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“Real Blackfellas”: Constructions and Meanings of Urban Indigenous Identity
Abstract
Aboriginal people in Australia construct their identities in relationship to a state and public imaginary that places primacy on celebrating and preserving “traditional culture” and in turn regularly fails to recognize the impact of colonial history, state constructed definitions, and indigenous modes of identification. For Kooris in the suburban Sydney community of La Perouse, claiming and legitimating Aboriginality can be particularly challenging; they are suburban rather than urban or rural, neither assimilated nor traditional, and Black, but always suspect of being White. This article examines how urban Aboriginal identity is negotiated among/between Aboriginal people and the socio-political conditions that make this negotiation necessary, desirable, but sometimes risky. I explore the ways in which Kooris variously asserted their Aboriginality through their bodies, practices, and politics along a continuum of identity construction. I argue that Kooris move between affirming cultural belonging and differentiating between indigenous cultural styles, histories, and geographies. I suggest how constructions of intra-Aboriginal sameness and difference take us behind the veil of recognition and allow us to consider Aboriginal identity constructions as forms of indigenous knowledge production that can reproduce, speak back to, and sometimes shift, the geographic, racial, political, and cultural boundaries that underlie prevailing state policies and popular ideas about Aboriginal cultural identity and authenticity.
... Senses of place, here, exist in the context of longstanding colonial violence; intergenerational trauma; and dislocation from identity, kin, culture and the also-longstanding political sensibilities to resist settler incursions and always insist on unceded sovereignty. 30 The forging of identities in an urban context is not straightforward (Fredericks 2013;Greenop and Memmott 2013;Lambert-Pennington 2012; Peters and Andersen 2013); 31 art practice(s) and cultural knowledge(s) have long been mobilised to express this complexity. 32 Expressions of kinship are different here, too. ...
In this article, four women engage, talk, and write about Indigenous sovereignty in Australia's southeast—the region of Australia most devastated by colonial incursion and the site of vibrant cultural activism in the present day. We are two non‐Indigenous academics (Sabra Thorner and Fran Edmonds) working together with two Indigenous artist‐curators (Maree Clarke and Paola Balla) in a process of collaborative, intercultural culture‐making. We mobilise two ethnographic examples—Maree Clarke's backyard and the 2016–2017 Sovereignty exhibition at the Australian Centre for Contemporary Art—to assert that decolonising is an ongoing process which requires that non‐Indigenous peoples acknowledge their own privilege, learn Aboriginal histories, imagine both difference and coexistence; and that the goals of decolonisation are as diverse as the activists calling for it. In both contexts, art/culture‐making, alongside storytelling, are crucial forms of Indigenous knowledge production, led by Aboriginal women via their engagements with the artworld(s) in Melbourne and beyond.
Cette contribution étudie le lien actuel entretenu par certains Aborigènes vivant en milieu urbain avec, d’une part, la rêverie (comprise comme technologie culturelle d’altération de conscience) et, d’autre part, le Dreaming (cette cosmologie propre aux cultures aborigènes d’Australie). Je postule, à l’aide de l’exemple ethnographique que constitue l’étude de la pratique du Dadirri au sein d’un groupe de parole indigène, qu’il existe aujourd’hui une réappropriation originale de ce lien qui prend racine dans un contexte culturel contemporain et postcolonial singulier. Au terme de cette démonstration, et à l’aune des découvertes mises en lumière, le texte interroge de manière rétrospective et innovante la fonction ancestrale du rêve et de la rêverie – et notamment sa fonction thérapeutique – au sein des cultures aborigènes d’Australie.
Australian First Nations have been pursuing the decolonisation of the Australian nation-state in the judicial and political arenas since the last century. I contend that the most effective way for First Nations peoples to achieve a decolonised relationship with (and within) the Australian nation-state is to negotiate comprehensive political settlements - by way of tripartite treaties - with the Commonwealth Government and State/Territory Governments. I favour the political realm because concerted efforts to pursue First Nations' decolonisation agenda to date via judicial adjudication on key aspects of First Nations' rights have been hampered by judicial constraints or settler-colonial impositions. I argue that these tripartite treaties should be premised upon the rights affirmed in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). By recognising First Nations peoples' Indigenous difference and Indigenous rights, UNDRIP constitutes a direct challenge to settler colonialism, settler-colonial impositions, and the assimilationist forces of settler nationalism. UNDRIP, notably for instance, recognises First Nations peoples' inherent rights to self-determination and self-government. In making this argument, I distinguish my research from much contemporary scholarship on Australia's First Nations' struggle to be free from settler colonialism, which has either not foregrounded UNDRIP as a supportive platform for decolonising the Australian nation-state or does so only in a limited way. Ultimately, my assessment of the utility of the judicial and political arenas as fora for decolonising the Australian nation-state is based on the ability of efforts in these arenas to satisfy the minimum rights affirmed to Indigenous peoples in UNDRIP. Australia's First Nations have continued to call for decolonisation of the Australian nation-state, asserting their Indigenous difference and Indigenous rights, in the face of settler colonialism. A brief historical overview reveals the long-standing nature of First Nations calls for Australia's decolonisation. To assess the utility of the judicial arena as a forum for decolonisation, I examine selected court cases focused on three dimensions of Indigenous difference: First Nations' sovereignty, First Nations' cultural heritage and First Nations' Indigeneity. My examination of court cases focused upon these three dimensions shows that judicial adjudication can contribute to the maintenance of settler-colonial power relations, and supports my contention that the judicial arena is essentially an inappropriate forum for achieving First Nations' decolonisation objective. To assess the utility of the political arena, I examine selected calls for treaty by First Nations peoples in the political realm to provide for a comprehensive restructuring of political, social and economic relationships between Indigenous Australia and the Australian nation-state. My analysis demonstrates that the political arena provides the most promising space for realising First Nations' decolonisation objectives and, specifically, that negotiation of UNDRIP-informed comprehensive tripartite political settlements with First Nations is the best route within this. To assist First Nations, the Commonwealth Government and State/Territory Governments in the negotiation of such agreements, I put forward a proforma tripartite treaty with minimum content premised upon the provisions of UNDRIP, First Nations' treaty proposals in Australia, and the British Columbia contemporary treaty-making process in the hopes that it will help foster First Nations' decolonisation objectives.
Résumé
Contexte
Ce texte s’inscrit dans une perspective d’anthropologie psychologique et s’intéresse à la continuité culturelle de pratiques de développement personnel et de soin parmi les populations aborigènes des grandes villes d’Australie.
Objectifs
L’objectif de ce texte est double : (a) démontrer l’existence d’une réappropriation par certains Aborigènes contemporains urbains d’éléments culturels considérés, historiquement et anthropologiquement, comme « traditionnels », notamment dans leurs liens avec la cosmologie du Dreaming ; (b) analyser l’impact de cette réappropriation culturelle sur la forme d’expression de la souffrance ressentie, à la fois individuelle et collective, et du soin qu’elle appelle nécessairement.
Méthode
L’étude se base sur un corpus de données ethnographiques de première main, récolté lors des recherches doctorales de l’auteur : une observation participante de dix mois et demi au sein d’un groupe thérapeutique indigène situé dans la banlieue centrale de Sydney et une quinzaine d’entretiens semi-directifs avec les membres de ce groupe.
Résultats
L’enquête démontre deux choses principales : (a) une réappropriation, par ces populations aborigènes urbaines, d’une conception altérée du corpus mythico-pratique qu’est le Dreaming ; (b) l’entreprise, par ces derniers, d’un processus thérapeutique dont l’objectif est d’engendrer un « aller-mieux », sous l’axe d’un développement de soi. Celui-ci prend la forme d’une « quête spirituelle » et s’ancre pleinement dans cette version revisitée du Dreaming.
Conclusions
Par l’exemple ethnographique qu’elle se propose d’exposer et analyser, cette étude cherche à mettre en avant une compréhension du thérapeutique comme étant indissociable, d’un point de vue pragmatique, du contexte culturel dans lequel celui-ci émerge. Au passage, elle informe sur l’ingéniosité culturelle et la résilience dont font preuve les Aborigènes des grandes villes de l’Australie pour parvenir à endiguer la souffrance générée par la colonisation.
Whilst it is the heinous acts of physical violence that are often foregrounded when imagining frontier violence, it is the structural forces of colonialism that have had a continued effect on Aboriginal culture and identity. This essay will discuss the legitimacy of Patrick Wolfe’s logic of elimination in the face of frontier violence, examining the more insidious ways in which colonialism manifests itself in modern Australia.Keywordssettler colonialism; frontier violence; Indigenous dispossession
Scholarship dedicated to documenting the roles and experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australian fathers is scarce, with most works focusing on rural and remote areas, with little dedicated to Aboriginal fathers living in regional and urban areas. Utilizing and building upon the preliminary research undertaken the University of Newcastle’s ‘Stayin’ On Track’ programme, which seeks to provide online support and assistance to young Aboriginal fathers, this paper brings to light the unique challenges and sources of support afforded to young Aboriginal fathers from regional and urban New South Wales. It finds that, contrary to prevailing stereotypes, Aboriginal fathers respond favourably to the demand for paternal responsibility, which can take on meanings of masculinity as well as respect towards Elders. Furthermore, these fathers demonstrate a keen awareness of their Aboriginality, referencing the benefits of large, close-knit families and their tendency to support fathers and co-raise children.
In this article, I analyse how urban Mapuche indigenous organizations in Chile conduct politics, both externally in relation to the state and internally in relation to other Mapuches. I suggest that the state creates the context for their politics through enacting centuries of policies that put Mapuche identity ‘under siege’. My analysis shows that urban Mapuche organizations respond to this context in three central ways. Some organizations refuse the moniker ‘urban’ and are temporarily urban. Others embrace their urbanity and are adamantly urban. Still others try to overcome the rural-urban divide to become reconciled urban. Each of these strategies deploys ideas of authenticity in different ways, opening possibilities for different kinds of political alliances. My research argues that when the stakes are high for claiming a racial or ethnic identity, choosing which aspects of identity on which to base political demands has profound political consequences.
In many ways, the structural violence of settler colonialism continues to dominate the lived experience of Indigenous populations, including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in contemporary Australia. One aspect of this structural violence concerns the regulation of Indigenous identity, today perpetuated through state monitoring of the ‘authenticity’ of Aboriginal people. This article argues that the contest over Indigenous identity perpetuates a form of symbolic political violence against Indigenous people. It considers the ways in which structural violence against Indigenous identity has featured in Australia's settler colonial regime and examines the particular violence faced by urban-dwelling Aboriginal people, who endure much contemporary scrutiny of the ‘authenticity’ of their Indigeneity. As a case study, the article examines the symbolic violence associated with a particular legal case in Australia and, in light of this analysis, concludes that settler colonies could make a decolonising gesture by legislating for the protection of Indigenous identity.
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Dismantling the intricate edifice of racism embodied in "Indian blood" is not simply a matter of exposing its essentialism and discarding its associated policies, but a more delicate and complicated task: that is, acknowledging "Indian blood" as a discourse of conquest with manifold and contradictory effects, but without invalidating rights and resistances that have been couched in terms of that very discourse. In considering various effects and refigurings of "Indian blood," we have been led to affirm what Spivak calls "the useful yet semimournful position of the unavoidable usefulness of something that is dangerous" (1993:5). "Indian blood," dangerous and essentialist as it may be, is at present a tragically necessary condition for the continued survival and vitality of many individuals and communities-if only until crossblood earth divers succeed in their efforts to dredge up those "few honest words" upon which to create a new "turtle island."
The purpose of this chapter is not to argue that the human body is an important object of anthropological study, but that a paradigm of embodiment can be elaborated for the study of culture and self. By paradigm I mean simply a consistent methodological perspective that encourages reanalysis of existing data and suggests new questions for empirical research. Although I shall argue that a paradigm of embodiment transcends different methodologies, I will not attempt to synthesize the broad multi-disciplinary literature on the body1 The approach I will develop from the perspective of psychological anthropology leans strongly in the direction of phenomenology. This approach to embodiment begins from the methodological postulate that the body is not an object to be studied in relation to culture, but is to be considered as the subject of culture, or in other words as the existential ground of culture.
Outline of a Theory of Practice is recognized as a major theoretical text on the foundations of anthropology and sociology. Pierre Bourdieu, a distinguished French anthropologist, develops a theory of practice which is simultaneously a critique of the methods and postures of social science and a general account of how human action should be understood. With his central concept of the habitus, the principle which negotiates between objective structures and practices, Bourdieu is able to transcend the dichotomies which have shaped theoretical thinking about the social world. The author draws on his fieldwork in Kabylia (Algeria) to illustrate his theoretical propositions. With detailed study of matrimonial strategies and the role of rite and myth, he analyses the dialectical process of the 'incorporation of structures' and the objectification of habitus, whereby social formations tend to reproduce themselves. A rigorous consistent materialist approach lays the foundations for a theory of symbolic capital and, through analysis of the different modes of domination, a theory of symbolic power.
This book examines the place of women within ethnic and national communities in nine different societies, and the ways in which the state intervenes in their lives. Contributions from a group of scholars examine the situations in their religious, economic and historical context.
This book is concerned with cultural forms of domination rather than physical or economic ones, and with how these enabled European colonisers to "make' Aborigines. It argues that the indigenous peoples of Australia are not the homogeneous groups implied by the name "Aborigines', and that they only came to use this term when referring to themselves after colonisation. The means of cultural domination - racial theories, government policies, missionaries, and the law - are explored with reference to southeastern Australia and individual life histories. Stresses throughout that the native peoples of Australia were not passive victims, but played an important part in their own "making'. -M.Amos
List of Illustrations Acknowledgments Chapter One. Opening Chapter Two. Blood, Culture, and Race: Cherokee Politics and Identity in the Eighteenth Century Chapter Three. Race as Nation, Race as Blood Quantum: The Racial Politics of Cherokee Nationalism in the Nineteenth Century Chapter Four. Law of Blood, Politics of Nation: The Political Foundations of Racial Rule in the Cherokee Nation, 1907-2000 Chapter Five. Social Classification and Racial Contestation: Local Non-National Interpretations of Cherokee Identity Chapter Six. Blood and Marriage: The Interplay of Kinship, Race, and Power in Traditional Cherokee Communities Chapter Seven. Challenging the Color Line: The Trials and Tribulations of the Cherokee Freedmen Chapter Eight. Closing Notes Bibliography Index
This paper uses the repatriation and ceremonial reburial of Indigenous remains to La Perouse, an Indigenous community in Sydney, as a lens through which to examine the cultural politics of representation and recognition that are central to contemporary Aboriginal identity construction. The return of the skeletal remains of 21 individuals highlights the role that representative bodies - past and present, individual and organizational - play in engagements between the State and Aboriginal people. Heralded by some as a sincere sign of reconciliation and treated as suspect and misguided by others, the reburial produced diverse responses from both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people alike. Speakers at the repatriation focused on righting the wrongs of the past, reconciliation, and moving forward in cooperation, suggesting the redemptive significance of these events. Among Kooris at La Perouse, debates about community, representation, and belonging expose the ways that Aboriginal people and communities operate through, against, and beyond 'whitefella' structures of recognition to define who they are and what their culture is.
A new cinema of the Caribbean is emerging, joining the company of the other 'Third Cinemas'. It is related to, but different from the vibrant film and other forms of visual representation of the Afro-Caribbean (and Asian) 'blacks' of the diasporas of the West - the new post-colonial subjects. All these cultural practices and forms of representation have the black subject at their centre, putting the issue of cultural identity in question. Who is this emergent, new subject of the cinema? From where does he/she speak? Practices of representation always implicate the positions from which we speak or write - the positions of enunciation. What recent theories of enunciation suggest is that, though we speak, so to say 'in our own name', of ourselves and from our own experience, nevertheless who speaks, and the subject who is spoken of, are never identical, never exactly in the same place. Identity is not as transparent or unproblematic as we think. Perhaps instead of thinking of identity as an already accomplished fact, which the new cultural practices then represent, we should think, instead, of identity as a 'production', which is never complete, always in process, and always constituted within, not outside, representation. This view problematises the very authority and authenticity to which the term, 'cultural identity', lays claim. We seek, here, to open a dialogue, an investigation, on the subject of cultural identity and representation. Of course, the 'I' who writes here must also be thought of as, itself, 'enunciated'. We all write and speak from a particular place and time, from a history and a culture which is specific. What we say is always 'in context', positioned. I
Terry Eagleton once wrote in the Guardian, 'Few post-colonial writers can rival Homi Bhabha in his exhilarated sense of alternative possibilities'. In rethinking questions of identity, social agency and national affiliation, Bhabha provides a working, if controversial, theory of cultural hybridity, one that goes far beyond previous attempts by others. A scholar who writes and teaches about South Asian literature and contemporary art with incredible virtuosity, he discusses writers as diverse as Morrison, Gordimer, and Conrad. In The Location of Culture, Bhabha uses concepts such as mimicry, interstice, hybridity, and liminality to argue that cultural production is always most productive where it is most ambivalent. Speaking in a voice that combines intellectual ease with the belief that theory itself can contribute to practical political change, Bhabha has become one of the leading post-colonial theorists of this era.
Across cultures, narrative emerges early in communicative development and is a fundamental means of making sense of experience. Narrative and self are in-separable in that narrative is simultaneously born out of experience and gives shape to experience. Narrative activity provides tellers with an opportunity to impose order on otherwise disconnected events, and to create continuity be-tween past, present, and imagined worlds. Narrative also interfaces self and soci-ety, constituting a crucial resource for socializing emotions, attitudes, and iden-tities, developing interpersonal relationships, and constituting membership in a community. Through various genres and modes; through discourse, grammar, lexicon, and prosody; and through the dynamics of collaborative authorship, narratives bring multiple, partial selves to life.
With questions of identity negotiation and power now central in anthropol-ogy, anthropologists must become more attentive to negotiations in the interview process itself. This article draws together insights from sociolinguistics, psychoanalysis, and literary criticism to identify procedures for recognizing multiple layers of signifi-cance in interview responses. Passages from two well-known ethnographies, Dorinne Kondo's Crafting Selves (1990) and Sidney Mintz's Worker in the Cane (1974), are reinterpreted to demonstrate how attending to transference and countertransference, allusion and intertextuality, and linguistic phenomena such as ambiguity and pronom-inal shifts can enhance the anthropologist's awareness of the process of identity negotiation in the field and yield richer ethnographic writing that goes beyond the use of abstracted cultural patterns as an explanatory device to a demonstration of how cultural practices are enacted with and through the ethnographer. [interviewing, ethnography, identity, transference, sociolinguistics, intertextuality]
Against a backdrop of increasingly vocal assertions that Germany's growing Muslim immigrant population is resisting integration through the development of a “parallel society,” this article demonstrates how German social policy literature, the news media, and cinema converge to naturalize assumptions of cultural difference through a mythological process that generates polarized stereotypes of the cultural practices of Turks in Germany. This discourse freezes the Muslim woman as an oppressed other to the liberated Western woman and generates scripts for the liberation of Turkish women that limit their options by posing multiculturalism, hybridity, or humanistic individualism as the only models for integration. This discourse reinforces the misrecognition of practicing Muslims who are involved in Islamic groups or wear headscarves. I propose an alternative approach that focuses on the practical effects of competing discourses by tracing out ethnographically the micropolitics of everyday life to foreground the multiple positionings and identities that immigrants and their families occupy and to identify how they negotiate the contradictions and inconsistencies they experience.
Harlem is one of the most famous neighborhoods in the worldâa historic symbol of both black cultural achievement and of the rigid boundaries separating the rich from the poor. But as this book shows us, Harlem is far more culturally and economically diverse than its caricature suggests: through extensive fieldwork and interviews, John L. Jackson reveals a variety of social networks and class stratifications, and explores how African Americans interpret and perform different class identities in their everyday behavior.
New York's urban neighborhoods are full of young would-be emcees who aspire to "keep it real" and restaurants like Sylvia's famous soul food eatery that offer a taste of "authentic" black culture. In these and other venues, authenticity is considered the best way to distinguish the real from the phony, the genuine from the fake. But in Real Black, John L. Jackson Jr. proposes a new model for thinking about these issuesâracial sincerity. Jackson argues that authenticity caricatures identity as something imposed on people, imprisoning them within stereotypes: an African American high school student who excels in the classroom, for instance, might be dismissed as "acting white." On the other hand, sincerity, as Jackson defines it, imagines authenticity as an incomplete measuring stick, an analytical model that attempts to deny people agency in their search for identity. Drawing on more than ten years of ethnographic research in and around New York City, Jackson offers a kaleidoscope of subjects and stories that directly and indirectly address how race is negotiated in today's worldâincluding tales of book-vending numerologists, urban conspiracy theorists, corrupt police officers, mixed-race neo-Nazis, and gospel choirs forbidden to catch the Holy Ghost. Jackson records and retells their interconnected sagas, all the while attempting to reconcile these stories with his own crisis of identity and authority as an anthropologist terrified by fieldwork. Finding ethnographic significance where mere mortals see only bricks and mortar, his invented alter ego Anthroman takes to the streets, showing how race is defined and debated, imposed and confounded every single day.
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