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Likestilling hjemme
Abstract
No r s k i n s t i t u t t f o r f o r s k n i n g om oppvekst, velferd og aldring 8/2012 Rapporten tar et bredt blikk på deling av husholdsoppgaver og holdninger til likestilling i nyere norske landsrepresenta-tive data. Hvordan deles hus-arbeid og omsorgsarbeid for barn i par i ulike livsfaser? Varierer arbeidsdelingen mellom sosiale klasser og ulike typer bomiljø? Hvor like-stillingsvennlige er menn og kvinner i sine holdninger? Hvor sterk er sammenhengen mellom holdninger og arbeids-deling hjemme? Hva betyr arbeidsdeling for tilfredshet i samlivet og risikoen for sam-livsbrudd? Analysene bygger på data fra studien om Livs-løp, generasjon og kjønn (LOGG) og Den norske panel-studien av livsløp, aldring og generasjon (NorLAG). LOGG består av 15.000 respondenter i alderen 18–84 år intervjuet i 2007–2008. NorLAG har hatt to runder med datainnsamling (2002–2003 og 2007–2008). 4.000 respondenter i alderen 40–84 år deltok i begge runder.
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In this book, leading international scholars roll up their sleeves to investigate how culture and country characteristics permeate our households and our private lives. The book introduces novel frameworks for understanding why the household remains a bastion of traditional gender relations—even when employed full-time, women everywhere still do most of the work around the house, and poor women spend more time on housework than affluent women. Education systems, tax codes, labor laws, public polices, and cultural beliefs about motherhood and marriage all make a difference. Any accounting of “who does what” needs to consider the complicity of trade unions, state arrangements for children's schooling, and new cultural prescriptions for a happy marriage. With its cross-national perspective, this pioneering volume speaks not only to sociologists concerned with gender and family, but also to those interested in scholarship on states, public policy, culture, and social inequality.
Fars forkjørsrett – mors vikeplikt? Karriere, kjønn og omsorgsansvar i eliteprofesjoner Basert på spørreskjema- og intervjudata utforsker denne artikkelen betydningen av foreldreskap og arbeid-familietilpasning for karriererealisering blant eliteutdannede kvinner og menn. Vi finner ingen kjønnsforskjell i karriererealisering mellom kvinner og menn uten barn, men derimot en betydelig forskjell mellom mødre og fedre. Analysene viser at preferanser i liten grad kan forklare kjønnsforskjell i karriererealisering, mens faktisk fordeling av omsorgs- og jobbansvar har vesentlig større forklaringskraft. Vi finner en markant diskrepans mellom likestilte preferanser for tilpasning til karriere og familie – og kjønnstradisjonelle praksiser. Den kvalitative analysen viser hvordan både kvinnelige og mannlige informanter med kjønnstradisjonell arbeid-familietilpasning begrunner sine praksiser i en typisk, men tvetydig fortelling: Den kjønnstradisjonelle tilpasningen er et resultat av at hans karrierepreferanser har fått forrang foran hennes. Likevel er tilpasningen i tråd med hennes ønsker, fordi hun syns det er viktig og meningsfylt å ha mer tid til barna. Både nødvendigheten av og omkostningene ved mors vikeplikt artikuleres – samtidig som de langsiktige karrierekonsekvensene tones ned. Gjennom å studere faktiske arbeid-familiepraksiser i lys av preferanser, fornøydhet og begrunnelser, drøfter artikkelen hvordan kjønnstradisjonelle tilpasninger både er resultat av ulikestilte betingelser og får ulikestilte konsekvenser.
For over 25 years, researchers have focused on gender as an important dimension of family relationships. The nature of that focus has changed significantly, however. Early research highlighted gender as an independent variable, that is, as a way to explain differences between women and men in marital satisfaction, power in decision making, and so forth. Gender was viewed as an unchangeable, unmalleable given. It was assumed that family life was inherently different for women and men. This approach was consistent with a focus on gender roles in families—differential obligations women and men were believed to incur, appropriately, because of their gender and their socialization into adulthood. In other words, women and men were seen as engaging in certain behaviors and occupying specific roles because they were female or male (Osmond & Thorne, 1993; Thompson, 1993; West & Zimmerman, 1987).
I review and synthesize the literature on the division of labor in the home, noting some theoretical omissions and advancing a model that may account for findings in the literature. Researchers generally have failed to specify the mechanism by which family work divisions create distress, how housework and paid work affirm gendered identities, and the cognitive responses to family work patterns that do not confirm self identities. Also, researchers often rely on gender ideology as a predictor of housework participation despite its limited explanatory power. These issues might be addressed by combining the "doing gender" approach with affect control theory and identity theory and by conceptualizing gender ideology as an identity rather than as a set of beliefs. Specifically, people may select family work activities that allow them to affirm the affective meanings of their identity. But if economic or social constraints force family members to do work that is not consistent with their identity, the discrepancy between their identity and their work patterns may create distress. To try to reduce the distress, people may change the mening of some element of their family work arrangement; identity commitment may determine the focus of the change. Although the model is not tested here, it is data-based in that it arises from a synthesis of many studies of the division of labor and is grounded in affect control theory, an empirically supported theory.
Throughout the 1990s fathers across Western Europe were increasingly enabled to spend paternal time, following changes to national legislation regarding access to leave. We create a father-friendly policy index to construct a typology of governmental leave provisions specifically available to fathers by 1996-1997. We then analyze the time spent caring for children by fathers in Western Europe in 1996 and 2001, using the European Community Household Panel survey. We find that the time fathers spend caring for children, and gender inequalities in time caring for children, vary considerably by country. The policy index is correlated with both absolute and relative levels of fathers' time spent caring for children.