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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses: Social Media and Oppositional Movements in Egypt, 2004–2011

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To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social movements in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests.
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Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses: Social Media
and Oppositional Movements in Egypt,
20042011
Merlyna Lim
Consortium of Science, Policy & Outcomes and the School of Social Transformation, Arizona State University,
Tempe, AZ 85281, USA
To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change
during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a
larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most
successful social movements in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are
all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians,
broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition
leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of
contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism
into offline protests.
doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2012.01628.x
Hosni Mubarak, Anwar Sadat, and Gamal Abdel Nasser are having tea in the
afterlife. Mubarak asks Nasser, ‘‘How did you end up here?’’ ‘‘Poison,’’ Nasser
answers. Mubarak then turns to Sadat. ‘‘What about you?’’ he asks. ‘‘An
assassin’s bullet,’’ Sadat says. Sadat and Nasser then turn to Mubarak, ‘‘And
you?’’ To which Mubarak replies: ‘‘Facebook.’’
This joke has been making the rounds in Egypt since the resignation of President
Mubarak on 11 February 2011. While amusing, the joke epitomizes the prevalent
perception about the role of social media, particularly Facebook, in the Arab
uprisings. Some observers deem social media as the main force behind the popular
movement against authoritarian regimes in the Middle East and North African
region (Cohen, 2011; Webster, 2011). Wael Ghonim, a marketing manager for
Google and an online activist who created the Facebook page that helped organize
Corresponding author: Merlyna Lim; e-mail: Merlyna.Lim@asu.edu
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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
the protest, called the Egypt uprising ‘‘Revolution 2.0’’ and said, ‘‘I want to meet
Mark Zuckerberg one day and thank him ... if you want to liberate a society just
give them the Internet’’ (Cooper, 2011).
However, others dismiss the role of social media and argue that the revolution
would have happened without the Internet and had little to do with Twitter and
Facebook (Rich, 2011; York, 2011). These polarized opinions reflect ongoing debate
over the impact of the Internet on politics and democracy. Techno-utopian scholars
view the Internet’s expansion in access to information and exchanges of ideas as
enhancing political participation, civil society, and democracy (Hague & Loader,
1999; Kamarck & Nye, 1999; Locke, 1998). In contrast, techno-dystopians see the
Internet as posing a threat to democracy through the ways in which governments
and corporations use it to manipulate users and legitimize their identities (Barber,
1996; Fox, 1994) and by demeaning political discourse (Gutstein, 1999; Moore, 1999;
Wilhelm, 1998). In The Net Delusion, Morozov (2011), for instance, argues that
the Internet easily lends itself to the repressive control and the abuse of power by
authoritarian governments.
It is an oversimplification to frame the Egyptian revolt exclusively as either a
‘‘Facebook revolution’’ or a ‘‘people’s revolution.’’ People and social media are not
detached from each other (Zhuo, Wellman, & Yu, 2011). To provide a context for
understanding media use and recent history of online activism in Egypt, Figure 1
offers a timeline of the most important social movement actions, street protests, online
mobilizations, policy successes, and strategic defeats for the Egyptian opposition.
Informed by a wide range of scholarly sources, archival materials, and personal
communications, this figure helps fill out the narrative of social media use and
political change in Egypt. Most important, it illustrates that social media have been
an integral part of political activism of the Egyptian for years, showing, for instance
that 54 out of 70 recorded street protests from 2004 to 2011 substantially involved
online activism. Hence, the power of networked individuals and groups who toppled
Mubarak presidency cannot be separated from the power of social media that
facilitated the formation and the expansion of the networks themselves.
To fully understand phenomena such as the Tahrir revolt, we need to look beyond
the period of late January and early February 2011 and beyond Facebook and Twitter.
Every moment has a history, including the Tahrir Square. The Arab uprisings were
built on years of civil society movements in the region, online and offline. Although
this article focuses specifically on Egypt, the Tunisian revolt did not happen instanta-
neously either. It also had deep historical roots in years in the hard work of Tunisian
civil society and in the long established digital activism in the country, especially the
vibrant activism of the online anticensorship movement (Randeree, 2011).
The genesis of online activism in Egypt can be traced to the rise of the Kefaya
movement in 2004, followed by the emergence of oppositional activists in the
Egyptian blogosphere. This was well before Facebook and Twitter became available in
the country. By delving into the history of online activism in Egypt from 2004 to 2011
(Figure 1), my goal is to locate the actual role of social media in mobilizing populist
232 Journal of Communication 62 (2012) 231– 248 ©2012 International Communication Association
M. Lim Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses
Figure 1 Timeline of street activisms in Egypt (2003–2011). *Substantially organized online.
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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
movements over a broad geography and longer space of time. I contend that the role
of social media in the Egypt revolt was not merely technological but also sociopolitical.
Social media represent tools and spaces in which various communication networks
that make up social movement emerge, connect, collapse, and expand.
Grievances, movements, and social networks
Social media were not the singular cause of the Egypt uprising and Arab Spring in
general. Longstanding grievances concerning corrupt and oppressive government,
growing inequalities, looming unemployment, and the rising cost of living were the
roots for contention in the region. With comparatively lower political rights and
civil liberties ratings (Freedom House, 2011), widespread perception of corruption
(Transparency International, 2010), a quarter of the youth unemployed (World Bank,
2010), and consumer price inflation running over 10% (International Monetary Fund,
2010), most Egyptians shared common grievances.
But neither did these grievances alone explain the particular evolution of events
during those critical weeks in early 2011. Historically, social and economic factor
grievances alone have not created social movements (Buechler, 2000). Individuals
only participate in collective action when they recognize their membership in the
relevant collective (Wright, 2001). The degree of group identification appears to be
a strong predictor of collective action participation (Stekelenburg & Klandermans,
2007). Such identification can only grow out of communication between individuals.
For angry, unemployed youth to participate in an oppositional movement against
Mubarak, she or he first needed to recognize that many other individuals shared the
same grievances, the same goals, and a common identity in opposition to Mubarak.
Tilly (2004) defined social movements as a series of contentious performances,
displays, and campaigns by which ordinary people made collective claims on others.
Social movements, especially protests, can also be understood as networks of people
brought together by a common goal or interest. Social movements as social networks
can also be read in terms of an initial core composed of densely known clusters of
stronger ties that then mobilizes weakly linked individuals, thus spreading discontent
into a mass movement (Granovetter, 1973; McAdam, 1986; Tarrow, 1998).
Social media may be viewed both as technology and space for expanding and
sustaining the networks upon which social movements depend. The Arab revolts
exemplify how online social networks facilitated by social media have become a key
ingredient of contemporary populist movements. Social media are not simply neutral
tools to be used or adopted by social movements, but rather influence how activists
form and shape the social movements.
Youth, biographical availability, and social media
With a population of 81 million, Egypt is the most populous country in the Middle
East. Young people aged 15–29 make up one-third of the country’s total population,
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M. Lim Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses
about 23 million. This age group grew significantly in size from 1988 to 2011 and now
exerts huge pressures on the labor market. Unemployment among the youth soared,
reaching 24% by December 2010 (World Bank, 2010). Unemployment was greatest
among university graduates (World Bank, 2008). About 45% of the population of
Egypt lives in urban areas, with over 7 million in Cairo proper and 19.6 million
in Greater Cairo, making it the third largest urban area in the Islamic world after
Jakarta and Greater Istanbul (City Population, 2011; Demographia, 2011). Nearly
three-fifths of the Cairo population is under 30 years old and unemployment rate
among the youth in this city is higher than the national rate.
Studies on social movements show that biographical availability is an important
factor in explaining variation in the mobilization of individuals (McAdam, 1986;
Tindall, 1994; Tindall & Bates, 1998). Biographical availability can be defined as ‘‘the
absence of personal constraints that may increase the costs and risks of movement
participation, such as full-time employment, marriage, and family responsibilities’’
(McAdam, 1986, p. 70). Other studies suggest that younger people identify more
highly with the movement and are more likely to participate in higher cost activities
than older adults (Tindall & Bates, 1998). From this perspective, the majority of the
Egyptian youth could be judged to have high biographical availability to participate
in protests. But availability alone cannot fully account for participation. Mobilization
depends on contact as well and this is where social media played their greatest role in
the Egyptian uprising.
Social media usage among young urbanites in Egypt is high (Spot On, 2010).
While the Internet penetration in Egypt is only 30%, in Cairo more than 64% of
the household have Internet and 50% of Internet (dial-up) subscribers in Egypt are
located in Cairo. With around 5 million Facebook users (Spot On, 2010), Egypt
constitutes about 22% of total users in the Arab region and 78% of those aged 15
to 29 (Dubai School of Government, 2011). Facebook is the second most accessed
Website in Egypt after Google and there are more Facebook users than newspaper
readers (Spot On, 2010). YouTube is also very popular among the Egyptian youth.
It ranks the fourth most visited Website. An estimated 150,000 to 200,000 videos
were uploaded daily in 2008 (Egyptian Cabinet Information and Decision Support
Center, 2010). These data suggest that social media are the media of urban youth. For
Egyptian youth with their already high level of biographic availability, especially in
Cairo, social media provided connections within and between opposition movements
and both increased the likelihood of participation and the size of the movement as
their networks expanded.
Kefaya: Genesis of anti-Mubarak movement
Kefaya’s first rally in 2004 was the first street protest organized solely to demand
that President Mubarak step down. Between 500 and 1,000 activists gathered in
front of the High Court building trying to dispel the fears prevent Egyptians
from publicly demanding the Mubarak step down. Protesters with yellow sticker
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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
emblazoned with ‘‘Kefaya’’ taped over their mouth remained largely silent. Literally
meaning ‘‘enough,’’ Kefaya is an unofficial name of the Egyptian Movement for
Change (el-Haraka el-Masreyya men agl el-Taghyeer) (El-Ghobashy, 2005). Kefaya
was founded in November 2004 in anticipation of the 2005 presidential elections by
300 Egyptian intellectual from various ideological background (Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace [CEIP], 2010).
Many Egyptian activists, however, had been brought together even earlier during
the second Intifada (Azimi, 2005). The protest in Tahrir Square on the first day of
the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 was as much about Mubarak’s acquiescence to the
United States as it was about the invasion itself (Azimi, 2005). Kefaya activists were
able to turn this sentiment to an oppositional movement calling for the political
reforms and the end to President Mubarak’s rule.
The street protests in Cairo and Alexandria in 2005 and 2006 were organized to
a significant degree online by Kefaya (Figure 1). The first anti-Mubarak movement
in history, Kefaya was also the first oppositional nonpartisan coalitional movement
that had neither physical headquarters nor permanent meeting place. It spread news,
hosted online forums, and coordinated activities through its main Website, Haraka-
Masria.org, and through MisrDigitial.com, which hosted ‘‘Egyptian Awareness,’’ the
country’s first independent digital newspaper. Wael Abbas, a human rights activist
and one of the key figures of the 2011 Egypt revolt, began blogging about government
repression, human rights abuses, and corruption, on MisrDigital.com in February
2005. The Kefaya movement also informed and inspired the emergence of youth
activism online on Facebook and Twitter starting in 2008. In fact, the April 6th Youth
Movement, one of the leading youth groups in the 2011 Tahrir revolt was partly
comprised of Kefaya Youth for Change bloggers and activists.
Kefaya’s use of information and communication technology
With its simple message, ‘‘enough,’’ Kefaya was able to mobilize and embrace diverse
groups including judges, lawyers, journalists, writers, workers, farmers, women, the
youth, and even children (Oweidat et al., 2008). It united several political parties
from various ideological backgrounds, including Islamist (such as the Muslim
Brotherhood), communist, liberal, and secularist. Inspired by the Orange Revolution
in Ukraine (Al-Anani, 2005), the movement was also able to carry peaceful street
demonstrations that contrasted to the extremism that previously dominated the face
of Middle East politics.
The initial success of Kefaya also resulted from the strategic use of information
and communication technologies (ICTs) (Oweidat et al., 2008). Mobile phones
and the Internet enhance a movement’s capacity to coordinate activity, respond to
challenges, and allow the movement to become less dependent to mainstream media
in reaching the public (Lim, 2004; Van de Donk et al., 2004). This is particularly in
countries with hostile, state-controlled media such as Indonesia under the Suharto
regime (Lim, 2004, 2006) and Egypt under the Mubarak regime (Howard, 2010).
Learning from the 2003 anti-Iraq War protests, Kefaya made use of e-mails and text
236 Journal of Communication 62 (2012) 231– 248 ©2012 International Communication Association
M. Lim Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses
messages to mobilize its rallies. It circumvented government control by publicizing
its campaigns, circulating materials, and airing grievances online (Oweidat et al.,
2005). This in turn contributed to a shared sense of purpose, and possibility—a
critical factor in mobilizing protest (Bogad, 2005).
This process was amplified by Youth for Change within Kefaya. This group was
intentionally created to reach the younger generation via the Internet and popular
culture and to connect with Egyptian society at large by routinely linking online
activism with street activism (Oweidat et al., 2008).
Kefaya in the blogosphere
The birth of Kefaya coincided with the beginning of blogging era in Egypt. There were
only about 40 bloggers in Egypt prior to 2005. While few in number, these bloggers
made up a vibrant alternative political sphere that was committed to individual rights
and national unity (Radsch, 2008). By 2005, the number of bloggers had increased to
about 400 and by September 2006 they jumped to more than 1,800 (Radsch, 2008;
Zuckerman, 2006).
The online forums that were popular among activists prior to 2005 were replaced
by blogs which quickly matured to provide the Kefaya movement with new oppor-
tunities. These blogs enabled Kefaya to expand what Tilly (1986, p. 4) has referred
to as the ‘‘repertoire of contention,’’ that is, the range of strategies, methods, tools,
and tactics that group members use to make claims on other individuals or groups.
Kefaya made use of its members’ and supporters’ blogs before, during, and after the
protests. The Internet and blogging were used in particular to amplify and extend
conventional modes of social action. Blogs were used to mobilize street protests, to
provide reports from the streets countering state-controlled media interpretations of
the protests that sought to capitalize on conflicts or incidents occurring within in the
protests (MIT TechTV, 2011).
In addition to campaigning, advertising, announcing, and reporting the move-
ment and the scheduled protests, the emerging blogosphere created a space in which
the inner circle of blogger-activists could deliberate freely among themselves. This
further defined and constructed the movement’s meaning for participants. The
symbiosis between Kefaya and the blogosphere ‘‘had created a new form of public
engagement that was both subversive to the state and empowering to the public’’
(Radsch, 2008, p. 8).
Before Kefaya, oppositional movements in Egypt were polarized along political
and religious orientations. The Freedom and Justice Party of the Muslim Brotherhood
party represented a right-wing Islamist perspective, while the Wafd and Al-Ghad
(Tomorrow) parties reflected liberal secular ideals, and the Egyptian Communist
Party was left-wing secularist. These groups were generally disconnected from each
other. Blogging, however, brought together otherwise unconnected individuals with
different ideologies and backgrounds and thus contributed to the expansion of
the oppositional network. By linking to each other’s blogs and by referencing or
commenting on one another’s posts, they created a brokerage (McAdam, Tarrow,
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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
& Tilly, 2001) that functioned allowed people to organize and assimilate their
experiences as well as to deliberate in public ways that went beyond existing
ideological boundaries (Lim, 2009).
ThedeclineofKefaya
Kefaya provided the important model of dissent, but ultimately failed to reach beyond
a rather small group of intellectuals based largely in Cairo (Azimi, 2005; Shehab, 2005).
While successfully labeling its movement with a simple message ‘‘enough,’’ Kefaya’s
narrative was elusive and abstract. It was dominated by discourse on human rights
and democracy—focusing on judicial independence, labor issues, religious violence,
discrimination, and women’s rights. It was too far removed from the problems
Egyptians faced on daily basis. Predictably, Kefaya struggled with fragmentation and
conflicts from within its ranks and, according to online press accounts, was unable
to find a middle ground between liberals and Islamists (El-Sayed, 2006).
There were also disputes over tactics between the generation of Kefaya members
and the Youth for Change, especially over the use of ‘‘vigilante street tactics’’ (Azimi,
2005). Khaled Abdel-Hamid, one of the architects of these tactics, argued that going
to the streets regularly and connecting with the ordinary Egyptians was the best way
to reach young people. He stated, ‘‘Our job is to link young people’s daily problems
to the government, to explain to people that they have certain rights and someone has
responsibility to listen to their demands. The linkages are not intuitive to them. Our
job is to uncover those links, to get the idea of reform on the table’’ (Azimi, 2005).
Older members of Kefaya, moreover, were criticized for having been co-opted by
intellectual discourse that failed to translate into a more inclusive and understandable
movement for regular Egyptians.
In spite of a significant increase in the number of blogger-activists between 2005
and 2007, conversations and ideas continued to be circulated only within an inner
circle of activists and sympathizers. One reason, of course, was that the Internet still
reached only about 10% of the Egyptian population. With such limited network,
Kefaya found it difficult to survive the government’s intimidation and overt attacks.
These attacks included arresting bloggers. During the judicial reform protest in
2006, about 200 Kefaya activists were arrested (MIT TechTV, 2011). Activism in
the streets, common during Kefaya’s first year, became less frequent and by the
end of 2006 Kefaya has largely disappeared from the streets, shifting instead to
closed rooms and satellite channels (El-Sayed, 2006). Although Kefaya had taken
advantage of regional/global media such as AlJazeera, its use of the limited Internet
was not enough to fight against the state-controlled mainstream media. By 2007, the
movement was in decline (Figure 1).
Post-Kefaya online activism
Even though Kefaya itself became inactive, its bloggers continued to communicate,
deliberate, and spread information online. As observed by Radsch (2008, p. 8),
‘‘While Kefaya may have nurtured the growth of the blogosphere during the activist
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M. Lim Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses
phase, its decline as a political force did not coincide with the decline of blogging.’’
The number of bloggers continued to grow as street protests were deemed illegal and
police brutality became widespread.
But by late 2007, the crackdown on Kefaya and Muslim Brotherhood was
extended to the blogosphere (Lynch, 2007). Bloggers were now arrested not for their
street activism, but rather for content of their blogs. The arrest of 24-year-old Kareem
Amer in November 2006 marked the beginning of what has been termed as Egyptian
state’s ‘‘War on Bloggers’’ (Younis, 2007). This war further ignited the resistance
and helped shift the discussions in the blogosphere from the intellectual discourse
on democracy and human rights of Kefaya to a more tangible issue, the torture and
abuse of Egyptian citizens. Bloggers started publicizing stories on Egyptian police
brutality by posting videos and photos of torture on their blogs. Wael Abbas’ Misr
Digital blog quickly became the main repository of such materials. By 2009 Egyptian
bloggers constituted the largest single structural cluster in the Arabic blogosphere
(Etling, Kelly, Faris, & Palfrey, 2010).
The April 6th Youth Movement: Joining labor and reaching apolitical youth
The April 6th Youth, named for its call for a general strike on April 6, 2008, represented
young Egyptians of varying political orientations and was the first opposition group
to make use of Facebook (April 6th Youth, 2011). The group itself was formed in
2007 in response to the resurgence in the Egyptian labor movement (MIT TechTV,
2011; Wright, 2011). Organized labor had once been an important force but had been
repressed during the Sadat and Murbarak regimes. However, massive labor protests
came back on stage in 2004, arguably triggered by the emergence of Kefaya movement
in the same year (CEIP, 2010). On December 7, 2006, a wildcat strike of 24,000
workers broke at Misr Spinning in El-Mahallah El-Kubra. The strike triggered a wave
of labor protests across Egypt, making it the biggest protest movement since the 1950s
(Bassiouny & Said, 2008; Geiser, 2010; Lynch, 2011). These protests were important
not only for their size and inclusiveness, but also because other anti-Mubarak street
protests had been suppressed following the decline of Kefaya, the renewal of the
Emergency Law, and the escalation of police brutality.
Ahmed Maher, the founder of the April 6th Youth movement, became a labor
activist in 2007. His goal was to expand the labor protest into a broader popular
movement, spreading the strikes and transforming them into general prodemocracy
movement (MIT Tech TV, 2011). However, when labor strikes were quashed, Maher
then turned to the Internet as an alternative vehicle for mobilizing dissent (Wright,
2011). In March 2008, Maher and friends created the April 6th Youth Movement’s
Facebook group to support the workers in El-Mahalla El-Kubra (Kirk, 2011), an
industrial town who were planning to strike on 6 April 2008. The group was later
transformed to become the most dynamic anti-Mubarak movement.
While it differed in strategy, this youth movement was very much rooted in the
earlier Kefaya movement. Several leaders of this youth movement had been part of
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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
Kefaya. Ahmad Maher, the founder and a leading organizer of the April 6th Youth,
began his political engagement in 2005 by joining Kefaya as one of the Youth for
Change organizers. Waleed Rashed, another founder of the movement, also had been
involved in the earliest wave of Kefaya protests. Meanwhile, Mohamad Adel, the
movement’s spokesman, was arrested during the Kefaya protest in Tahrir Square on
15 March 2007 (Nicoducaire, 2007).
Embracing Facebook and introducing Twitter
The April 6th Movement carried on the strategy of Kefaya Youth for Change with its
effective use of blogs, Flickr, YouTube, e-mails, and text messages. The two important
tools it added were Facebook and Twitter, making April 6th Youth Movement one of
the very first Egyptian groups strategically employing Facebook for social movement.
The group started with only 300 Facebook users who were invited through e-mails,
but within 3 days the number grew to 3,000 (MIT TechTV, 2011). Many of the April
6th Movement’s early protests did not draw massive participations (see Figure 1:
April 6th General Strike, A Day of Anger, Police Day protest, Against Emergency
Law). Its first strike on 6 April 2008 brought a harsh response from the police.
Nonetheless, the strike was arguably responsible for shutting down daily activity
in parts of Egypt and was clearly successful in drawing national and international
attention (Faris, 2009).
The Movement’s Facebook group had grown to 70,000 members by early 2009,
a remarkable figure given that the total number of Facebook users in Egypt at that
moment was less than 900,000. Most of these members had not been politically active
before. Ironically, it was the arrest of the movement’s cofounder, Esraa Abdel Fatah,
that catapulted membership to new heights. The detainment drew the attention of
some in the mainstream Egyptian media and helped popularize the movement. Some
youth joined the group for its political message, but most, clicked ‘‘join’’ because it
was trendy to be in the group led by ‘‘Esraa the Facebook girl’’ (MIT TechTV, 2011).
She was a symbol of political resistance, but, more importantly, she had become a
digital celebrity for urban youth. It was this ability to draw media attention that
incited the crackdown and subsequent strikes were not as successful, as evidenced by
a failed strike in April 2009 (Faris, 2009).
Through Facebook, the April 6th Movement had transformed the oppositional
movement to be more inclusive and to embrace participatory culture. Many young
Egyptians joined the group, not because they were political to begin with, but
because they were curious or because friends asked them to join. Some joined simply
because clicking is easy. This large online presence, however, did not translate into
offline political action. Some observers argued that the movement’s message did not
resonate with a sufficient number of Egyptians and that not enough on-the-ground
organizing had been done (Faris, 2009). In other words, the April 6th Movement
failed to offer a unifying political narrative. It also failed to reach more audiences
beyond its Facebook page. Elsewhere I argue that intermodality, the overlapping of
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M. Lim Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses
networks of various media is necessary for a social movement to move beyond its
online following to a larger audience (Lim, 2005).
April 6th Youth Movement had also reportedly learned about Twitter from
protestors in the Iranian revolt and became the first opposition group to employ
in Egypt. In September 2010, they utilized the ‘‘#orabi2010’’ hashtag to recruit
and mobilize the Orabi (‘‘No to succession’’) demonstrations to protest President
Mubarak’s plan to hand power to his son Gamal. Although the Twitter effort was able
to circumvent tracking by police, it was not successful in generating a wave of mass
protest. Nonetheless, it did successfully introduce a new tactic into the landscape of
activism in Egypt and thus contributed immensely to the future of digital activism,
particularly in the 2011 revolt that was now only months away.
We are all Khaled Said: Iconic figure, shared emotion, and shared identity
defining
The launch of Arabic Facebook in 2009 had catapulted the Facebook users in Egypt
from approximately 900,000 in January 2009 to nearly 5 million in late 2010. (The
Telegraph, 2009; Wright, 2011) The Facebook group ‘‘We are all Khaled Said’’
emerged in the midst of this growth in June 2010. This group was created to bring the
death of Khaled Said—a handsome, educated, middle-class young Egyptian into
public attention. On 6 June 2010, a 28-year-old Said was seized by the Egyptian
police at an Internet caf´
e in Alexandra and beaten to death in the street (Wright,
2011). The police had initially claimed that Said was involved in drug dealing and
that his death was drug-related. Online sources suggested a different story. Said
was reportedly targeted because he was in possession of video footage showing
police officer sharing the spoils of a drug bust (Chick, 2010). Graphic images of
his facial injuries were circulated on blogs, Facebook, and Youtube to support
this story.
We are all Khaled Said quickly became the most popular dissident Facebook
group in Egypt. Its administrator called on followers to go to the streets of Alexandria
and Cairo to protest Said’s brutal murder. And so they did. Large numbers took to
the streets carrying posters juxtaposing pictures of a smiling Khaled Said in a gray
sweatshirt with a hood and of his battered corpse (Wright, 2011). From June to
August 2010, the group held five silent protests involving thousands of Egyptians,
including the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Mohamed ElBaradei (Figure 1).
‘‘We are all Khaled Said’’ was not the first group to organize resistance to the
Mubarak regime. As we have seen, previous movements that had already created a
basis for a mass political action. Indeed the story of Khaled Said can also be read as
a culmination of the longstanding online campaign against torture waged on blogs
such as Wael Abbas’s Egyptian Awareness, Nael Atef’s Torture in Egypt,andBloggers
Against Torture. However, the critical new important element introduced by the ‘‘We
are all Khaled Said’’ movement was a strong symbolic representation, an iconic figure
to fight against the authorities. The story and images of the torture of Khaled Said
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Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
personified the injustice and brutalities of the Mubarak regime and thus intensified
the emotion of the oppositional movement. The chilling ‘‘juxtaposition of pictures
of Said alive and dead’’ put a face on what living under Mubarak’s Emergency Law
one’s entire life might mean (Eltahawy, 2010, para. 14).
Social networks are crucial for mobilization, but injustices that provoke shared
resentment and anger are often necessary to overcome barriers of fear and trigger
actual participation in collective action and social movements (Yang, 2007). The
death of Khaled Said as a martyr was just such a trigger. The group was able to
unify its followers by providing a solid ‘‘schemata of interpretation’’ that enabled
individuals ‘‘to locate, perceive, identify and label’’ what had happened (Goffman,
1974, p. 21). By propagating the message that ‘‘We’’ are all Khaled Said, the group
was successful in identifying who the ‘‘we’’ was who could make change.
This collective identity was characterized by a sense of shared victimization as well.
The group endorsed ‘‘frame amplification’’ that fortified the negative identity of their
target, Mubarak (Gamson, 1992, p. 135). Through Facebook, the group effectively
overcame the political resistance to disaffected youth and engaged those who did
not care much about politics, such as the soccer fans who were among the most
organized participants in the 2011 demonstrations (Dorsey, 2011). In other words,
Facebook facilitated the expansion of the oppositional movement beyond strong
network ties to include individuals with weaker ties to the movement and to each
other. This is consistent with previous findings illustrating how digital technologies
help maintain strong and weak network ties for political mobilization in Islamic
countries (Howard, 2010).
Tunis, Twitter, cabs, and coffee shops
Tahrir Square had been the site of protests before 25 January and indeed protests
had occurred previously on that day. National Police Day, which falls on January
25, had been the occasion for annual protests. For example, the April 6th Youth
Movement organized a ‘‘Day of Mourning’’ through Facebook to protest torture and
police brutality on 25 January 2010. These protests, though, were never explicitly
focused on overthrowing the regime. The Tunisian revolt refocused the Egyptian
oppositional movement on the goal of overthrowing Mubarak and fueled hopes that
such a goal was possible. Ahmad Maher of the April 6th Youth Movement said ‘‘After
the revolution in Tunisia, we are able to market the idea of change in Egypt. People
now want to seize something’’ (Fleishman, 2011).
The April 6th Youth Movement made the first call for participation in the
25 January protests on various social media and cooperated closely with We are
all Khaled Said Facebook group. Online posters, banners, and viral videos were
disseminated on Facebook, e-mails, and blogs. The hashtag #Jan25th was used to
mobilize protesters on Twitter. When Wael Ghonim invited We are all Khaled Said’s
followers to protest on January 25, more than 50,000 clicked ‘‘yes’’ (Wright, 2011,
p. 33).
242 Journal of Communication 62 (2012) 231– 248 ©2012 International Communication Association
M. Lim Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses
In days leading to 25 January, mobilization efforts were geared toward reaching
regular Egyptians through text messages and offline means such as flyers, pamphlets,
and words of mouth. The April 6th Movement disseminated 20,000 flyers before
the protest. Taxi drivers were as important as Facebook in spreading the word to
potential demonstrators. Waleed Rashed, the co-founder of the April 6th Youth
Movement, said that he started ‘‘informing’’ taxi drivers about the #Jan25th protest
as early as 15 January:
Every time I was in a cab, I would call Ahmed on my cell phone and talk loudly
about planning a big protest in Tahrir Square for January 25th, because I knew
that they couldn’t stop themselves talking about what they’d overheard.
Eventually, on January 23rd, a cabbie asked if I’d heard about this big
demonstration that was happening in two days. (MIT TVTech, 2011)
Similar stories were told during the overthrow of Suharto in Indonesia in 1998.
Cabs and food vendors functioned as hubs through which information flowed to and
from the Indonesian student movement, (Lim, 2006). In Egypt, the cabs and coffee
shops of Cairo played a significant role disseminating information about the Tahrir
protests. Along mosques and soccer fields, these network nodes reached many people
both at the center and the fringes of urban areas. The political resistance developed
by a small group of young activists, the social media elites, was thus disseminated to
a wider urban society through informal networks (Zhuo et al., 2011).
By 25 January 2011, the oppositional network was large enough, the unifying
repertoire of contention was identified, the metanarrative of the movement was
strong, and the connection between online activism and the streets of Cairo
was established. The first day drew a crowd of 80,000. Subsequent protests grew
continually larger and larger. After the successful first day, activists had to sustain
the movement and survive the crackdown and physical attacks from the authorities.
Groups such as Muslim Brotherhood’s Youth Wing and other political activists
and parties are key in mobilizing, online and offline. The Muslim Brotherhood
had refused to join officially, but members participated as individuals. Their
experience in surviving the Mubarak regime and in providing social services to
Egypt’s poor was essential in holding the revolution’s infrastructure together (Kirk,
2011). In addition, the role of Cairo militant soccer supporters was also important.
Their experience in regular battles with security forces and rival fan groups had
given them a resilience from which benefitted other protesters at Tahrir square
(Dorsey, 2011).
Mobile phones and the more traditional media were extensively used to
communicate and coordinate protests. Activist leaders and average participants used
Twitter, Al Jazeera’s social media feeds, and the interactive Websites of CNN and
the BBC to reach beyond Tahrir square to a global audience. They globalized the
movement and won international support to protect and sustain the uprising. Social
media, especially Twitter, and global media allowed a worldwide audience to listen
Journal of Communication 62 (2012) 231– 248 ©2012 International Communication Association 243
Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses M. Lim
to the voice of the Egyptian opposition rather than to the state’s point of view. When
the government temporarily shut down the Internet, the effect was to ignite even
more resistance, domestically and internationally.
Conclusion
The role of social media in the Egypt revolt can be understood through its relation to
social networks and mobilization mechanisms. In Egypt’s oppositional movements,
social media provided space and tool for the formation and the expansion of networks
that the authoritarian government could not easily control. It did so by sustaining
both longstanding networks of labor opposition, by facilitating new connections
among middle-class youth opposed to the regime, and by supporting the circulation
of stories about regime repression and police brutality. Social media functioned
to broker connections between previously disconnected groups, to spread shared
grievances beyond the small community of activist leaders, and to globalize the reach
and appeal of the domestic movement for democratic change.
In achieving these goals, the activities had to overcome limitations of particular
technologies, identifying right issues, and craft the shared repertoires of contention.
They also had to frame the issues by transforming abstract, complex concerns into
a simpler, more tangible narrative that resonated with everyday experience. This
entailed focusing the oppositional narrative around victimization and injustice by
identifying a few key symbols and iconic figures that would have currency across
multiple social networks. A complex sociotechnical system was created not only
between social media and the more traditional media, but also between mediated
and face-to-face networks.
Social media helped a popular movement for political change to expand the sphere
of participation, especially by reaching the country’s unemployed and disaffected
urban youth who had, in McAdam’s (1986) terms, high biographical availability.
These media were not the only or even the principal source of information of political
mobilization that led to the downfall of Mubarak, but they fit served well and fit
with other information networks that were somewhat beyond the regime’s control.
Although social media helped create fertile context for revolution and were essential
during the heady days of Tahrir Square protests in early 2001, their ultimate role
continues to play out in the unfolding future of the Egyptian revolution.
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网络点击、出租车和咖啡馆:埃及 2004 年至 2011 年的社会媒体和抗议活动
Merlyna Lim
亚利桑那州立大学
【摘要:】
如果将 Tahrir 广场事件放在媒体使用与近期兴起的网上激进主义这个大背景下,
们对 2011 年初埃及暴乱中社会媒体和政治变革之间关系则有更深的认识。几年来,埃
及最成功的社会运动,包括 Kefaya 事件,四六青年事件和我们都是萨伊德事件,都
是利用社会媒体来扩大心怀不满的埃及人的网络,来调解激进分子之间的关系,来使资
源全球化,以及笼络反对派领导人。社会媒体使得这些反对派领导人拥有手段来塑造争
夺的剧目、来框架问题 和宣扬统一的符号,将网络激进主义转化成网络之外的抗议。
Clics, taxis et cafés : les médias sociaux et les mouvements d’opposition en Égypte de 2004 à
2011
Merlyna Lim
Pour approfondir notre compréhension de l’association entre les médias sociaux et le changement
politique lors du soulèvement égyptien du début de 2011, les événements de la place Tahrir
doivent être replacés dans un plus large contexte d’utilisation des médias et dans l’histoire
récente de l’activisme en ligne. Pendant plusieurs années, les mouvements sociaux les plus
efficaces en Égypte, incluant Kifaya, le Mouvement de la Jeunesse du 6-Avril et « Nous sommes
tous Khaled Saïd », ont été ceux qui ont utilisé les médias sociaux pour élargir les réseaux
d’Égyptiens mécontents, négocier les relations entre les activistes et globaliser les ressources et la
portée des leaders de l’opposition. Les médias sociaux offraient à ces leaders de l’opposition les
moyens de créer des répertoires de controverse, de cadrer les enjeux, de propager des symboles
unificateurs et de transformer l’activisme en ligne en manifestations hors ligne
Mots clés : Égypte, activisme, mouvement social, médias sociaux, Facebook, Twitter, blogues,
printemps arabe
Klicks, Taxis und Kaffeehäuser: Soziale Medien und die Oppositionsbewegung in Ägypten
zwischen 2004 und 2011
Um unser Verständnis der Beziehung zwischen sozialen Medien und politischem Wandel
während des Aufstandes in Ägypten Anfang 2011 zu vertiefen, müssen die Ereignisse auf
dem Tahrir Platz in einen Kontext der Mediennutzung und der jüngeren Geschichte des
Online-Aktivismus neu eingeordnet werden. Über viele Jahre hinweg zeichneten sich die
erfolgreichsten sozialen Bewegungen in Ägypten, wie Kefaya, die Jugend des 6. April und
Wir sind alle Khaled Said, dadurch aus, dass sie soziale Medien nutzten, um die Netzwerke
entfremdeter Ägypter zu erweitern, Kontakte zwischen Aktivisten zu vermitteln, Ressourcen
zu globalisieren und Oppositionsführer zu erreichen. Soziale Medien versorgten die
Oppositionsführer mit den Mitteln, ihre Repertoires der Auseinandersetzungen
auszugestalten, das Thema zu framen, verbindende Symbole zu propagieren und Online-
Aktivismus in Offline-Proteste zu überführen.
Schlüsselbegriffe: Ägypten, Aktivismus, soziale Bewegung, soziale Medien, Facebook,
Twitter, Blogging, Arabischer Frühling
클릭. 택시들, 그리고 커피 숍들: 소셜미디어와 이집트에서의 반대 운동, 2004-2011
Merlyna Lim
Arizona State University
요약
2011 초반에 이집트의 대중봉기 기간동안의 소셜미디어와 정치적 변화에 관한 관계에
대한 이해를 높이기 위햐여, Tahrir 광장에서의 이벤트들은 보다 미디어 사용과 최근의
온라인 행동주의의 문맥에서 논의되어 져야 한다. 여러해동안, 이집트에서 가장 성공적인
사회운동들, 예들들어 Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, 그리고 We are all Khaled Said 들은 모두
소셜미디어를 사용하여 네트웍을 확대하였다. 소셜미디어는 특히 야권지도자들로
하여금 반내주장을 공유하고, 이슈들을 프레임하고, 단일화된 상징들을 전파하고, 온라인
행동주의를 오프라인 항쟁으로 이끌 있는 수단을 제공하였다.
Los Clics, los Taxis y las Casas de Café: Los Medios Sociales y los Movimientos de
Oposición en Egipto, 2004-2011
Merlyna Lim
Arizona State University
Resumen
Para profundizar nuestro entendimiento de la relación entre los medios sociales y el
cambio político durante la revuelta Egipcia de comienzos del 2011, los eventos en la
plaza de Tahrir deben ser situados en el contexto general del uso de los medios y la
historia reciente del activismo online. Por varios años, los movimientos sociales exitosos
en Egipto, incluyendo Kefaya, la Juventud del 6 de Abril, y Somos Todos Khaled Said,
fueron los que usaron los medios sociales para expandir las redes de descontento de los
Egipcios, agentes de las relaciones entre los activistas, y globalizar los recursos y el
alcance de los líderes de la oposición. Los medios sociales solventaron a estos líderes de
la oposición los recursos para dar forma a los repertorios de contención, los encuadres de
los asuntos, la propagación de símbolos unificadores, y la transformación del activismo
online hacia las protestas offline.
... the past, play a key role in online contention (Bennett & Segerberg, 2013;Castells, 2012;Gerbaudo, 2012;Lim, 2012). These media also appear to contribute to an acceleration of communication and to the construction of more transient connections. ...
... Whereas social movement organizations have historically struggled to reach audiences through the (mass) media, social media platforms potentially enable activists to quickly and widely circulate protest materials and calls for mobilization, giving them a greater capacity to control the timing of their interventions. For instance, in Egypt no more than ten days separated the first call for mass demonstrations on the Kullena Khaled Said page and the start of the actual protests on 25 January 2011 (Lim, 2012). The speed of the mobilization process surprised the Mubarak regime and greatly contributed to its success. ...
Article
This article presents a new approach to the study of public contestation through social media. Developing this approach, we make three conceptual moves. First, to capture the dynamic character of contemporary contestation, we shift attention from publics to publicness as an interactive process. Second, we turn the focus from the "counter," as a public or space distinct from the dominant sphere, towards distributed forms of contention. Finally, instead of considering media as arenas of claims, we investigate how media are constitutive of contentious publicness, which can be studied along its material, spatial, and temporal dimensions. These moves lead to an analytical framework through which trajectories of contentious publicness can be systematically traced and evaluated. Through case studies on the 2011 Egyptian uprising and the Occupy protests, we demonstrate how this framework can be employed to examine the construction of new contentious actors and evaluate their democratic legitimacy as claim-makers.
... The services that social media offers can be understood as 'alternative spaces' to traditional media, offered by new media to present 'secure' spaces for deliberation (Mpofu 2015). Congruently, in the 'Arab spring' movement social media was a space for expanding and sustaining the networks upon which social movements depend, and this revolt exemplify how online social networks facilitated by social media have become a key ingredient of contemporary populist movements (Lim 2012). Cyber-enthusiasts expressed a good deal of optimism about the ability of the new media to empower people living in non-democratic societies (Wolfsfeld et al 2013). ...
... It becomes a strategic tool used by populists to circumvent and interact with traditional media coverage, and also as a tool that simultaneously shapes the populist message in the act of mediation (Sorensen 2016). It is not simply a neutral tool to be used or adopted by social movements, but rather influence how activists form and shape the social movements (Lim 2012). The platform is used to arbitrate messages that pertain to a people's struggle and the remediation of key issues affecting their belonging and survival. ...
Article
Social movements that challenge political infrastructures require substantial themes that resonate with the masses. The #ThisFlag movement was the first massive post-independent social media engendered protest that left an indelible mark on Zimbabwean politics and history. This study deem the movement the 'cult of Mawarire' due to the centrality of compelling issues used in galvanizing the masses to action. The cult is a force navigating sacrosanct issues of identity, politics, and nationalism as inscribed in the flag and the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe. To make meaning of the messages conveyed by Evan Mawarire, the study references to the videos posted by the pastor on his Facebook and Twitter accounts which can also be found on YouTube.
... Previous research on coffee culture focused on the lifestyle of the new generation in the urban community, particularly middle class income (Ardekani and Rath 2020;Argan et al. 2015;Quintão, Brito, and Belk 2017b;Rethelyi 2018). Several researchers focused on the role of coffee shop culture as a mediator of social movements (Jeffrey et al. 2017;Lim 2012), the resistance of local farmers to colonial supply chains (Basak, Ang, and Plambeck 2016;Saravanan 2004), fair trade issues (De Pelsmacker, Driesen, and Rayp 2005;Raynolds 2009;Neilson 2008), the influence of ethical value to consumers decision ethical value to consumers decision (Davies and Gutsche 2016;Gallenti et al. 2016;Purnomo et al. 2019;Sepúlveda et al. 2016), and perception and psychology focused on sensory problems (Sepúlveda 72 Downloaded on Mon Nov 09 2020 at 09: 25:54 UTC et al. 2016;Sunarharum, Williams, and Smyth 2014;Vanharanta, Kantola, and Seikola 2015). Little research has focused on the social psychology aspect, and thus the reference to the social representation of the emerging coffee culture in the native country is very rare, particularly in the field of social representation (SR). ...
Article
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This study aimed to determine how the middle class represents coffee shops, measure the relationship between representation and consumer loyalty, and analyze whether the coffee shops’ management strategies consider their social representation. In-depth interviews with 50 coffee shops and a survey of 348 customers showed that identity lay at the core of representation, whereas taste and atmosphere were a secondary representation. On the other hand, coffee shop managers tended to ignore identity as the core of representation and focused more on taste and atmosphere as a secondary representation. This study shows that the social representation of consumers toward coffee shops is closely related to nonintrinsic coffee function but still has a relationship with consumer loyalty; meanwhile, Indonesian coffee shop managers do not consider their importance in managing their stores.
... In fact, it has dethroned strong governments and enthroned democracy in some northern part of Africa. Arab Spring which was masterminded through new communication technologies and social networks (Lim 2012, Youmans & York 2012 reinforced the belief that social media is a veritable instrument for the establishment and consolidation of democracy. It also assisted profoundly in exposing and spreading details of the evil of the government of Turkey, as a result of which its usage was temporarily banned (Chikero, 2014). ...
Article
Full-text available
Citizens' participation in governance in Nigeria has been greatly affected by the system of autocratic, undemocratic, and even democratic regimes. These regimes have inculcated fear into the youth and have not provided a free flow platform for transparency, accountability, and feedback from its citizens, particularly the youth. However, the emergence of social media breathes a new life into the citizens' participation drive. The paper investigates 'to what extent did advent of social media enhance citizens' participation in governance, especially among the youths. While the survey and content analysis were used to elicit information from 100 randomly selected respondents in Ibadan North Local Government, the Theory of Digital Democracy was adopted as a theoretical framework. Findings revealed that the majority of the respondents' (58%) contents posted for the past three (3) months are connected to political issues, corruption-related issues, religion, and political personalities. Facebook is the most preferred social network among the respondents. It was, therefore, confirmed that social media users in Nigeria are tremendously increasing while information on politics and government activities is reflecting easily on it in the discussions among the citizens. The paper concludes that the internet and social media have reduced the fear of witch-hunting and increased the citizens' rate of participation in government activities, hence the important part of democracy (government of the people) and its democratization substance resuscitated. It recommends that government, political elites, and Civil Society Organizations should continue to emphasize social media as a verifiable platform to increase citizens' participation in governance and politics.
... In fact, it has dethroned strong governments and enthroned democracy in some northern part of Africa. Arab Spring which was masterminded through new communication technologies and social networks (Lim 2012, Youmans & York 2012 reinforced the belief that social media is a veritable instrument for the establishment and consolidation of democracy. It also assisted profoundly in exposing and spreading details of the evil of the government of Turkey, as a result of which its usage was temporarily banned (Chikero, 2014). ...
... The vast popularity of this virtual group based on the conceived similarity between the victim's brutal way of killing and the same possible fate of any Egyptian citizen. (Lim, M. 2012) Civically, the networking possibilities can play a major role in magnifying the sense of citizenship through its open potentials of communication. Galera, M.et al. (2017) argues that networks allow young people to increase their connectivity and emphasize their civic responsibilities. ...
Chapter
Social Media (SM) Volunteered Geographic Information (VGI) is gradually being used for representing the real-time situation during emergency. This chapter presents the SM-VGI review as a new age contribution to emergency management. The study analyses a series of emergencies during the so-called coup attempt within the boundary of Istanbul on the 15th of July 2016 in terms of spatial clusters in time and textual frequencies within 24 h. The aim of the study is to gain an understanding of the usefulness of geo-referenced Social Media Data (SMD) in monitoring emergencies. Inferences exhibit that SM-VGI can rapidly provide the information in the spatiotemporal context with the proper validations, in this way it has advantages to use during emergencies. In addition, even though geo-referenced data embody the small percent of the total volume of the SMD, it would specify reliable spatial clusters for the events, monitoring with optimized-hot-spot analysis and with the word frequencies of its attributes.
Article
This paper aims to discuss changing perspectives observed and collected from 10 focus groups conducted with teenagers in Hong Kong between 2012 and 2017. It has identified a growing sense of distrust and fear about online participation. It found that young people were increasingly aware of the public nature of social media and exercised great cautions in their online activities, resulting in more notable non-participation. In addition to refraining from various risky behaviours, informants demonstrated a strong tendency of self-surveillance. Despite the normative and affirmative biases generally associated with participation, this paper argued that participation was not necessarily desirable in the eyes of young internet users in Hong Kong. It revisited the meanings of participation in varying contexts, followed by an updated account of Hong Kong situation. Findings from focus groups are presented with further discussion about risky online participation and their implications to media literacy education.
Chapter
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This chapter is an update of our 2007 chapter Individuals in movements: a social psychology of contention. In that chapter we described fundamental social psychological processes―social identity, social cognition, emotions and motivation―as they were employed in the context of social movement participation. However, the world of protest has changed profoundly since 2007. Virtualization and individualization gave the world a new ‘virtual look’, and we observe as much protest as in the roaring ‘60s. It is therefore not surprising that the social psychology of protest has expanded since 2007; both theoretically and empirically. This chapter is an attempt to synthesize recent efforts, and update the assessment of where we are. To do so, we refreshed the whole chapter. Therewith the main section of this chapter focuses on social psychological approaches of movement participation―the antecedent of protest. A much smaller section deals with the consequences of protest. The central question in the section on antecedents is “Why do some people protest, while others don’t?” We will discuss how the social psychological processes of social identity, social cognition, emotions and motivation affect protest participation. The central question in the section on consequences is “Why do people keep on participating in protest although it does not often effectuate the demanded political claims?” We will discuss how such matters as disengagement, empowerment, and increased politicization help or hinder sustained participation. In doing so, we provide an overview of what social psychology has to offer to the study of antecedents and consequences of protest, where we stand and where we think the lacunas are. We end with the challenges a social psychology of movement participation faces.
Article
Ever since the anti-globalisation protests in Seattle in 1999 the adoption of new information and communications technologies (ICTs) by social movement activists has offered the prospect for the development of global cyberprotest. The Internet with its transnational many-to-many communication facility offers a revolutionary potential for social movements to go online and circumvent the 'official' messages of political and commercial organisations and the traditional media, by speaking directly to the citizens of the world. Furthermore the use of electronic mail (e-mail), mailing lists, websites, electronic forums and other online applications provide powerful media tools for co-ordinating the activity of often physically dispersed movement actors. Moreover, ICTs may also contribute to the important function of social movements of shaping collective identity and countering the claims and arguments of established political interests. A growing body of literature during the last decades of the twentieth century attests to the significant impact SMs have had upon the restructuring of the political landscape. Most of that literature addresses the more traditional actors and institutions (e.g. parliaments, political parties, bureaucracy etc.). Less attention has been devoted to those manifestations of political action that are concentrated around social movements and all kinds of more or less institutionalised and sustainable forms of citizen mobilisation. This book is a collection of cases that take a critical look into the way ICTs are finding their way into the world of social movements. © 2004 selection and editorial matter, Wim van de Donk, Brian D.Loader, Paul G.Nixon, Dieter Rucht. All rights reserved.
Article
Building on a critical overview of current social movement theory, this book presents a structural model for analysing social movements in advanced capitalism that locates them within global, national, regional and local structures. Buechler discusses a redirection of social movement theory that restores a critical, structural, macro-level, and historical emphasis to sociological theorizing about social movements. Clearly presented, this is a thoughtful introduction to the sociological study of social movements, linking the theoretical traditions that comprise the core of the discipline to the subfield of social movements. It is an excellent supplementary text for any advanced undergraduate or graduate class on collective action and social movements.