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Sadness and Anger: Boys, Girls, and Crying in Adolescence


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Men cry less frequently and intensely than women, and this sex difference is especially marked for crying in response to anger. We investigated the predictors of crying from sadness and anger in British adolescents and the extent to which they were moderated by gender. We asked participants how often they cried when experiencing each emotion and examined their reports in relation to five potential correlates, including the frequency and strength of the precipitating emotion. Both sexes reported that they were more likely to cry in response to sadness than anger, but, as expected, boys reported crying less than girls from both emotions. The correlates of crying when sad were similar in boys and girls: In addition to the effect of gender (female), other significant predictors were frequency and intensity of feeling sad, feminine gender role, depression, and by greater reported crying when sad. Crying from anger was predicted by gender and greater reported crying when sad. In girls, but not boys, anger intensity was a significant predictor. In boys, depression was a stronger predictor than it was in girls. We highlight the need for further research on emotional expression in boys and men, especially using qualitative techniques that can shed light on the parameters of “acceptable” crying and the extent to which depression may disrupt or subvert these display rules. We recommend that future studies focus on emotion-specific crying and employ measures of the frequency and intensity of precipitating emotions that were examined, for the first time, in this study. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)
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Sadness and Anger: Boys, Girls, and Crying in Adolescence
Mahal Santiago-Menendez and Anne Campbell
Durham University, Durham, England
Men cry less frequently and intensely than women, and this sex difference is especially marked for crying
in response to anger. We investigated the predictors of crying from sadness and anger in British
adolescents and the extent to which they were moderated by gender. We asked participants how often
they cried when experiencing each emotion and examined their reports in relation to five potential
correlates, including the frequency and strength of the precipitating emotion. Both sexes reported that
they were more likely to cry in response to sadness than anger, but, as expected, boys reported crying less
than girls from both emotions. The correlates of crying when sad were similar in boys and girls: In
addition to the effect of gender (female), other significant predictors were frequency and intensity of
feeling sad, feminine gender role, depression, and by greater reported crying when sad. Crying from
anger was predicted by gender and greater reported crying when sad. In girls, but not boys, anger
intensity was a significant predictor. In boys, depression was a stronger predictor than it was in girls. We
highlight the need for further research on emotional expression in boys and men, especially using
qualitative techniques that can shed light on the parameters of “acceptable” crying and the extent to which
depression may disrupt or subvert these display rules. We recommend that future studies focus on
emotion-specific crying and employ measures of the frequency and intensity of precipitating emotions
that were examined, for the first time, in this study.
Keywords: crying, anger, sadness, depression, gender
Crying, defined as the shedding of tears for emotional reasons,
remains poorly understood. Yet there is one fact that is not dis-
puted: Men cry less frequently, less intensely, and for a shorter
duration than women (reviewed by Vingerhoets & Scheirs, 2000).
This finding has been replicated across 35 countries in four con-
tinents (Becht, Poortinga, & Vingerhoets, 2001).
Men’s resistance to crying has been explained in terms of their
conformity to masculine gender role expectations. As infants, boys
express a wider range of emotions than girls, but by the age of 4
to 6 years, boys are so successful at masking their emotions that
their mothers are less able to identify them (Buck, 1977). Levant
(2001) has described the socialization “ordeal” by which parents
and peers constrict emotional expression in boys to promote con-
formity with traditional norms of masculinity. A core feature of
masculinity is stoicism and restrictive emotionality—a reluctance
to disclose feelings, especially those that might indicate vulnera-
bility or powerlessness (Jansz, 2000). The concept of self-control
is central to masculinity and crying is a visible loss of control.
Tears indicate surrender to overwhelming emotion that can be
interpreted as weakness (Lombardo, Cretser, & Roesch, 2001).
Crying elicits feelings of sympathy in observers and may evoke
comfort and reassurance, which are antithetical to the autonomy
associated with the traditional male role (Vigil, 2008).
Because the masculine gender role proscribes crying, men feel
more ashamed then women when they cry (Fischer, 1993), and
men with a traditional gender-role orientation cry less frequently
(Ross & Mirowsky, 1984). Men may actively avoid crying by
“swallowing” tears and avoiding situations that are likely to pro-
voke them (Bekker & Vingerhoets, 2001;Kottler, 1996). By
contrast, the feminine gender role highlights the centrality of
emotional experience and interpersonal communication of emotion
(Shields, 2002). In both sexes, femininity shows a positive rela-
tionship with crying frequency (Lombardo et al., 2001;Ross &
Mirowsky, 1984;Williams, 1982). In the present study, we exam-
ine feminine gender role as a potential predictor of crying. Unlike
previous studies, many of which have examined crying proneness
as a unitary construct, we consider crying in response to two
emotions that show a marked difference in the magnitude of their
association with gender.
Sad and Angry Crying: Sex Differences
Although people cry from a range of emotions, including hap-
piness, pride, frustration, sympathy, failure, guilt, and pain (Miceli
& Castelfranchi, 2003), tears are most often associated with sad-
ness. Compared with studies conducted in the 1980s, there is
evidence that men may no longer be judged more harshly than
women when they cry in response to sadness (Lewis, 2000;War-
ner & Shields, 2007;Zammuner, 2000). In some contexts, they
may even be judged more favorably (Labott, Martin, Eason, &
Berkey, 1991). Favorable judgments are associated with a partic-
ular expressive style that Shields (2002) calls the demonstration of
“manly emotion”: In Western culture, the ideal way in which men
should signal emotion is through the highly controlled expression
of authentic and deeply felt emotion. This is characterized by moist
This article was published Online First February 11, 2013.
Mahal Santiago-Menendez and Anne Campbell, Psychology Depart-
ment, Durham University, Durham, England.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Anne
Campbell, Psychology Department, Durham University, South Road, Dur-
ham, DH1 3LE, England. E-mail:
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This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
Psychology of Men and Masculinity © 2013 American Psychological Association
2013, Vol. 14, No. 4, 400– 410 1524-9220/13/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0030661
eyes, rather than sobbing, indicating that the crier is emotionally
moved but not out of control (see Wong, Steinfeldt, LaFollette, &
Tsao, 2011). Tears in this context indicate not only sensitivity but
genuineness: Because men rarely cry, their tears are more likely to
be seen as proportionate to the extremity of the felt emotion and
less likely to be viewed as feigned or manipulative (Labott et al.,
1991;Katz, 1999). Despite these more liberal judgments of male
tears, sex differences in sad crying persist. There was no signifi-
cant reduction in the magnitude of sex differences found in studies
conducted in 1983 and 1996 (Lombardo et al., 2001). Absolute
values vary across nations: Among undergraduates in the United
States (Lombardo et al., 2001), 23% of men cried when feeling
helpless, and 11% cried from self-pity and from disappointment
(compared with 58%, 29%, and 33% of women, respectively).
Data collected in the same year using a mainly undergraduate
sample (Williams & Morris, 1996) found that 59% of British men
and 46% of Israeli men report crying when sad (compared with
83% of women in Britain and 70% in Israel).
But the disparity between the sexes is particularly striking for
the emotion of anger. In a recent U.S. study, only 2% of men
believe it likely that they would cry in response to anger, compared
with 51% of women (Vigil, 2008). A similar disparity has been
found in a number of international surveys (Becht & Vingerhoets,
1997;Bekker & Vingerhoets, 2001;Rosenblatt, Walsh, & Jackson,
1976). The gender gap narrows somewhat for domestic disputes:
41% of British men and 33% of Israeli men would cry during an
argument with a loved one. This was still markedly lower than the
figures for women in Britain (80%) and Israel (75%). A similar
disparity between the sexes appears in U.S. samples, with 27% of
men and 72% of women crying when fighting with someone they
love (Lombardo et al., 2001).
This sex difference has been explained in terms of the centrality
of control and power to the male gender role. Men’s anger is
channeled into the outward control of others’ (mis)behavior and
anger is perceived as a powerful and self-confident emotion
(Campbell, 1994;Timmers, Fischer, & Manstead, 1998). Mascu-
linity is positively correlated with anger expression and verbal
aggression (Kinney, Smith, & Donzella, 2001). Indeed, it has been
suggested that men channel a range of “unacceptable” powerless
emotions, such as hurt, disappointment, and fear, into expressed
anger (Levant, 2001). “Right” masculine anger is controlled and
fuels remedial action against the transgressor who provoked it.
There is then a natural tension between anger as a powerful
emotion and the powerlessness associated with crying that renders
angry crying “problematic” for men (Warner & Shields, 2007).
Because angry tears reflect frustration with a stronger and uncon-
trollable force, they are antithetical to the control and autonomy
associated with the male gender role. For women however, the
feminine gender role proscribes the direct expression of anger. It
has been suggested that this inability to express anger when
emotionally aroused results in frustration that is discharged
through tears (Crawford, Kippax, Onyx, Gault, & Benton, 1992;
Eatough, Smith, & Shaw, 2008). In contrast to men, women
experience anger as a powerless emotion (Eatough et al., 2008;
Vingerhoets & Scheirs, 2000). Men who cry in response to anger
are evaluated less favorably than when crying in response to
sadness, whereas there is no difference between the two emotions
in women (Warner & Shields, 2007). The greater incongruence
between angry crying and traditional concepts of masculinity
suggests that angry crying may be more strongly predicted by a
more feminine gender role in boys.
Emotional Intensity and Frequency
Although many studies have sought information on the intensity
and frequency of the crying bout itself, it is surprising that no
consideration has been given to the relationship between the in-
tensity or frequency of the experienced emotion and the likelihood
of crying in response to it. Yet there is evidence that these may
play important roles in both the likelihood of crying and the
magnitude of gender differences.
With regard to sadness, men’s crying is perceived as more
justified when the triggering event is uncontrollable and severe.
Men’s crying was judged less favorably than women’s when the
precipitating situation was not very serious, such as a computer
crash (Fischer, Manstead, Evers, Timmers, & Valk, 2004). But in
response to extremely sad events (such as a family death or the end
of a romance), both sexes judged crying to be equally appropriate
for men and women (Zammuner, 2000). This greater acceptability
of men’s tears is reflected in self-report data: In response to the
death of a loved one, the percentage of men who reported they
would cry was 93% in Israel, 92% in Britain, and 84% in the
United States (Lombardo et al., 2001;Williams & Morris, 1996).
These values are close to those found among women (Israel, 98%;
Britain, 97%; United States, 89%). In the United States, adolescent
boys reported crying in response to major milestones, such as
bereavement or leaving home to go away to college, whereas girls
additionally reported crying for more mundane reasons such as
watching a sad movie or feeling stressed (Bronstein, Briones,
Brooks, & Cowan, 1996). The emotional significance of some
life-changing events is high for both sexes, and the usual male
display rules that inhibit tears appear to be relaxed in these
extreme situations. Nonetheless, men and women may differ in
the response that they desire from onlookers. Tears are an
enigmatic signal that can convey a desire to be left alone and a
desire to be comforted. Vigil (2008) demonstrated that when men
cry they want interpersonal distance, whereas women desire com-
fort from others.
With regard to frequency, although most people successfully
weather the occasional sadness-inducing event without crying, the
accretion of many such events over time might be expected to
erode resilience. In the United States, women report sadness more
frequently than men (Simon & Nath, 2004). Emotional instability
(which entails a lower threshold for experiencing emotion and,
hence, more frequent emotional experiences) is also higher in
women than men cross-culturally (Costa, Terracciano, & McCrae,
2001;Schmitt, Realo, Voracek, & Allik, 2008). Despite this, the
association between emotional instability (or neuroticism) and
crying proneness is one of the strongest reported for both men and
women (Choti, Marston, Holston, & Hart, 1987;De Fruyt, 1997;
Peter, Vingerhoets, & Van Heck, 2001;Vingerhoets, Van den
Berg, Kortekaas, Van Heck, & Croon, 1993;Williams, 1982).
When we turn to the experience of anger, emotional intensity is
expected to play a stronger role for women. Women’s accounts of
crying episodes make frequent reference to being overwhelmed by
the force of their anger. Campbell and Muncer (1987) noted that
women view anger as a loss of self-control arising from the
extremity of the emotion itself, while men see anger as a means of
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This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
control over others’ behavior. Men’s anger is more often expressed
in direct aggressive confrontations or through explosive acts such
as slamming doors or fast driving, but women are more likely to
defuse anger through crying or talking to a third party (Campbell
& Muncer, 2008). Similarly, we expect that anger frequency will
be strongly correlated with angry crying in girls. Unlike boys,
whose anger can be discharged through more direct means, there
is likely to be a cumulative accretion of anger over repeated
Gender-Related Individual Differences
In addition to examining emotion-specific intensity and fre-
quency, we examine two individual difference variables that are
gender-role related: empathy and depression.
Evidence for a sex difference in empathy, the ability to vicari-
ously experience another person’s emotions, is mixed. In Europe
and the United States, women score higher than men on self-
reported psychometric measures (Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright,
2004;Reniers, Corcoran, Drake, Shryane, & Volm, 2011). Women
are more vulnerable than men to emotional contagion after a
face-to-face interaction with a troubled friend (Magen & Konase-
wich, 2011), and imaging studies indicate that women recruit brain
areas containing mirror neurons to a higher degree than males in
empathic face-to-face interactions (Schulte-Rüther, Markowitsch,
Shah, Fink, & Piefkea, 2008). However laboratory-based tasks (in
which a participant’s description of the thoughts and feelings they
attribute to their partner is compared with those actually experi-
enced by their partner) assess a more cognitive component of
empathy and find no sex differences in empathic accuracy (Ickes,
Gesn, & Graham, 2000). Empathy is predictive of crying prone-
ness in adults of both sexes (Choti et al., 1987;Van Tilburg,
Unterberg, & Vingerhoets, 2002;Williams, 1982). However, these
studies have been based either explicitly or implicitly on measures
of crying when experiencing sadness. Empathic crying is more
closely tied to poignant and sad emotions than to powerful emo-
tions such as anger. We anticipate that empathy will be unlikely to
play a part in angry crying in either sex.
Sex differences in subclinical depression become evident from
early adolescence (Twenge & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2002), and girls’
greater vulnerability to depression might reasonably be expected to
be associated with their greater incidence of crying when sad.
However, there is surprisingly little empirical data that consistently
demonstrate a relationship between clinical depression and crying
(Vingerhoets, Rottenberg, Cevaal, & Nelson, 2007). Despite this,
most depression inventories include questions on crying prone-
ness, and it has been suggested that the use of these screening
instruments may partially explain why men appear to experience
depression less frequently than women (Salokangas, Vaahtera,
Pacriev, Sohlman, & Lehtinen, 2002). The two sexes typically
respond to distressing events in somewhat different ways, with
boys externalizing their emotion as anger (Chuick et al., 2009;
Magovcevic & Addis, 2008) and girls internalizing it through
rumination (Rood, Roelofs, Bogels, Nolen-Hoeksema, &
Schouten, 2009). However, in both sexes, depression is associated
with a pervasive sense of powerlessness (Clark, Beck, & Alford,
1999;Gilbert, 1992). In combination with heightened emotional
vulnerability, this may reduce an individual’s ability to express
anger outwardly and may therefore be associated with angry
crying in both sexes.
The Present Study
We examine crying in an adolescent sample. There is little
information on the developmental trajectory of crying, with most
studies focusing on either infants or adults. Sex differences in
crying are largely absent in infancy, although some studies find
that boys exceed girls (Feldman, Brody, & Miller, 1980;Kohn-
stamm, 1989;Phillips, King, & DuBois, 1978;St James-Roberts &
Halil, 1991). The fact that Chinese infants are reported to cry less
than their European American counterparts suggests a cultural
influence (Camras et al., 1998). This similarity between the sexes
in crying frequency is sustained from the age of 2 years until
approximately 11 to 12 years of age, when girls overtake boys
partly as a result of a decline in boys’ crying (Hastrup, Kraemer,
Bornstein, & Trezza, 2001;Van Tilburg, et al., 2002). A 2-week
self-monitoring study found that, at age 13, boys report 0.82
episodes per fortnight, declining to 0.29 by age 17 (Hastrup et al.,
2001). This compares with 2.60 and 3.33, respectively, in girls.
The pubertal onset of this sex difference does not appear to be
attributable to hormonal changes in young women associated with
menarche (Van Tilburg, et al., 2002). Our sample of schoolchil-
dren is aged from 13 to 17 years and therefore encompasses the
period in which sex differences in crying frequency are estab-
lished, but our focus goes beyond frequency to examine the pre-
dictors of crying to different emotions.
Adolescence is a time of particular interest in relation to crying
because it is characterized by the intensification of emotional
experience (Diener, Sandvik, & Larsen, 1985;Pine, Cohen, &
Brook, 2001;Somerville, Jones, & Casey, 2010;Steinberg, 2005).
This is reflected in enhanced activation (relative to adults) of
neural circuits that process emotion, combined with lower activa-
tion and delayed development of regulatory prefrontal areas
(Guyer et al., 2008;Yurgelun-Todd, 2007). Adolescence is also
associated with increased conformity to gender-role adherence
(Smith & Leaper, 2006), which we examine in the present study.
Our adolescent sample is from England, where, in common with
other Western cultures, attitudes toward crying are modulated by
gender. Although stoicism is valued in both sexes, crying is seen
as less acceptable for boys than girls (Frosh, Phoenix, & Pattman,
2003). A recent British study found that boys reacted to the idea of
a boy crying with a mixture of disbelief and humor, whereas girls
felt comfortable with the idea of crying, even in public (Maclean,
Sweeting, & Hunt, 2010).
The study examines sex differences in five variables (emotion-
specific intensity, emotion-specific frequency, feminine gender
role, empathy, and depression) in relation to crying from sadness
and anger. We first examine sex differences on all variables before
using hierarchical multiple regression to identify the predictors
of both forms of crying and the extent to which gender acts as
a moderator of their predictive value. We test the following
1. Girls will score higher than boys on all predictor and
outcome variables.
2. For crying from sadness, the predictors will not be mod-
erated by gender. Girls’ greater tendency to cry derives
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from their higher values on the predictor variables rather
than from a differential combination or weighting of
those predictors.
3. For crying from anger, we expect the predictors will vary
by gender. Given men’s tendency to experience anger as
a powerful emotion, and to express it through direct
confrontation, we expect that girls’ but not boys’ angry
crying will be positively associated with the intensity and
frequency of their anger. Given the particular difficulty
of reconciling traditional concepts of masculinity with
angry tears, a more feminine gender role will be a sig-
nificant predictor for boys.
The study recruited 197 adolescents aged between 13 and 17
years (M14.67, SD 1.45), of which 96 were boys and 101
were girls. The participants were drawn from a school in the
northeast of England. All were White British.
The questionnaire was composed of four sections. Three of
these were established psychometric tests and one was a series of
questions developed specifically for this study.
Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI; Kovacs, 1992). The
CDI measures symptoms of depression in children and adoles-
cents. It discriminates children suffering from general emotion
distress from unaffected schoolchildren, and CDI scores are asso-
ciated with low self-concept (e.g., Saylor, Finch, Spirito, & Ben-
nett, 1984). The present study used the short version of the CDI,
which is composed of 10 items. Each of the items consists of three
response options: 0 (absence of symptom),1(milder symptom),
and2(symptom). Participants chose the one answer that best
described his or her feelings and ideas over the past 2 weeks. The
internal consistency was found to be ␣⫽.83 in the present sample.
Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ; Spence, Helm-
reich, & Stapp, 1974). The PAQ assesses the sex typing of
personality. The present study used the femininity scale, which
comprises eight pairs of opposing adjectives, for example, not at
all emotional versus very emotional. The participant indicated the
point on the 5-point Likert scale that best described them. The
femininity scale measures the degree that an individual can be
classified as stereotypically feminine or expressive in personality.
Femininity scores are positively associated with social competence
and self-esteem in both sexes (Spence, Helmreich, & Holahan,
1979; for further evidence of validity, see Helmreich, Spence, &
Holahan, 1979;Ward, Thorn, Clements, Dixon, & Sanford, 2006).
The internal consistency in the present study was ␣⫽.71.
Empathy Quotient (Baron-Cohen & Wheelwright, 2004).
The Empathy Quotient is a self-report instrument measuring em-
pathy levels. Empathy Quotient scores discriminate between indi-
viduals suffering from autistic spectrum disorder and controls
(Lepage, Lortie, Taschereau-Dumouchel, & Theoret, 2009), and
are positively associated with social support (Nettle, 2007). The
present study used the short version of the scale (Muncer & Ling,
2006). Responses are given on a 4-point Likert scale from strongly
agree to strongly disagree, with some items reverse-keyed. Fol-
lowing Baron-Cohen and Wheelwright (2004), nonempathic re-
sponses were scored as 0, slightly agree/disagree responses were
scored as 1, and strongly agree/disagree responses were scored as
2. The internal consistency in the present study was ␣⫽.71.
Specific emotions. This section of the questionnaire was writ-
ten for the present study. It was divided into two sections, address-
ing sadness and anger. For each emotion, three questions were
1. Emotion frequency: “How often do you feel (angry/
sad)?” Responses were scored on a 5-point Likert scale
from 0 (never)to4(very often [once a day]).
2. Emotion intensity:“How intense or strong are your emo-
tions when you are (angry/sad)?” Responses were scored
on a 5-point Likert scale from 0 (not at all strong)to4
(very strong).
3. Crying in response to emotion: “How often do you cry
when you are feeling (angry/sad)?” Answers to this ques-
tion constituted the outcome variable for the analyses.
The answers were scored on a 5-point Likert scale from
0(never)to4(very often). Respondents also indicated
their sex.
The questionnaires were completed in class and completion time
was less than 20 min. The participants received a brief description of
the study, and issues of confidentiality and anonymity were discussed.
After questionnaire distribution, participants signed and submitted a
consent form prior to completing the questionnaire. When participants
had finished, they were asked to ensure that they had answered all
questions, and were then thanked and debriefed.
Sex Differences in Sad and Angry Crying
Descriptive statistics for all variables are given in Table 1. Because
sex differences were examined for several variables, a Bonferroni
correction indicated that significance should be set at p.005. We
first consider sex differences on the outcome variables to be used in
later multivariate analyses. These were respondents’ reports of how
frequently they cried when experiencing sadness and anger. Both
comparisons were significant, showing that boys were less likely to
cry than girls. Surprisingly, the effect size for crying from sadness,
t(192.54) 8.60, p.001, d⫽⫺1.05, was somewhat greater than
for crying from anger, t(193) 6.02, p.001, d⫽⫺0.79. Never-
theless, both of these effect sizes are large. Respondents of both sexes
were significantly more likely to cry when sad than when angry: boys,
t(94) 2.83, p.001; girls, t(98) 5.11, p.001. There were also
significant medium-sized sex differences on individual difference
variables with boys scoring lower on depression, t(195) ⫽⫺5.15, p
.001, d⫽⫺0.68; femininity, t(193) ⫽⫺4.42, p.001, d⫽⫺0.60;
and empathy, t(194) ⫽⫺3.59, p.001, d⫽⫺0.50. With regard to
emotional experience, girls reported feeling sad significantly more
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frequently than boys, t(194) ⫽⫺7.05, p.001, d⫽⫺0.89. How-
ever, the sexes did not differ significantly on sadness intensity,
t(194) ⫽⫺2.03, p.04, d⫽⫺.29; anger frequency, t(195)
1.11, p.27, d⫽⫺0.16; or anger intensity, t(195) ⫽⫺0.46, p
.65, d⫽⫺0.06. These results provide only partial support of our first
hypothesis that girls would exceed boys on all measures.
Bivariate Correlations
Table 2 presents the intercorrelations of all variables for girls
and boys separately. A Bonferroni correction adjusted the signif-
icance level to p.001. For crying from sadness, positive asso-
ciations with all five variables were found in both sexes: depres-
sion (boys, r(93) .44, p.001; girls, r(99) .51, p.001);
femininity (boys, r(93) .35, p.001; girls, r(99) .31, p
.002); sadness frequency (boys, r(93) .52, p.001; girls,
r(99) .63, p.001); sadness intensity (boys, r(93) .45, p
.001; girls, r(99) .46, p.001), and empathy (boys, r(93)
.22, p.03; girls, r(99) .35, p.001). In summary, correla-
tions between crying when sad and all five variables showed an
extremely similar pattern in both sexes.
With respect to crying from anger, significant correlations with
depression were found in both sexes: boys, r(93) .47, p.001;
girls, r(99) .33, p.001. For girls, but not boys, angry crying
was associated with anger intensity (girls, r[99] .42, p.001;
boys, r[93] .07, p.51) and anger frequency (girls, r[99]
.30, p.001; boys, r[93] .24, p.02). Two variables showed
no association with angry crying for either sex: femininity (girls,
r[99] .15, p.14; boys, r[93] .16, p.13) and empathy
(girls, r[99] .17, p.09; boys, r[93] ⫽⫺.01, p.92).
Predictors of Sad and Angry Crying
Examination of the correlation matrix indicated that many of our
predictor variables were intercorrelated. In order to examine the
unique contribution of each of the predictors to the two forms of
crying, two hierarchical multiple regressions were run. These
analyses also tested whether sex of respondent moderated the
effects of the predictor variables (Frazier, Tix, & Barron, 2004). In
moderation analysis, the standardized predictor variables and sex
of respondent are entered in the first step. These first-order un-
standardized regression weights represent the effect of each pre-
dictor at the average level of the other variables. (Because contin-
uous variables have been standardized, this corresponds to all other
variable values being set at zero.) In the second step, the interac-
tion terms (between gender and each of the predictors) are entered
to evaluate whether they add significant explanatory power, indi-
cating that gender moderates the effect of one or more of the
predictor variables on the outcome measure. For both outcome
measures (crying when sad and crying when angry), the following
predictors were entered: depression, empathy, femininity, emotion
intensity, emotion frequency, and the likelihood of crying in re-
sponse to the second emotion. This last variable examined the
effect of a tendency to cry that was not specific to the emotion
Table 1
Descriptive Statistics, Sex Differences, and Effect Sizes
for All Variables
n M SD d
Depression (CDI)
Male 96 2.19 2.49 0.68
Female 102 4.43 3.55
Femininity (PAQ)
Male 96 19.72 4.02 0.60
Female 101 22.17 3.86
Empathy (EQ)
Male 95 12.56 4.41 0.50
Female 101 15.00 5.06
Sadness (frequency)
Male 96 1.18 0.78 0.89
Female 100 2.03 0.90
Sadness (intensity)
Male 96 2.05 1.23 0.29
Female 100 2.38 1.02
Sadness (crying frequency)
Male 96 1.07 0.90 1.05
Female 100 2.27 1.03
Anger (frequency)
Male 96 2.01 0.94 0.16
Female 101 2.16 0.92
Anger (intensity)
Male 96 2.53 1.14 0.06
Female 101 2.60 1.06
Anger (crying frequency)
Male 95 0.76 0.99 0.79
Female 100 1.67 1.11
Note. CDI Children’s Depression Inventory; EQ Empathy Quo-
tient; PAQ Personal Attributes Questionnaire.
Significant sex difference, p.001.
Table 2
Correlation Matrix for All Variables
12 3456 789
1. Depression .07 .02 .75
2. Femininity .12 .59
.11 .05 .16 .16 .31 .15
3. Empathy .19 .52
.08 .18 .11 .01 .35
4. Sad frequency .58
.29 .24 — .45
5. Sad intensity .34
.32 .45
— .53
6. Anger frequency .41
.11 .11 .21 .19 .49
7. Anger intensity .20 .07 .14 .07 .39
— .33
8. Cry when sad .44
.22 .52
.22 .00 — .42
9. Cry when angry .47
.16 .01 .45
.21 .24 .07 .39
Note. Girls (n101) above diagonal; boys (n96) below diagonal.
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under analysis, in light of the correlation between our two
outcome measures of crying when sad and angry (boys, r.39,
p.001; girls, r.42, p.001). Gender was set as males
1 and females ⫽⫺1.
For crying when sad, 61% of the variance was explained by the
initial predictors (see Table 3). The significant predictors were
sadness frequency (B.34, p.001), gender (B.23, p
.001), femininity (B.17, p.02), crying when angry (B.16,
p.02), depression (B.15, p.05), and sadness intensity
(B.15, p.02). Only empathy failed to make a significant
contribution. With the introduction of the interaction terms in the
second step, there was no significant improvement in the model
demonstrating that sex differences in these variables offered no
additional explanatory power, F(6, 178) 1.01, p.42. This
supports our second hypothesis that the predictors of sad crying
would be similar for the two sexes.
For crying when angry (see Table 4), four first-order significant
predictors explained 36% of the variance: crying when sad (B
.32, p.001), depression (B.22, p.02), gender (B.19, p
.03), and anger intensity (B.16, p.04). The second step
improved the amount of variance explained from 36% to 40%,
F(6, 178) 2.07, p.06. This just failed to achieve conventional
significance, but given the exploratory nature of the study and the
recommendations of Judd, McClelland, and Culhane (1995),we
decided to explore which interactions were contributing to this
improvement. The two significant interaction effects were Gender
Depression (B⫽⫺.20, p.04) and Gender Anger intensity
(B.18, p.03). In boys, depression was positively and
significantly related to angry crying, B.51, p.001, whereas
in girls, it was not significant, B.10, p.41. Conversely, anger
intensity had no impact on angry crying among boys, B.02, p
.88, but for girls, it was a positive and significant predictor, B
.36, p.003. Our third hypothesis received some support in our
finding girls’ angry crying was predicted by anger intensity. How-
ever, anger frequency, which we had expected to show a similar
association for girls, was not a significant predictor for either sex.
Contrary to our hypothesis, boys’ angry crying was not associated
with a more feminine gender role.
Sex differences reported in other studies were replicated here:
Boys scored significantly lower than girls on depression, feminin-
ity, and self-reported empathy. With regard to emotions, boys
reported experiencing sadness less frequently. However, there was
no sex difference in the three other emotion measures: frequency
and intensity of anger and sadness intensity. Archer’s (2004, see
online supplemental materials) meta-analysis of sex differences in
anger also reported no sex difference across 46 samples, although
these scales measured anger as a personality trait, thus mixing
elements of frequency and intensity. Studies that have specifically
addressed the intensity of experienced anger have produced mixed
results, with some reporting no sex differences (Brebner, 2003,
Australian sample; Fischer, Mosquera, van Vianen, & Manstead,
2004) and others finding greater anger intensity among women
(Brebner, 2003, international sample; Simon & Nath, 2004). Sim-
ilarly for anger frequency, the null findings from the United States
(Simon & Nath, 2004) conflict with higher values among women
internationally and in Australia (Brebner, 2003). Certainly, there is
little evidence that men experience anger more intensely than
women, and our own results support this conclusion among ado-
lescents. For sadness intensity, however, results from studies of
adults are more consistent, showing a sex difference in favor of
women both in the United States (Allen & Haccoun, 1976;Diener
et al., 1985;Simon & Nath, 2004) and internationally (Brebner,
2003;Fisher, Mosquera, et al., 2004). Our failure to find such a sex
difference may be the result of the age of our sample: Adolescence
is a time of extreme emotions and may eliminate the sex differ-
ences typically found in adulthood. For example, male and female
college students (slightly older than our sample) do not differ in
their experience of either sadness or anger (Chaplin, 2006).
We used multiple regression to examine the predictors of re-
ported sad crying. There was no evidence that the predictors were
significantly moderated by sex of respondent. Boys’ higher thresh-
old for crying from sadness results, in part, from boys’ lower
values on the predictor variables that we included. Nonetheless,
gender was a strong predictor of sad crying and this suggests that
Table 3
Moderation Analysis of Crying When Sad
Step and variable B SE B 95% CI R
Step 1
Sadness frequency .34 .09 .16, .52 .30
Gender .23 .06 .11, .36 .20
Femininity .17 .07 .03, .30 .15
Cry when angry .16 .06 .03, .28 .14
Depression .15 .08 .01, .32 .14
Sadness intensity .15 .06 .02, .27 .13
Empathy .10 .07 .04, .23 .08 .61
Step 2
Gender Sadness Frequency .09 .09 .09, .27 .07
Gender Femininity .03 .07 .16, .11 .02
Gender Cry When Angry .01 .07 .14, .13 .00
Gender Depression .04 .09 .21, 14 .03
Gender Sadness Intensity .01 .07 .13, .12 .01
Gender Empathy .13 .07 .01, .27 .11 .01
Note. CI confidence interval.
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the sex difference in sad crying is also mediated by variables that
we did not measure. We note here that gender remained significant
even when gender role (femininity) was included in the model; this
will be discussed in more detail later. Crying was significantly
associated with the frequency and intensity of experiencing sad-
ness, underlining the importance of studying parameters of the
specific emotion that precipitate tears. Although sadness frequency
was correlated with depression, it proved the stronger predictor of
crying. The depression inventory chiefly poses questions about the
underlying foci of depression (e.g., self-concept, appearance,
friends) and may fail to tap depression in some individuals if the
source of their sadness falls outside these domains. Although
empathy has been a correlate of crying in previous studies, we
found no such relationship. Our results are unlikely to be a func-
tion of the age of our sample, as the only other study of adolescents
found a significant effect of empathy (Van Tilburg et al., 2002).
However, in previous studies, empathy has been examined in
relation to crying proneness (assessed by summing the likelihood
of crying across a range of different situations) or crying frequency
(number of crying bouts within a specified time window). Hence,
sadness-specific crying has not been examined. Empathy is most
likely to play a role when witnessing others’ emotions, and in our
sample, these vicarious experiences may not have been identified
as “sad.” Indeed, some individuals seek out “tear jerking” movies
suggesting that the experience of vicarious emotion can be enjoy-
able (Bekker & Vingerhoets, 2001).
The model for angry crying included crying when sad, gender,
depression, and anger intensity. The latter two variables were
moderated by gender. The strongest predictor was crying when
sad, indicating that there may be an underlying crying vulnerabil-
ity. This individual difference variable may capture an individual’s
general threshold for crying. That this threshold is more likely to
be breached by feelings of sadness than anger is evidenced by the
significant difference between the reported frequency of crying in
response to the two emotions. For girls, but not boys, the intensity
of anger was predictive of crying. This offers quantitative support
to findings from qualitative studies (Campbell, 1994;Eatough et
al., 2008). For women, the tendency to cry when angry rather than
to engage in direct confrontation has been explained by the neg-
ative social consequences of female aggression and the frustration
that accompanies this (Fischer & Evers, 2011).
For boys, however, it was depression that increased the fre-
quency of crying when angry. Anger and depression are associ-
ated, especially for men. Although depression is stereotypically
associated with anhedonia, anger can play an important part in the
onset and experience of depression (Chuick et al., 2009). Indeed,
for children and adolescents, sustained irritability is one of the
diagnostic criteria for depression (American Psychiatric Associa-
tion, 2000). In adults also, one third of patients presenting with
depression experience bouts of severe anger (Fava, 1998). De-
pressed men find it especially difficult to discuss crying with their
physician and prefer to focus on these externalizing symptoms of
anger and irritability (Wilhelm, Brownhill, Harris, & Harris,
2006). Our findings suggest that, in adolescent boys, depression
may impact upon the “sex-typical” expression of anger. Typically,
boys’ response to anger is to externalize it either through explosive
but noninjurious acts (driving fast, throwing objects) or by direct
verbal or physical aggression (Campbell & Muncer, 2008). De-
pressed mood states are associated with disrupted coping mecha-
nisms: The feelings of helplessness associated with depression
may divert boys’ expression of anger toward a more internalized
expression (crying). Evidence that depressive anger is directed
toward the self may explain its manifestation in crying rather than
other-directed aggression (Biaggio & Godwin, 1987). We did not
ask about the context of crying and it would be of interest to
understand more about this. One context issue is location: Do these
episodes take place in public or in private? The latter seems more
likely, given that boys are significantly more likely than girls to
want interpersonal distance when crying (Vigil, 2008) and men are
less likely than women to cry in front of others (Lombardo et al.,
2001). Such factors may take on heightened significance in the
case of gender-incongruent angry crying. Another (and possibly
related) issue is the intensity of crying: Do these crying episodes
involve visible sobbing or a more controlled welling up of tears
that may not even be detectable by others? What anger-inducing
events precipitate tears? Depression in adolescence is very
Table 4
Moderation Analysis of Crying When Angry
Step and variable B SE B 95% CI R
Step 1
Cry when sad .32 .10 .12, .51 .27
Depression .22 .09 .04, .40 .19
Gender .19 .08 .03, .35 .16
Anger intensity .16 .08 .02, .32 .14
Femininity .13 .09 .05, .31 .12
Empathy .07 .09 .24, .10 .06
Anger frequency .03 .08 .14, 20 .03 .36
Step 2
Gender Depression .20 .10 .39, .01 .17
Gender Anger Intensity .18 .08 .02, .33 .15
Gender Empathy .12 .09 .06, .29 .10
Gender Femininity .02 .09 .16, .19 .01
Gender Anger Frequency .00 .08 .16, .17 .00
Gender Cry When Sad .00 .10 .20, .20 .00 .04
Note. CI confidence interval.
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strongly associated with bullying and indirect aggression by peers
(Hawker & Boulton, 2000). Victims of bullying experience isola-
tion and poor self-concept that can hamper their ability to retaliate
or defend themselves. If the anger experienced after an episode of
victimization has no outlet, it may be expressed through frustrated
tears. However, in interpreting this finding, we cannot entirely
discount the possibility of response artifact: Boys who are willing
to report an emotion more commonly ascribed to girls (feelings of
depression) also may be more likely to report a more “feminine”
behavior (crying when angry). Yet we note that, among boys in
this sample, femininity was uncorrelated with either depression or
angry crying.
Limitations and Future Research
It is important to emphasize that the results presented here come
from British White adolescents and do not speak to the cultural and
ethnic differences with regard to the male role, which may have
important implications for crying (Lazur & Majors, 1995).
The surprisingly weak effect of feminine gender role bears
scrutiny. Femininity has been associated with more frequent crying
in both sexes in a number of previous studies. Because of the
traditional association between crying and femininity, we elected
to measure femininity rather than masculinity, reasoning that fem-
ininity scores might identify those boys who were less stereotypi-
cally “masculine” and less constricted by the masculine gender
role. We used the PAQ, a measure that has assays “expressivity”
and hence seemed appropriate to understanding crying as a form of
emotional expression. It is highly correlated with the Bem Sex
Role Inventory (Spence, 1991) that has been used in previous
studies (Lombardo et al., 2001;Williams, 1982). However, such
measures have been criticized for the decontextualization of the
trait descriptors and their unidimensional conception of masculin-
ity and femininity (Shea & Wong, 2012). More recent gender role
measures have focused on normative expectations of men and
women (e.g., Levant & Richmond, 2007;Mahalik et al., 2005) that
vary in their relevance to specific contexts and cultures. These
inventories include affective, cognitive, and behavioral items. Sub-
scales assessing the willingness to express emotion include Re-
strictive Emotionality from the Male Role Norms Inventory (Le-
vant & Fischer, 1998) and Emotional Control from the Conformity
to Masculine Norms Inventory (Mahalik et al., 2003). These more
specific measures are sensitive to contextual expectations about
“masculine” behavior and are therefore better able to detect the
how these expectations affect men’s willingness to acknowledge
and display various emotions. Future studies could usefully em-
ploy them. Of particular interest would be closer examination of
the display rules of male crying; Shields (2002) has described the
idealized expression of men’s crying and closer scrutiny of the
“acceptability” parameters of how, why, and where men may cry
would be valuable (Walton, Coyle, & Lyons, 2004;Wong et al.,
A further measurement limitation of the present study is the use
of self-report. Crying has a low baseline of occurrence and fre-
quently takes place in private, making it difficult to study. Exper-
imental studies have been performed, but these typically manipu-
late crying as an independent variable (by a live confederate or via
photo manipulation) in order to investigate observer reactions.
Attempts to identify correlates or causes of spontaneous real-world
crying have little option but to rely on self-report. Nevertheless,
the use of Likert scales and other forced-choice methods neces-
sarily constrain responses and raise issues as to the extent to which
the scale points have similar meanings for men and women. Their
closed nature also limits researchers’ ability to capture the lived
experience of crying and the circumstances in which it occurs. A
few studies have employed qualitative methods to examine men’s
crying in the context of depression (e.g., Oliffe, Kelly, Bottorff,
Johnson, & Wong, 2011), but qualitative approaches to emotion
have been much more common in women. Such studies have the
potential to answer valuable questions about the context and per-
ceived causes of men’s crying.
We believe that our study has succeeded in highlighting the
importance of emotion-specific crying. The most frequently used
inventory for studying crying the Adult Crying Inventory-Part A
(CI-A; Vingerhoets, & Becht, 1997) presents a range of situations
that may induce tears. These are typically summed to give a single
score or separate scores for “positive” and “negative” crying.
However, this elides sadness and anger (both “negative” emo-
tions), despite the fact that these two emotions differ qualitatively
in subjective experience and quantitatively in their correlates. The
present study also underlines the importance of considering the
intensity and frequency of precipitating emotions: These played
explanatory roles in both forms of crying. Differences that have
been found in crying proneness across different situations (e.g.,
weddings, death of a pet) may turn out to be a function of the
intensity or frequency of the associated emotion rather than the
specifics of the situational context.
In summary, the factors associated with crying when sad were
remarkably similar in both sexes. However, there were differences
with regard to crying from anger. For girls, but not boys, anger
intensity was important. In boys, to a stronger extent than girls,
angry crying was associated with depression. This latter finding
highlights the need for further examination of the expression of
emotion in boys and men, and, specifically, the extent to which
depression disrupts the emotional restrictiveness into which they
have been socialized.
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Received February 9, 2012
Revision received September 17, 2012
Accepted September 18, 2012
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... Crying is regarded as one method for expressing and regulating negative emotions which was mostly reported for women, and only one woman mentioned it as the normal reaction of her husband to emotion of anger which the relevance of crying to the type of emotion, severity, depression and female gender role support it (Fischer, Rodriguez Mosquera, Van Vianen, & Manstead, 2004;Santiago-Menendez & Campbell, 2013). The severity of anger and depression indicates crying among women and men, respectively. ...
... The severity of anger and depression indicates crying among women and men, respectively. However, like women, men tend to cry in sadness, but they cry less, which can be argued that the possibility of its expression is limited by individuals' cultural expectations and socialization (Santiago-Menendez & Campbell, 2013). ...
In marital relationships, the type of perception of the spouse’s behavior affects how the social information and behavior of the other couple is processed, leading to psychological consequences. Thus, a higher perception of each other’s mental state is followed by sincerity and more satisfaction with the relations. The present study was performed by using a descriptive phenomenological qualitative approach with the aim of investigating emotional theory of mind in 19 married Iranian women who were selected by purposive sampling in 2017. In order to coding data, MAXQDA 2018 software and the Colaizzi’s method were used for coding and analyzing the data, respectively. Finally, about three concepts including the emotion type, emotion expression and emotion regulation were extracted from the interviews. Results showed in emotion type, women remarked positive emotions of satisfaction and gratitude and negative emotions of sorrow and sadness only about themselves. Although emotion expression was possible through three ways but in women's view point, men did not react to positive emotion non-verbally. In the third category, coping with negative emotions in the form of going into retreat was raised merely about men and emotion discharge and forgetfulness merely about women. The findings of the present study, a qualitative examination of emotions of the two genders from the viewpoint of women, is to a great extent in line with previous self-report and quantitative studies; they can be applied for Iran and other countries with similar culture and structure.
... As Veeti's extract shows (above), when crying, one is not necessarily making a decision to share emotions with others, but losing control over tears is an unwelcome deviation from 'rational' and 'controlled' masculinity. It is thus not surprising that, for many boys, crying was an undesired act of showing emotions, which they either avoided or perceived with great ambivalence, as is commonly found in the literature (Motro and Ellis, 2017;Santiago-Menendez and Campbell, 2013). According to de Boise and Hearn (2017), rather than simply suggesting that boys and men 'repress' their emotions or arguing for the emergence of new and 'more emotional' masculinities, it would be useful to explore how emotions are connected with social structures and how masculine privilege stems from, and is supported through, certain emotions (see also Pease, 2012). ...
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Nuancing Young Masculinities tells a complex story about the plurality of young masculinities. It draws on the narratives of Finnish young people (mostly boys) of different social classes and ethnicities who attend schools in Helsinki, Finland. Their accounts of relations with peers, parents, and teachers give insights into boys’ experiences and everyday practices at school, home, and in leisure time. The theoretical insights in this volume are wide-ranging, illuminating the plurality of masculinities, their dynamism, and intersections with other social identities. The young people’s enthusiastic and reflexive engagement with the research dispels stereotypes of boys and masculinities and offers a unique and holistic re-imagining of masculinities, Nuancing Young Masculinities provides a nuanced and compelling understanding of young masculinities.
... Brownhill et al. (2005) suggest that depression in men may remain hidden or overlooked on account of traditional notions of masculinity that encourage men to minimize or internalize emotional distress and point out that gender differences related to depression are not in the experience so much as in the expression of the disorder. Santiago-Menendez & Campbell (2013) suggest that this internalization of emotions begins early in life through socialization that discourages emotional expression to promote conformity with traditional norms of masculinity that favor stoicism, restrictive emotionality, and reluctance to disclose feelings. ...
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Over the past century, mental health disorders have become an area of concern for maintaining a "productive" population, as attention has shifted to endemics that slowly diminish the capacity to live a long and productive life and the care of society depends upon disciplinary technologies that aim to educate and manage people about health and self-care. People deemed as a burden on the state, such as the mentally ill, are commonly objects of governmentality we explore the intersection between institutional discourse, narratives of personal experience, and media forms. This research contributes to the burgeoning field of Digital Discourse Studies to provide improved tools for sociolinguistic and discourse-analytic research in new media contexts by combining governmentality theory, multimodality studies, and CDA methodologies that serve new media environments. Through this case study we illustrate how institutions operationalize virtual visual synthetic personalization to reproduce institutional discourses in the service of governing, and we extend upon governmentality, introducing technologies of sociality as a disciplinary technology brought on by the affordances of social media.
... 20 Kadınlar genel olarak üzüntü duygusunu dışavurmaya daha eğilimlidirler. 21, 22 Hess ve arkadaşlarının 23 araştırmalarında, kadınların olumsuz duygu uyandıran olaylara üzüntü ile tepki vermelerinin daha olası bulunduğu görülmüştür. Ayrıca kadınlar kişisel yaşantılarından bahsederken daha çok üzüntü duygusu belirtmişlerdir. ...
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Gender and Age Diff erences in the Happiness, Sadness and Anger Expression Styles Objective. In this study, sex and age-related differences of happiness, sadness and anger expression styles were examined. Method: 841 participants aged 18-50 evaluated their happiness, sadness and anger expressions. The data were collected via the Emotion Expression Styles Inventory and Personal Information Form and analyzed with 2 (gender: female, male) X 2 (age: 18-24 years, 25-50 years) factors analysis of variance (MANOVA). Results: Females' "self-focused" and "other-focused expression" of happiness are significantly higher than men. Participants between the ages of 25 and 50 have higher "other-focused expression" than the 18-24 age group. Females' "facial" and "verbal" expressions of sadness are significantly higher than men. Males' "aggressive expression" of sadness scores are higher than women. The "aggressive expression" of sadness in 18-24 age group was higher than 25-50 age group. Females' both "facial expression" and "verbal expression" of anger are significantly higher than men. Males reported higher "aggressive expression" and "cool expression" of anger than females. Participants in 18-24 age group had higher "aggressive expression", "facial expression" and "retaliation" of anger scores than those in 25-50 age group. Moreover, the interaction effect of gender and age is statistically significant for anger. In the 18-24 age group, women had higher "verbal expression" scores of anger than men. Conclusion: The results showed that happiness, sadness and anger expression styles were differed according to age and gender, and results were discussed within the scope of relevant literature.
... Distinguishing between negative emotions seems relevant in research on gender differences, as social consequences of negative emotional expression appear to vary by gender and by emotion. Women tend to express more 'vulnerable' emotions, including anxiety and sadness, whereas men show more 'powerful' emotions, such as anger (Santagio-Menendez and Campbell 2013;Martin et al. 2013). Furthermore, boys, but not girls, are accepted less by their peers when they express sadness (Perry-Parisch and Zeman 2011). ...
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The gender difference in the prevalence of depression is well-documented, poorly understood and multifactorial. Considering that gender differences exist in the expression of emotions, we hypothesized that ambivalence over the expression of sadness and anger contributes to the difference in depression scores between men and women. Questionnaires on depressive symptoms and ambivalence regarding sadness and anger expression were completed by 550 respondents (66.9% women, average age 27.8 years). Women reported more depressive symptoms and were more ambivalent over the expression of both sadness and anger than men. Ambivalence over sadness and—to a lesser extent—anger mediated the relationship between gender and depressive symptoms. We conclude that ambivalence over emotion expression may partly explain why depression occurs more frequently in women than men.
... Beispielsweise haben das Geschlecht und das Alter einen Einfluss auf die Häufigkeit und die Neigung zu weinen. Frauen weinen generell häufiger und länger als Männer (De Fruyt, 1997;Peter, Vingerhoets, & Van Heck, 2001;Santiago-Menendez & Campbell, 2013), Kinder häufiger als Erwachsene (Kappas, 2006). Bei Kindern bis ca. 13 Jahre konnte kein Geschlechtsunterschied festgestellt werden (Kappas, 2006). ...
Psikolojinin önemli konularından olan duygu konusuyla ilgili geçmişten günümüze çok sayıda çalışma yapılmıştır. Yapılan çalışmaların çoğunluğunda duygular sınıflandırılmış ve üzüntü duygusu temel duygular arasında kabul edilmiştir. Duygu konusu, psikolojinin yanı sıra farklı disiplinlere mensup kişilerin de ilgisini çekmiştir. Bu noktada, ilk İslam filozofu olarak kabul edilen Ebû Yûsuf Ya’kub b. İshâk b. Es-Sabbâh el-Kindî de duygu konusu ve bilhassa üzüntü duygusuyla yakından ilgilenmiştir. Kindî, üzüntü duygusuyla ilgili müstakil bir eser dahi kaleme almıştır. Bu çalışmada üzüntü duygusunun Kindî’nin düşünce sistemindeki ve modern psikolojideki yeri karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde incelenmektedir. Çalışmanın yöntemi olarak nitel araştırma yöntemi seçilmiştir. Çalışmanın verileri doküman incelemesi tekniği kullanılarak elde edilmiştir. Araştırmada durum çalışması deseni kullanılmıştır. Çalışmada öncelikle duygu konusu ve üzüntü duygusu psikolojik açıdan ele alınmaktadır. Akabinde Kindî’nin düşünce sisteminde duygu konusu ve üzüntü duygusu üzerinde durulmakta ve onun üzüntü duygusundan kurtulmak için önerdiği çözüm yollarına yer verilmektedir. Gerçekleştirilen inceleme sonucunda duyguların tasnifi, üzüntü duygusunun diğer duygular arasındaki konumu, üzüntünün sebepleri ve insan hayatına etkileri açısından modern psikolojinin verileri ile Kindî’nin görüşlerinin büyük oranda örtüştüğü tespit edilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, duygu konusunun ve üzüntü duygusunun Batı menşeli bir bilim dalı olan psikolojide ve ilk İslam filozofu olan Kindî’nin düşünce sisteminde oldukça benzer şekilde değerlendirildiği görülmektedir.
Die Studien der vorliegenden Arbeit untersuchen geschlechtsspezifisch-emotionale Reaktionsmuster auf stärkere und weniger stark emotionalisierte Texte verschiedener Textarten zu negativen Themen. Zusätzlich finden verschiedene Ausprägungen von Geschlechterstereotypen und dahingehend mögliche Zusammenhänge mit emotionalen Reaktionen Berücksichtigung. Versuchspersonen wurden mit Textmaterial konfrontiert und sollten daraufhin mit Hilfe des Emotionsfragebogens M-DAS ihre emotionalen Reaktionen bewerten. Frauen zeigten eine stärkere Ergriffenheit in Bezug auf das Textmaterial im Allgemeinen und besonders auf emotionalisiertes Textmaterial. Gemischte Ergebnisse zeigten sich in Bezug auf geschlechtertypische Textarten. Eine Sachtextpräferenz der Männer ließ sich ebensowenig signifikant belegen wie die erwartete stärkere Vorliebe der Frauen für literarische Texte. Geschlechtsspezifische Emotionen wurden weitestgehend erwartungskonform berichtet: Frauen reagierten mit stärkerer Angst und Trauer auf das Textmaterial, Männer mit stärkerer Verachtung. Die Ergebnisse in Bezug auf Wut sind gemischt, in einigen Fällen wurde Wut jedoch stärker von den Frauen berichtet. Die Untersuchung der Zusammenhänge zwischen internalisierten Stereotypen ergab Einflüsse hauptsächlich von weiblichen Stereotypen auf emotionale Reaktionen, männliche Stereotype konnten nur in einer Teilfragestellung als Einflussfaktor ausgemacht werden. Emotionsbezogene Stereotype wiesen keine Zusammenhänge mit emotionalen Reaktionen auf. Insgesamt belegen die Ergebnisse der Arbeit, dass sich geschlechterspezifische Unterschiede in emotionalen Reaktionen finden lassen.
Chilean adolescents (n = 48) between 14 and 18 years old recruited from public and private schools were asked in focus groups about their social representations of dating violence. Data analysis shows convergences and divergences in the participants' social representations. The boys and the girls from the two types of schools generally agreed about the definition and explanations of DV, as well as the differences in the violence used by boys and girls, adolescents and adults, and different social classes. Two main divergences stand out: first, the justification of DV differs by gender and type of school; and second, the experience of family violence is seen as a risk factor for or a protective factor against DV. The study highlights how changes with respect to gender relations in Chilean society have influenced violence in girls and boys. Recommendations for future research and for potential prevention strategies are made.
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A slide-viewing paradigm measuring the tendency to communicate accurate nonverbal messages via spontaneous facial expressions and gestures was applied to 13 male and 11 female preschoolers (aged 4-6 yrs). Ss watched 16 emotionally loaded color slides while, unknown to them, their mothers viewed their reactions via TV. Ss' skin conductance (SC) was monitored during the experiment, and they had been rated by 2 teachers on a new scale of affect expression developed from H. E. Jones's (1935) externalizer/internalizer distinction. High communication accuracy was associated with low SC responding. Rated expressiveness was associated with high communication accuracy and low SC responding. Sex differences appeared in the pattern of relations between the affect expression scale and the measures of communication accuracy and SC response. Theoretical implications are discussed. (17 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
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Secondary analyses of Revised NEO Personality Inventory data from 26 cultures (N = 23,031) suggest that gender differences are small relative to individual variation within genders; differences are replicated across cultures for both college-age and adult samples, and differences are broadly consistent with gender stereotypes: Women reported themselves to be higher in Neuroticism, Agreeableness, Warmth, and Openness to Feelings, whereas men were higher in Assertiveness and Openness to Ideas. Contrary to predictions from evolutionary theory, the magnitude of gender differences varied across cultures. Contrary to predictions from the social role model, gender differences were most pronounced in European and American cultures in which traditional sex roles are minimized. Possible explanations for this surprising finding are discussed, including the attribution of masculine and feminine behaviors to roles rather than traits in traditional cultures.
Empathy is an essential part of normal social functioning, yet there are precious few instruments for measuring individual differences in this domain. In this article we review psychological theories of empathy and its measurement. Previous instruments that purport to measure this have not always focused purely on empathy. We report a new self-report questionnaire, the Empathy Quotient (EQ), for use with adults of normal intelligence. It contains 40 empathy items and 20 filler/control items. On each empathy item a person can score 2, 1, or 0, so the EQ has a maximum score of 80 and a minimum of zero. In Study 1 we employed the EQ with n = 90 adults (65 males, 25 females) with Asperger Syndrome (AS) or high-functioning autism (HFA), who are reported clinically to have difficulties in empathy. The adults with AS/HFA scored significantly lower on the EQ than n = 90 (65 males, 25 females) age-matched controls. Of the adults with AS/HFA, 81% scored equal to or fewer than 30 points out of 80, compared with only 12% of controls. In Study 2 we carried out a study of n = 197 adults from a general population, to test for previously reported sex differences (female superiority) in empathy. This confirmed that women scored significantly higher than men. The EQ reveals both a sex difference in empathy in the general population and an empathy deficit in AS/HFA.