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Editor's Corner The Gender Affirmative Model: What We Know and What We Aim to Learn

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Abstract

In the summer of 2013, Dr. Jack Drescher published an editorial opinion about gender-nonconforming children in the New York Times in which he stated: ''Cur-rently experts can't tell apart kids who outgrow gender dysphoria (desisters) from those who do not (persisters), and how to treat them is controversial'' [Drescher, 2013, p. 1]. As members of a four-site child gender clinic group, we concur with Dr. Drescher regarding the controversy, but take issue with his assessment of experts and their inability to differentially assess ''persisters'' and ''desisters'' in childhood. We would like to take this opportunity to outline the gender affirmative model from which we practice, dispel myths about this model, and briefly outline the state of knowledge in our field regarding facilitators of healthy psychosocial development in gender-nonconforming children. The major premises informing our modes of prac-tice include: (a) gender variations are not disorders; (b) gender presentations are di-verse and varied across cultures, therefore requiring our cultural sensitivity; (c) to the best of our knowledge at present, gender involves an interweaving of biology, devel-opment and socialization, and culture and context, with all three bearing on any in-dividual's gender self; (d) gender may be fluid, and is not binary, both at a particular time and if and when it changes within an individual across time; (e) if there is pathol-ogy, it more often stems from cultural reactions (e.g., transphobia, homophobia, sex-ism) rather than from within the child. Our goals within this model are to listen to the child and decipher with the help of parents or caregivers what the child is communicating about both gender identity and gender expressions. We define gender identity as the gender the child articulates
Editor’s Corner
Human Development 2013;56:285–290
DOI: 10.1159/000355235
The Gender Affirmative Model: What We
Know and What We Aim to Learn
Marco A. Hidalgo a Diane Ehrensaft b Amy C. Tishelman c
Leslie F. Clark
d Robert Garofalo a Stephen M. Rosenthal b
Norman P. Spack
c Johanna Olson d
a Ann and Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago/Feinberg School of Medicine,
Northwestern University, Chicago, Ill. ,
b University of California San Francisco Medical
Center, San Francisco, Calif. ,
c Boston Children’s Hospital/Harvard Medical School,
Boston, Mass. , and
d Children’s Hospital Los Angeles/Keck School of Medicine, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles, Calif. , USA
In the summer of 2013, Dr. Jack Drescher published an editorial opinion about
gender-nonconforming children in the New York Times in which he stated: ‘‘Cur-
rently experts can’t tell apart kids who outgrow gender dysphoria (desisters) from
those who do not (persisters), and how to treat them is controversial’’ [Drescher,
2013, p. 1]. As members of a four-site child gender clinic group, we concur with Dr.
Drescher regarding the controversy, but take issue with his assessment of experts and
their inability to differentially assess ‘‘persisters’’ and ‘‘desisters’’ in childhood. We
would like to take this opportunity to outline the gender affirmative model from
which we practice, dispel myths about this model, and briefly outline the state of
knowledge in our field regarding facilitators of healthy psychosocial development in
gender-nonconforming children. The major premises informing our modes of prac-
tice include: (a) gender variations are not disorders; (b) gender presentations are di-
verse and varied across cultures, therefore requiring our cultural sensitivity; (c) to the
best of our knowledge at present, gender involves an interweaving of biology, devel-
opment and socialization, and culture and context, with all three bearing on any in-
dividual’s gender self; (d) gender may be fluid, and is not binary, both at a particular
time and if and when it changes within an individual across time; (e) if there is pathol-
ogy, it more often stems from cultural reactions (e.g., transphobia, homophobia, sex-
ism) rather than from within the child.
Our goals within this model are to listen to the child and decipher with the help
of parents or caregivers what the child is communicating about both gender identity
and gender expressions. We define gender identity as the gender the child articulates
Diane Ehrensaft
445 Bellevue Avenue, Suite 302
Oakland, CA 94610 (USA)
E-Mail dehrensaft @ earthlink.net
© 2013 S. Karger AG, Basel
0018–716X/13/0565–0285$38.00/0
www.karger.com/hde
E-Mail karger@karger.com
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DOI: 10.1159/000355235
286 Hidalgo /Ehrensaft /Tishelman /Clark /Garofalo /
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/Spack /Olson
as being – male, female, or something else. Research and our clinical experience sug-
gest that many children develop a strong sense of gender identity at a young age. In
most children, that identification will match the sex assigned on the child’s birth
certificate, but in a small minority the affirmed gender will be other than that assign-
ment. Learning from the work of Milton Diamond [2000], we understand gender
identity, both in its match and mismatch with assigned natal sex, as primarily in-
formed by a child’s cognitions and emotions, rather than by genitalia and observable
external sex characteristics. Gender identity is then to be differentiated from gender
expressions: the manner in which a child presents gender to the world – physical ap-
pearance, toys chosen, preferred playmates and activities. The category ‘‘gender-
nonconforming children’’ embraces all children exploring, questioning, or asserting
their gender identities and/or their gender expressions outside of cultural expecta-
tions. By differentiating gender expressions from gender identities, we have a tool
for sorting out the children who are insistent, persistent, and consistent in their af-
firmation of a cross-gender identity from those children who are either asserting or
exploring gender-nonconforming expressions within acceptance of their natal gen-
der assignment.
We have worked to dispel the myth that gender identity formation is synony-
mous with sexual identity formation (i.e., sexual orientation). Simply put, sexual
identity refers to the gender(s) one is romantically and/or sexually attracted to, while
gender identity has to do with what gender you are. These are two separate lines of
development, albeit ones with crossovers for certain children. For example, many
young boys explore the margins of gender identity on the way to later discovering
their gay sexual identities; these boys will often fall within the category of desisters,
shedding either their earlier gender nonconformity or dysphoria and developing into
males who identify as gay [Ehrensaft, 2011].
In this model, gender health is defined as a child’s opportunity to live in the
gender that feels most real or comfortable to that child and to express that gender
with freedom from restriction, aspersion, or rejection. Children not allowed these
freedoms by agents within their developmental systems (e.g., family, peers, school)
are at later risk for developing a downward cascade of psychosocial adversities in-
cluding depressive symptoms, low life satisfaction, self-harm, isolation, homeless-
ness, incarceration, posttraumatic stress, and suicide ideation and attempts [D’Au-
gelli, Grossman, & Starks, 2006; Garofalo, Deleon, Osmer, Doll, & Harper, 2006;
Roberts, Rosario, Corliss, Koenen, & Bryn Austin, 2012; Skidmore, Linsenmeier, &
Bailey, 2006; Toomey, Ryan, Díaz, Card, & Russell, 2010; Travers et al., 2012]. While
the developmental impact of our approach has yet to be rigorously studied, some
evidence suggests that gender-nonconforming children are negatively impacted
when given the message by therapists, doctors, or families that their gender expres-
sion must conform to traditional gender roles associated with their birth-assigned
gender [Hill, Menvielle, Sica, & Johnson, 2010]. Psychotherapies attempting to
tweak a child’s gender identity or expressions have been shown to suppress authen-
tic gender expression and create psychological symptoms [Bryant, 2006; Green,
Newman, & Stoller, 1972]. What we can deduce is that these psychotherapies are
unsuccessful because they aim to alter a child’s emerging gender identity (i.e., an in-
ternal sense of self) by attempting to change the child’s nonconforming gender ex-
pression (i.e., a behavior). Similar behavioral efforts to change aspects of sexual iden-
tity (i.e., reparative psychotherapies for homosexuality) have also proven unsuccess-
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ful, deleterious, and lacking in efficacy [for a review, see Anton, 2010]. Professional
health organizations, including the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), the
American Psychiatric Association (APA), and the American Psychological Associa-
tion, recommend against implementing such change efforts in clinical care [AAP,
1993; Anton, 2010; APA, 2000].
Newly emerging evidence indicating the positive influence of family acceptance
on the psychosocial well-being of gender-nonconforming and transgender youth
supports our gender-affirming model of care [Ryan, Russell, Huebner, Díaz, & Sán-
chez, 2010; Travers et al., 2012]. In a study of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
young adults, reports of family acceptance related to sexual and gender identity/
expression during adolescence were associated with positive self-esteem, increased
social support, and overall health in early adulthood [Ryan et al., 2010]. Family ac-
ceptance was also found to protect youth against negative psychosocial health vulner-
abilities commonly faced by gender-nonconforming and transgender youth (includ-
ing depression, substance abuse, and suicidality). More recently, in a sample com-
prised exclusively of gender-nonconforming and transgender youth, those who
reported their families as being strongly supportive of their gender identity and ex-
pression in childhood endorsed more positive mental health, less depressive symp-
toms, high self-esteem and life satisfaction in later adolescence compared with those
whose families were non-supportive [Travers et al., 2012]. As concluded by the au-
thors: ‘‘… anything less than strong support may have deleterious effects on a child’s
well-being’’ (p. 3). If that is so, we need to dispel the myths that confuse families and
prevent that support from occurring.
Myths about the Gender Affirmative Model
Two myths regarding a gender-affirming approach misrepresent its underlying
beliefs and assumptions. We outline these myths here.
Myth No. 1: Gender-affirming approaches conflate gender identity and gender ex-
pression; therefore, any child who exhibits gender nonconformity is believed to be trans-
gender.
Nothing could be further from the truth. Given that the gender affirmative mod-
el purports that gender presentations are diverse and varied, gender identity itself is
multiple in its possibilities, and can be paired with infinitely varied presentations. We
recognize that non-transgender individuals express their identities in manifold ways,
and embrace the welcome diversity that this facilitates. We also acknowledge that the
majority of gender-nonconforming children presenting for clinical care related to
gender dysphoria are desisters unlikely to mature into transgender individuals [de
Vries, Steensma, Doreleijers, & Cohen-Kettenis, 2011; Drummond, Bradley, Peter-
son-Badali, & Zucker, 2008; Green, 1987; Steensma, McGuire, Kreukels, Beekman, &
Cohen-Kettenis, 2013; Wallien & Cohen-Kettenis, 2008; Zucker & Bradley, 1995].
Thus, we dispute the notion that any child who exhibits nonconforming gender ex-
pression be considered transgender. Our stance, as gender-affirming practitioners, is
that children should be helped to live as they are most comfortable. For a gender-
nonconforming child, determining what is most comfortable is often a fluid process,
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288 Hidalgo /Ehrensaft /Tishelman /Clark /Garofalo /
Rosenthal
/Spack /Olson
and can modify over time. Therefore, in a gender affirmative model, gender identity
and expression are enabled to unfold over time, as a child matures, acknowledging
and allowing for fluidity and change. Support, problem-solving, communication and
acceptance can facilitate a child’s self-understanding and choices, and allow time and
space for exploration and self-acceptance within an infinite variety of authentic gen-
der selves, whether it be in identity, expression, or both. To the extent possible, par-
ents and others should be supported to endure what can be a confusing and socially
challenging period.
Myth No. 2: The gender affirmative model asserts that gender identity and gender
expression are immutable and removed from social context or influence.
This myth of ‘‘essentialism’’ suggests that our approach endorses gender iden-
tity as fixed at or before birth and that no outside forces help shape or influence a
child’s identity or expression. To the contrary, we recognize that all elements of a
child’s sense of self – their self-beliefs, emotional responses, cognitions, perceptions,
expressions and assertions – develop and are informed by a complex interplay of cul-
tural, social, geographic, and interpersonal factors [Bronfenbrenner, 1979]. The gen-
der affirmative model holds central an awareness of prevailing societal norms per-
taining to gender identity and gender expression. These norms, present even in lan-
guage and pronoun structures, support a binary interpretation of gender (e.g., male
vs. female). Children with nonconforming gender expression (whether or not they
exhibit gender dysphoria) are at odds with prevailing gender norms. Those whose
behaviors (and/or dysphoria) ‘‘persist’’ do so even while vulnerable to facing consid-
erable isolation and disdain from family, peers and others, and often without many
media models or others with whom to identify. This suggests a strong constitutional
component for gender-nonconforming children, albeit one never exempt from envi-
ronmental forces. Our objective is to support gender-nonconforming children in
what may be fundamental to all elements of their sense of self. This understanding
informs our model’s premises that gender presentations are fluid and changing over
time as well as our orientation that, to the extent possible, children should be com-
fortable to freely explore a range of gender identities and expressions without external
and rejecting forces impinging upon them.
From Shattering Myths to Taking Action
The fields of medicine and psychology are only beginning to uncover the devel-
opmental trajectory of gender identity and expression in gender-nonconforming
children. We have much to learn about the healthy development of these children
and their families. For example, what are the comparative developmental outcomes
of the various approaches for treating gender-nonconforming children and youth?
Can we provide a fuller, accurate developmental picture distinguishing gender-non-
conforming children who are transgender from gender-nonconforming children
who may not be transgender? Is there any psychological harm done if a child transi-
tions from one gender to another and then transitions back? What are the outcomes
of receiving (or not receiving) psychosocial or medical interventions characteristic
of gender-affirming support, which may include reversible pubertal suppression
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therapy and irreversible cross-sex hormone therapy? Can we identify resilience fac-
tors and psychosocial risk factors in gender-nonconforming children and their fam-
ilies? What are the effects, both positive and negative, of the family, peer, socio-eco-
nomic, and socio-cultural systems in which gender-nonconforming children devel-
op? Are there instances in which a child’s beliefs about gender identity can become
confused by family and social forces, and how can we help to account for and coun-
ter such forces?
We invite other theoreticians and practitioners to consider the premises we have
laid forth for the gender affirmative model, and the rationale supporting them. We
also encourage the development of informal, multidisciplinary networks, such as our
own, comprised of providers who abide by a gender-affirming model of care, are cu-
rious about finding answers to the questions about the gender-nonconforming chil-
dren and youth we serve, and are eminently guided by the oath of our professions: to
‘‘do no harm.’’ Together, we hope to make a positive difference in the lives of these
children and families and in society at large so that gender in all its iterations can
flourish.
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... 14 In addition, a needs assessment in South Florida identified routine and quality health care, including HIV, among top five health concerns of TGNC people living with HIV. 15 Another needs assessment of TGNC people living with HIV in New Orleans, Louisiana found trans-affirming health care and access to different HIV treatments among top health concerns. 16 In Bradford et al. 15 and Chung et al., 16 and Chung et al. 17 stigma and discrimination were cited as barriers to general and HIV health care. ...
... As a set of tenets, the gender affirmative model (GAM) guides practice with people of transgender, non-binary, gender diverse, expansive, and nonconforming lived experience. 17 It asserts: a) gender variations of identities and presentations are not disorders (i.e., depathologizing and destigmatizing); b) differences across cultures, requiring cultural sensitivity; c) involvement of biology, development and socialization, and culture and context; d) fluid or non-binary possibilities; and e) recognition of pathology (e.g., trauma-related symptoms or mental health challenges) as stemming from experiences of anti-transgender societal reactions. Gender-affirmative model approaches encompass the recognition and respect of an individual's gender identity and expression, with consideration of social and cultural contexts. ...
... In the contemporary U.S. South, GAM training is particularly important, given the region's socio-cultural realities (which strongly affect HSOs and HIV-affected TGNC groups). [8][9][10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18]48 This study aims 1) to summarize survey data from September 2018-August 2019 on GAM training and service provision at HSOs in Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas; and 2) to examine barriers to implementing GAM training and service provision. ...
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Research on gender affirmative models (GAM) of training and service provision is emerging. This study aims 1) to summarize 2018–2019 survey data on GAM training and service provision at Southern HIV Service Organizations (HSOs) in the U.S. South and 2) identify barriers in the region. Methods. Data were collected from Southern HSOs ( n =207). Relations between GAM training and service provision were examined through frequency distributions and logistic regressions. Results. Few (46.6%) received training. Most (73%) used clients' asserted names and pronouns. Only 62% engaged with transgender, nonbinary, and gender nonconforming (TGNC) communities and 55% provided a gender autonomous (i.e., based on self-determination) facility. Gender affirmative model-trained HSOs had at least twice the odds of implementing GAM elements compared with non-trained HSOs. Barriers included funding (61%), expertise/knowledge (59%), capacity/staff-ing (52%), and political climate (23%). Discussion . This study identifies gaps and highlights the urgent need for funding, training, and meaningful TGNC community partnerships.
... We also use the gender affirmative model as our lens by which to view gendered implications of sexuality, SRH, and SRH education, whose underlying premises are (a) gender variations are not disorders; (b) gender presentations are diverse and varied across cultures, therefore requiring our cultural sensitivity; (c) to the best of our knowledge at present, gender involves an interweaving of biology, development and socialization, and culture and context, with all three bearing on any individual's gender self; (d) gender may be fluid, and is not binary, both at a particular time and if and when it changes within an individual across time; and (e) if there is pathology, it more often stems from cultural reactions (e.g., transphobia, homophobia, sexism) rather than from within the child (Hidalgo et al., 2013). ...
... We used an inductive approach using CCA and the gender affirmative model by which to explore gendered implications of sexuality, SRH, and SRH education from male-identified perspectives (Dutta, 2008;Hidalgo et al., 2013). We used a multi-phase analysis of multiple sources of data, including Photovoice and YPAR discussion sessions, youth interviews, CAB member meetings, and CAB member interviews. ...
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... GALA counters gatekeeping models of transgender care through a trans-affirmative approach that centers transgender voices and experiences, and asserts that being transgender is an identity, not a disorder (Carroll & Mizock, 2017;Hidalgo et al., 2013). The value of intersectionality requires that, when addressing an individual's gender, clinicians recognize and acknowledge that the cultural contexts of race, class, sexual orientation, ability status, and other important identities are inextricably linked and interwoven into a person's lived experience (Crenshaw, 1991;Nadal, 2013). ...
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Introducción. La destransición de género es el acto de detener o revertir los cambios sociales, médicos y/o administrativos con- seguidos durante un proceso de transición de género. Se trata de un fenómeno emergente de gran interés a nivel clínico y social. Método. Se condujo una búsqueda sistemática en siete bases de datos entre 2010 y 2022, se rastrearon manualmente las referencias de los artículos y se consultaron libros especializados. Se realizó un análisis cuantitativo y de contenido. Resultados. Se incluyeron 138 registros, 37% correspondientes a estudios empíricos y 38,4% publicados en 2021. Se identifican al menos ocho términos para hacer referencia a la destransición, con diferencias en sus definiciones. La prevalencia difiere en función del criterio utilizado, siendo menor para la destransición/arrepentimiento (0-13,1%) que para la descontinuación de la asistencia/tratamiento médico (1,9%-29,8%), y menor para la destransición/arrepentimiento tras cirugía (0-2,4%) que para la destransición/arrepentimiento tras tratamiento hormonal (0-9,8%). Se describen más de 50 factores psicológicos, médicos y socioculturales que influyen en la decisión de destransicionar, así como 16 factores predictores/asociados a la destransición. No se encuentran guías de abordaje sanitario ni legislativo. Los debates actuales se centran en los interrogantes sobre la naturaleza de la disforia de género y el desarrollo de la identidad, el papel de los profesionales con respecto al acceso a los tratamientos médicos y el impacto de las destransiciones sobre la futura accesibilidad a dichos tratamientos. Conclusiones. La destransición de género es una realidad compleja, heterogénea, poco estudiada y escasamente comprendida. Se requiere un abordaje y estudio sistemático que permita comprender su prevalencia real, implicaciones y manejo a nivel sanitario.
... These include, for example, anti-bullying policies, support groups such as gay-straight alliances, professional development for faculty that relates to LGBTQA + student issues, and the inclusion of LGBTQA + identities in the curriculum [7][8][9][10]. While these policies and practices are designed to create inclusive and safe environments for LGBTQA + youth and may lead to experiences of affirmation [9], an affirmative approach goes beyond inclusivity and safety to create an environment that recognises, validates and supports the identity stated or expressed by LGBTQA + youth [11,12]. ...
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