gendered nature of clothing might reflect and provoke chronic vigilance of the body’s appearance. Gendered differences in the extent to which clothing promotes comfort and movement vs. discomfort and distraction has clear implications for women’s quality of life.
... A significant number of studies seem to indicate that this self-image has quite important consequences on our behavior, often in unconscious ways [38]. For instance, people wearing formal clothes might want to convey the image of a professional and serious person, but will also feel more focused and negotiate with more confidence when wearing such clothes [39], [40]. This top-down influence named "enclothed cognition" (Adam and Galinsky [37]) is reminiscent of the embodiment of avatars: our intrinsic identity remains the same, but wearing clothes and accessories broadcasts a selfrepresentation that we control and identify to. ...
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Virtual self-avatars have been increasingly used in Augmented Reality (AR) where one can see virtual content embedded into physical space. However, little is known about the perception of self-avatars in such a context. The possibility that their embodiment could be achieved in a similar way as in Virtual Reality opens the door to numerous applications in education, communication, entertainment, or the medical field. This article aims to review the literature covering the embodiment of virtual self-avatars in AR. Our goal is (i) to guide readers through the different options and challenges linked to the implementation of AR embodiment systems, (ii) to provide a better understanding of AR embodiment perception by classifying the existing knowledge, and (iii) to offer insight on future research topics and trends for AR and avatar research. To do so, we introduce a taxonomy of virtual embodiment experiences by defining a "body avatarization" continuum. The presented knowledge suggests that the sense of embodiment evolves in the same way in AR as in other settings, but this possibility has yet to be fully investigated. We suggest that, whilst it is yet to be well understood, the embodiment of avatars has a promising future in AR and conclude by discussing possible directions for research.
... Recent findings regarding physiological linkage show this pattern, too. For example, an experimental manipulation of status between strangers led low-status partners to show more linkage to high-status partners than vice versa (Kraus and Mendes, 2014). In the context of doctor-patient interactions, patients are both lower in status (because doctors have more domain-relevant-expertise and education than patients) and lower in power (because patients are dependent on doctors for diagnoses and treatment options). ...
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Introduction Doctors and patients influence each other when interacting and, as a result, can become similar to each other in affect and behavior. In the current work, we examine whether they also become similar to each other on a moment-to-moment basis in their physiological responses. Specifically, we examine physiological linkage—how much a doctor's (or patient's) physiological response predicts a patient's (or doctor's) response at a subsequent time interval—and whether this changes over the course of doctor-patient relationships (measured as the number of consultations held for each unique doctor-patient dyad). Methods We collected interbeat interval responses (IBI) continuously during consultations between oncologists and patients undergoing cancer treatment (N = 102 unique doctor-patient interactions) at a hospital in Austria. Results Physiological linkage varied by an interaction between role (doctor vs. patient) and relationship length (in a non-linear, quadratic pattern). Patients showed significant positive linkage to their doctors (i.e., doctors' physiological responses positively, significantly predicted patients' responses) in relationships that spanned three to eight consultations together. Patients were not linked to their doctors in shorter or longer relationships. Doctors were never significantly linked to their patients, meaning that patients' physiological responses never predicted doctors’ responses. Conclusion These results reveal that, by influencing patients' physiological responses on a moment-to-moment basis, doctors may have even more influence over patients’ physiology than previously known.
... Our behavior manipulation was in line with emerging evidence, where we described actions that were either appropriate or unacceptable in lower SES contexts (Butalia, 2013;Piff et al., 2010;Van Kleef et al., 2011). Our social class manipulation in the form of clothing was adapted from the study by Kraus and Mendes (2014) and consistent with theorizing about social class and clothing in India (Bhatia, 2018;Budhwar & Varma, 2011;Dahlberg, 1996;Gelles, 2011;Kalpagam, 2008;Mount, 2017;Sandhu, 2015;Singh, 2016). We fully crossed repeated-measures stimuli, describing target behavior and target social class, and randomized presentation order (materials in Supplement B). ...
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A perceiver’s socioeconomic status (SES) should influence social perceptions toward others. However, there is little evidence for this effect within and beyond Western samples. We hence evaluate the relationship between perceiver SES and dehumanized perception in a society where status is historically defined: India. Across two studies, we hypothesized that perceiver SES would predict dehumanization toward societal outcasts—beggars—and norm violators. Replicating previous work, in Study 1, upper SES perceivers dehumanized beggars more than lower SES perceivers; accounted for by low self-reported contact likelihood. In Study 2, norm violators were perceived as less human but more so by lower rather than upper SES perceivers. This novel finding was partially explained by perceivers viewing female violators as less prototypical, aligned with theorizing in gender research. Our results indicate that SES influences dehumanization via contact likelihood as well as the perceived normativity of a targets’ behavior.
We develop and test predictions about how differences in people’s social class backgrounds, as well as interpersonal perceptions of social class, influence leadership emergence as teams change tasks and group membership. Drawing on adaptive leadership theory, we test distinct pathways for how team members’ social class backgrounds contribute to their likelihood of emerging as a leader. Using data from two samples consisting of 90 teams and over 500 individuals, we find consistent support for a person’s objective class background informing subjective perceptions of social class, which in turn predict leadership emergence. Our findings extend recent research examining the relevance of social class in leadership research by demonstrating how interpersonal judgments of one’s class position contribute to leader emergence even as the group’s membership or task changes and irrespective of an individual’s performance. By examining the role of social class in these informal, yet important, attributions of leadership, our study identifies potential avenues by which class‐based inequalities can be reproduced within contemporary organizations.
To promote upward mobility for the working-class, much effort has focused on making higher education more widely accessible. However, upward mobility is also powerfully determined by processes that occur after college, when individuals launch their work careers. In the current study, college students who were about to enter the labor market completed mock job interviews while being videotaped. Supporting cultural mismatch theory (Stephens, Townsend, et al., 2012), participants from working-class backgrounds displayed less disjoint agentic behavior during their interviews (e.g., less assertive behavior). This led observers to evaluate them as less intelligent and socio-emotionally skilled, and led professional hiring managers to view them as less worthy of hire – even though working-class individuals were as intelligent and more socio-emotionally skilled than their upper-class counterparts (Study 1). However, when hiring managers were told to place more value on cooperation and teamwork rather than competition and individualism, individuals who displayed low disjoint agency did not face the same bias (Study 2). This suggests that the bias against individuals from working-class backgrounds observed in Study 1 can be mitigated.
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Epidemiological and animal studies often find that higher social status is associated with better physical health outcomes, but these findings are by design correlational and lack mediational explanations. In two studies, we examine neurobiological reactivity to test the hypothesis that higher social status leads to salutary short-term psychological, physiological, and behavioral responses. In Study 1, we measured police officers’ subjective social status and had them engage in a stressful task during which we measured cardiovascular and neuroendocrine reactivity. In Study 2, we manipulated social status and examined physiological reactivity and performance outcomes to explore links among status, performance, and physiological reactivity. Results indicated that higher social status (whether measured or manipulated) was associated with approach-oriented physiology (Studies 1 and 2) and better performance (Study 2) relative to lower status. These findings point to acute reactivity as one possible causal mechanism to better physical health among those higher in social status.
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Emotions, thoughts and intentions are not simply concepts that live privately in our minds, but rather affective states emanate from us and may influence those around us. We explored affect contagion in the context of one of the closest dyadic units, mother and infant. We initially separated mothers and infants and randomly assigned mothers to experience either a: 1) stressful positive-evaluation task; 2) stressful negative-evaluation task; or 3) non-stressful control task, and then reunited mothers and infants. Three notable findings were observed: 1) Infants’ physiological reactivity mirrored mothers’ reactivity engendered by the stress manipulation; 2) Infants whose mothers experienced social-evaluation compared to the control condition showed more avoidance towards strangers; 3) Following negative-evaluation, dyads exhibited greater physiological covariation, which increased over time. These findings suggest that mothers’ stressful experiences are contagious to their infants and that close pairs, like mothers and babies, can reciprocally influence each other’s dynamic physiological reactivity.
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Emotions, thoughts and intentions are not simply concepts that live privately in our minds, but rather affective states emanate from us and may influence those around us. We explored affect contagion in the context of one of the closest dyadic units, mother and infant. We initially separated mothers and infants and randomly assigned mothers to experience either a: 1) stressful positive-evaluation task; 2) stressful negative-evaluation task; or 3) non-stressful control task, and then reunited mothers and infants. Three notable findings were observed: 1) Infants’ physiological reactivity mirrored mothers’ reactivity engendered by the stress manipulation; 2) Infants whose mothers experienced social-evaluation compared to the control condition showed more avoidance towards strangers; 3) Following negative-evaluation, dyads exhibited greater physiological covariation, which increased over time. These findings suggest that mothers’ stressful experiences are contagious to their infants and that close pairs, like mothers and babies, can reciprocally influence each other’s dynamic physiological reactivity.
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To draw causal conclusions about the efficacy of a psychological intervention, researchers must compare the treatment condition with a control group that accounts for improvements caused by factors other than the treatment. Using an active control helps to control for the possibility that improvement by the experimental group resulted from a placebo effect. Although active control groups are superior to "no-contact" controls, only when the active control group has the same expectation of improvement as the experimental group can we attribute differential improvements to the potency of the treatment. Despite the need to match expectations between treatment and control groups, almost no psychological interventions do so. This failure to control for expectations is not a minor omission-it is a fundamental design flaw that potentially undermines any causal inference. We illustrate these principles with a detailed example from the video-game-training literature showing how the use of an active control group does not eliminate expectation differences. The problem permeates other interventions as well, including those targeting mental health, cognition, and educational achievement. Fortunately, measuring expectations and adopting alternative experimental designs makes it possible to control for placebo effects, thereby increasing confidence in the causal efficacy of psychological interventions. © The Author(s) 2013.
The Whitehall study of British civil servants begun in 1967, showed a steep inverse association between social class, as assessed by grade of employment, and mortality from a wide range of diseases. Between 1985 and 1988 we investigated the degree and causes of the social gradient in morbidity in a new cohort of 10 314 civil servants (6900 men, 3414 women) aged 35-55 (the Whitehall 11 study). Participants were asked to answer a self-administered questionnaire and attend a screening examination. In the 20 years separating the two studies there has been no diminution in social class difference in morbidity: we found an inverse association between employment grade and prevalence of angina, electrocardiogram evidence of ischaemia, and symptoms of chronic bronchitis. Self-perceived health status and symptoms were worse in subjects in lower status jobs. There were clear employment-grade differences in health-risk behaviours including smoking, diet, and exercise, in economic circumstances, in possible effects of early-life environment as reflected by height, in social circumstances at work (eg, monotonous work characterised by low control and low satisfaction), and in social supports. Healthy behaviours should be encouraged across the whole of society; more attention should be paid to the social environments, job design, and the consequences of income inequality.
The chameleon effect refers to nonconscious mimicry of the postures, mannerisms, facial expressions, and other behaviors of one's interaction partners, such that one's behavior passively rind unintentionally changes to match that of others in one's current social environment. The authors suggest that the mechanism involved is the perception-behavior link, the recently documented finding (e.g., J. A. Bargh, M. Chen, & L. Burrows, 1996) that the mere perception of another' s behavior automatically increases the likelihood of engaging in that behavior oneself Experiment 1 showed that the motor behavior of participants unintentionally matched that of strangers with whom they worked on a task. Experiment 2 had confederates mimic the posture and movements of participants and showed that mimicry facilitates the smoothness of interactions and increases liking between interaction partners. Experiment 3 showed that dispositionally empathic individuals exhibit the chameleon effect to a greater extent than do other people.
Though the scientific study of social class is over a century old, theories regarding how social class shapes psychological experience are in their infancy. In this review, we provide a road map for the empirical study of an emerging psychology of social class. Specifically, we outline key measurement issues in the study of social class – including the importance of both objective indicators and subjective perceptions of social class – as well as theoretical insights into the role of the social class context in influencing behavior. We then summarize why a psychology of social class is likely to be a fruitful area of research and propose that social class environments guide psychological experience because they shape fundamental aspects of the self and patterns of relating to others. Finally, we differentiate social class from other rank-relevant states (e.g., power) and social categories (e.g., race/ethnicity), while also outlining potential avenues of future research.