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Sicomines – das 6,5 Milliarden US$ Abkommen als Ausdruck der Intensivierung chinesischen Engagements in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo – mutual benefit und win-win co-operation?
Abstract
Die nachfolgende Arbeit analysiert das 2007 unterzeichnete, Rohmineralien-für-Infrastruktur „Sino-Congolais des Mines“ (Sicomines) Abkommen, zwischen der Demokratischen Republik Kongo und China. Im Zuge dessen werden die Motive der handelnden AkteurInnen, die Dynamiken in der Phase der Nachverhandlungen des Abkommens von 2007-2009, sowie die Inhalte des Abkommens eingehender beleuchtet. Zudem stellt die historische Komponente sowie die von den OECD Staaten
differierende Ausrichtung des chinesischen Engagements in den Staaten des Südens einen wichtigen Bestandteil bei der Betrachtung dar. Als wichtiger Geberstaat und Rohstoffimporteur in Subsahara-Afrika und dem damit einhergehenden zunehmenden Einfluss als globaler Akteur, wird die in der letzten Dekade rasant gestiegene chinesische Aktivität auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent unterstrichen und ihre strategische Ausrichtung thematisiert. Weiters werden die im Zuge des Sicomines Abkommens ausgehandelten Infrastrukturprojekte betreffend ihrer Nachhaltigkeit und Nutzen für die DRK untersucht und der Frage nachgegangen, inwiefern die vertragliche Übereinkunft dem
Konzept von mutual benefit beziehungsweise win-win co-operation gerecht wird.
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Chinese foreign policy is now driven by China's unprecedented need for resources. In exchange for access to oil and other raw materials to fuel its booming economy, Beijing has boosted its bilateral relations with resource-rich states, sometimes striking deals with rogue governments or treading on U.S. turf. Beijing's hunger may worry some in Washington, but it also creates new grounds for cooperation.
Responding to the recent upsurge of interest in 'emerging donors', this article argues that the DAC share of aid is likely to decline only slowly from what is a historically high level, and at least some non-DAC donors are likely to see DAC approaches and norms as relevant. Nevertheless, low-income countries seem likely to have a wider range of financing options. Three key risks are that: they prejudice their debt situation by borrowing on inappropriate terms; they use low-conditionality aid to postpone necessary adjustment; and they waste resources on unproductive investments. DAC members should develop constructive dialogue with other bilateral donors based on recognition that sustainable development and poverty reduction should be the core purpose of aid. Copyright 2006 Overseas Development Institute.
This article analyses China's contemporary engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) as an example of Chinese involvement in a resource-rich, conflict-affected country. Following a large ‘minerals for infrastructure’ agreement signed in 2008, China's activities in the DRC are often presented as an example of a departure from Western-led liberal peacebuilding and development, by providing ‘corrupt’ Congolese national elites with new sources of unchecked rents; or it is viewed as a positive alternative to Western approaches, by focusing on win–win development and reconstruction. Both these views are flawed. Rather than offering a marked alternative to a Western ‘liberal’ peacebuilding project, this article argues that Chinese interests have increasingly coincided with evolving Western interests in support of stabilization and market-driven economic activities. This, however, does not offer a clear pathway to security and development in the DRC. On the contrary, both Chinese and Western involvement in the DRC provide possibilities for continued insecurity, rather than any fundamental break from previous patterns and structures of politics.
Considers China's African policy since the 1960s, with a focus on political and foreign aid policies and behaviour. Examines the following questions: what has been the rolfe of the African theater in Chinese foreign policy? What major policy changes, if any, have taken place in China's African policy? Has China sought to maintain a significant level of interaction with Africa in the 1980s? If so, how and with what success? Is there an Africa in future Chinese foreign policy considerations? And, what does China's African policy tell us about Chinese foreign policy generally? -from Author
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