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Abstract

The present study examined the relationship between two types of chronic procrastination and 12 varied life domains in which individuals report regret. Subjects were 2,887 adults (1,776 women and 1,111 men; M age = 38.63 years; SD = 14.35) from across the United States. Initially, pure arousal (n = 386), avoidant (n = 220), and nonprocrastinators (n = 215) were identified. Results found that nonprocrastinators reported significantly less regret than both avoidant and arousal procrastinators in domains of education pursuits, parenting, family and friend interactions, health and wellness, and financial planning. There were no significant differences in feelings of regret between chronic procrastinators and nonprocrastinators in romance, career planning, and spiritual and self-improvements. Further research should explore the specific causes and consequences of regret among chronic procrastinators. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
J.R.Ferrariet al.: Procrastination and Life RegretsJournal of IndividualDifferences2009; Vol. 30(3):163–168© 2009Hogrefe& Huber Publishers
Life Regrets by Avoidant
and Arousal Procrastinators
Why Put Off Today What You Will Regret Tomorrow?
Joseph R. Ferrari1, Kelly L. Barnes2, and Piers Steel3
1DePaulUniversity,Chicago,IL,USA,2Ball State University, Muncie, IN, USA, 3University of Calgary, Canada
Abstract. The present study examined the relationship between two types of chronic procrastination and 12 varied life domains in
which individuals report regret. Subjects were 2,887 adults (1,776 women and 1,111 men; Mage = 38.63 years; SD = 14.35) from
across the United States. Initially, pure arousal (n= 386), avoidant (n= 220), and nonprocrastinators (n= 215) were identified. Results
found that nonprocrastinators reported significantly less regret than both avoidant and arousal procrastinators in domains of education
pursuits, parenting, family and friend interactions, health and wellness, and financial planning. There were no significant differences
in feelings of regret between chronic procrastinators and nonprocrastinators in romance, career planning, and spiritual and self-improve-
ments. Further research should explore the specific causes and consequences of regret among chronic procrastinators.
Keywords: procrastination, regret, arousal and avoidance, life satisfaction
Introduction
Many people wait to pay the bills or put off work they need
to do, perhaps thinking: “It can wait until tomorrow” (Fer-
rari, Johnson, & McCown, 1995). Such behaviors may
seem commonplace, but research suggests that frequent,
habitual delays in actions and/or decisions may be mal-
adaptive. Procrastination has been defined as purposively
delaying an intended course of action (Ferrari et al., 1995;
Steel, 2007). As many as 20–25% of normal, healthy adult
men and women in the United States and other countries
were classified as chronic procrastinators, i.e., individuals
whoengageinaneedlessdelayofrelevantandtimelytasks
acrosssituationsandsettings(Ferrari,O’Callahan,&New-
begin, 2004; Ferrari, Diaz-Morales, O’Callaghan, Diaz, &
Argumedo, 2007; Harriott & Ferrari, 1996). Nonprocrasti-
nators, in contrast, are individuals who perform most tasks
in a timely manner. Studies indicated that chronic procras-
tination is related to a variety of personality variables, in-
cluding low states of self-confidence and self-esteem and
high states of depression, neurosis, self-awareness, social
anxiety, forgetfulness, disorganization, noncompetitive-
ness, dysfunctional impulsivity, behavioral rigidity, and
lack of energy (Beswick, Rothblum, & Mann, 1988; Burka
& Yuen, 1983; Ferrari et al., 1995; Lay, 1986; Senecal,
Koestner, & Vallerand, 1995).
Recently, Ferrari and Díaz-Morales (2007) reported that
chronic procrastinators – but not nonprocrastinators –
claimed a self-concept focused on being unreliable as well
as self-presentation styles that reveal a person who self-
sabotages tasks but attempts to justify and excuse perfor-
mance failure. Previous research indicated that procrasti-
nators were very concerned over their social and public
image(Ferrari,1991b,2001),suggestingtheyseekapprov-
al and want to be liked by others. It is possible, therefore,
that procrastinators have a poor self-image and present an
undesirable image to others (Ferrari, Driscoll, & Diaz-Mo-
rales, 2007). It also was found that procrastination may be
related to poor task performance, low self-confidence, in-
creased worrying, depression, stress, and even physical ill-
ness(Ferrari,2001;Stöber&Joormann, 2001; Tice &Bau-
meister, 1997).
At present, two reliable and valid forms of chronic be-
havioral procrastination have been identified for use with
adult men and women living in the United States (e.g., Fer-
rari, 1992, 1993; Ferrari et al., 1995). One type seems to be
related to a tendency to delay tasks as a thrill-seeking ex-
perience, as a way to ward off boredom, and as a belief that
one works best “under pressure.” This behavioral tendency
was assessed by Lay’s (1986) 20-item, unidimensional
scale identifying such delays as being motivated by a need
for arousal (Ferrari, 1992, 2000). Validity studies found
that scores on this scale were related to external attributes
or excuses for delays (Ferrari, 1993) and poor performance
when environmental stressors existed that heightened
arousal at task deadlines (Ferrari, 2001). This self-report
measure seems to be an appropriate measure to assess
forms of arousal procrastination.
The other type of frequent, chronic procrastination
among US adults seems to be a reflection of low self-es-
teem and self-confidence such that a person delays com-
pleting tasks that might reveal potential poor abilities. Mc-
DOI 10.1027/1614-0001.30.3.163
© 2009 Hogrefe & Huber Publishers Journal of Individual Differences 2009; Vol. 30(3):163–168
Cown and Johnson’s (1989) 15-item unidimensional scale
is a global measure of frequent procrastination (see Ferrari
et al., 1995). Validity studies using this scale found that
highprocrastinationscoresonavarietyoftaskswasrelated
to deflecting potential disclosure of perceived inabilities
and incompetence (Ferrari, 1993) and avoiding self-rele-
vant information about one’s skills and competence (Fer-
rari, 1991b). This scale then may be considered a self-re-
port measure of avoidant procrastination.
We propose that habitual, frequent dilatory behavior
may bring a sense of regret over the life opportunities lost
or not completed. Regret is the negative feeling experi-
enced when reflecting back on decisions and actions real-
izing that, if they had been done differently, the outcome
would have been better (Zeelenberg, van den Bos, van
Dijk, & Pieters, 2002). Gilovich and Medvec (1994, 1995;
Gilovich, Medvec, & Kahneman, 1998) found that people
regret their inactions – or failures to act – more often than
they regret behaviors in which they did act upon. They
found that while people may initially regret actions taken
more than the actions forgone, over time regrets for action
fade while regrettable inactions intensify.
Chronic procrastination often results in people failing to
act either because they cannot make up their mind (indeci-
sion), or because they wait to take action until it is too late.
Missing an opportunity to decide or act as a result of en-
gaging in procrastination might result in feelings of regret.
We propose, therefore, that when a chronic procrastinator
compared to a nonprocrastinator reflects on past actions or
decisions that failed to be started or completed, in light of
the negative outcomes, a greater sense of regret about pro-
gress may result. For instance, avoidant procrastinators
may regret not having acted, which then resulted in success
or failure outcomes, while arousal procrastinators feel re-
gret because they missed a chance for a thrill experience.
Given that the present study is the first systematic as-
sessment of types of chronic procrastination and feelings
of regret, we decided to assess regret across a wide range
ofsettingsanddid nothypothesizewhichliferegret domain
may or may not be experienced by either or both chronic
procrastinator. Nevertheless, the present exploratory study
did expect chronic procrastinators (arousal and/or avoid-
ant)toreportmore life regret thannonprocrastinators,since
previous research clearly showed that frequent delay life-
styleshavemorenegativeaffectandengage in maladaptive
behaviors (Ferrari et al., 1995; Steel, 2007).
Method
Participants
The present study included 2,887 adults (1,776 women and
1,111 men; Mage = 38.63 years; SD = 14.35; range = 25
to80years;mode = 48years)fromacross theUnitedStates.
Most participants claimed to be Caucasian (82.4%), edu-
cated with at least a undergraduate degree (79.5%), resid-
ing in suburban settings (64.4%), and employed full-time
(56.4%) with an average yearly income of $61,739.25 (SD
= $26,226.77). Most frequently participants indicated they
were single (46.7%).
Psychometric Measures
The Adult Inventory of Procrastination (AIP)
All participants completed the AIP, a 15-item, 5-point Lik-
ert scale (from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree)
self-report developed by McCown and Johnson (1989; see
Ferrari et al., 1995, for details). This scale measured avoid-
ant procrastination, delays motivated by fear of success or
failure, exposure of skill inabilities, and insecurities of per-
formance (Ferrari, 1991b, 1992, 1993). The AIP has good
temporal stability (1 month, retest r= .80) with acceptable
internal consistency (α ≥ .70; McCown & Johnson, 1989);
and with the present sample, Cronbach’s αwas 0.896 (M
sum score = 43.99; SD = 11.99).
General Procrastination Scale (GP)
Participantsalsocompletedthe GP scale,a20-item,5-point
Likert scale (from 1 = not true of me to 5 = very true of me)
created by Lay (1986), which examines behavioral tenden-
cies to delay the start or completion of everyday tasks for
thrill-seeking experiences and is associated with arousal
procrastination (Ferrari, 1991b, 1992, 1993). The measure
has a good construct and predictive validity, and is a reli-
able measure of procrastination. Various research settings
have shown an average Cronbach’s αof 0.82 (1 month,
retest r= 0.80; Ferrari, 1989). With the present sample,
Cronbach’s αwas 0.901 (Msum score = 64.32; SD =
13.70).
Life Domain Regret (LDR) Inventory
In addition, all participants completed Roese and Summer-
ville’s (2005) LDR inventory, comprised of 12 life domain
areas which individuals report experiencing regret on sin-
gle items. Respondents indicated (from 1 = a little regret
to 5 = a lot of regret) how much regret they had in each
item reflecting areas of life, namely: family, friends, lei-
sure, health, finances, career, education, personal growth,
spirituality, volunteerism, parenting, and romance). Re-
spondents were provided with examples for each item. Ex-
amples included “not spending enough time with family”
or“notfinishingyourcollegedegree.”RoeseandSummer-
villedidnotcollapse across these12domains;instead,each
item was used independently to reflect a life domain in
which a person may experience regret.
164 J.R. Ferrari et al.: Procrastination and Life Regrets
Journal of Individual Differences 2009; Vol. 30(3):163–168 © 2009 Hogrefe & Huber Publishers
Procedure
Participants were solicited by an online website that had
the above-mentioned surveys attached. The website was
linked to the last author’s academic homepage and is one
of the most dominant sites on procrastination to emerge
during Google searches. The survey consisted of demo-
graphic items (e.g., age, gender, ethnic identity, education
level, marital status, employment status, and income), as
well as both procrastination measures and the regret scale
(all three questionnaires were listed in counterbalanced or-
der). All survey items were posted online for 8 weeks, and
pilot testing indicated it took individuals about 20 minutes
to complete all items.
Results
The Relationship Between Procrastination
and Life Regret
We first assessed the relationship between arousal and
avoidant procrastination and each of the 12 life regret do-
mains. Zero-order correlations were performed with the
sum GP and AIP scores on each procrastination scale and
the 12 separate regret ratings (coefficients presented in Ta-
ble 1). As noted, arousal procrastination tendencies were
significantly positively related to feelings of regret for all
life domains except spirituality. Avoidant procrastination
tendencies, however, were significantly positively related
to experiencing regret in most life domains except commu-
nityservice,parentingand family interactions, andspiritual
growth.
However, closer examination of the coefficients indi-
cates that the magnitude of the relationship was extremely
small. For instance, for arousal correlation five significant
coefficients were less than 0.10. Moreover, only one rela-
tionship (between procrastination and regrets over finan-
cial planning) was greater than 0.20. In fact, it is possible
these coefficients were significantly related because of the
large sample size. Taken together, these results suggest that
varied forms of procrastination may be significantly (albeit
small in size) related to a number of life domain regrets.
Identifying Arousal and Avoidant
Procrastinations and Nonprocrastinators:
Pure Types
Zero-order correlations also indicated that GP (arousal)
scores and AIP (avoidant) scores were significantly inter-
correlated with each other in the entire sample, r= 0.71, p
<.001.This fact indicatedthat,forthe present adultsample,
chronic procrastination behavior patterns were not mutual-
ly exclusive. However, our goal was to assess arousal and
avoidant procrastination tendencies separately. We wanted
to examine how individuals who demonstrate either of
these delay techniques may experience life regrets.
Consequently, to assess “pure procrastination” types
among adults (in order to compare independently arousal
and avoidant procrastination with feelings of regret across
a variety of life domains), we regressed GP scores on AIP
scores and then, vice versa, obtained standardized Zresid-
ual scores for the sole variance of the specific procrastina-
tion types. We then identified people who obtained a Zre-
sidual score of 1.00 on one variable and 1.00 on the
other variable to categorize as a pure procrastination type.
Also, we identified persons whose Zresidual scores were
1.00 on both GP and AIP scales, in order to categorize
nonprocrastinators. Setting our criteria to scores to 1.00
permitted us to select what we labeled as “pure” arousal
and “pure” avoidant procrastinators independent of cross-
over effects between typologies. This procedure to identify
pure chronic procrastination types has been used success-
fully in previous research when arousal and avoidant pro-
crastination styles were significantly related (see Ferrari et
al., 2004; Ferrari, Diaz-Morales et al., 2007; Ferrari, Dris-
coll et al., 2007).
We obtained 386 chronic arousal procrastinators (245
women, 141 men), 220 chronic avoidant procrastinations
(133 women, 87 men), and 215 nonprocrastinators (134
women, 81 men). Chi-square analysis indicated no signif-
icant difference in the ratio of women to men within each
category, with the proportion of women to men similar to
the original total sample size. Furthermore, selecting only
pure arousals or pure avoidants and then conducting inde-
pendentt-testsbetweenmenandwomenontheGP and AIP
sum scores, respectively, as well as age yield no significant
gender or age differences on scores (p<.07).Therefore,all
Table 1. Zero-order correlates between sum scores on
arousal and avoidant procrastination with life re-
gret domains
Procrastinator category
Regret life domains Arousal Avoidant
Career opportunities and choices .145* .146*
Community service and volunteering .078* .021
Education degree and studying .106* .120*
Parenting interactions with offspring .052* .014
Family interactions with parents/siblings .098* .077
Financial decisions/investments .215* .233*
Friend interactions .159* .155*
Health, exercise, diet, illness .194* .173*
Leisure, sports, recreation, travel .111* .105*
Romance, love, dating, marriage .055* .074*
Spiritual growth, exploring life purpose .034 –.015
Self-improvement, personal growth .124* .077*
n= 2,893, *p< .001.
J.R. Ferrari et al.: Procrastination and Life Regrets 165
© 2009 Hogrefe & Huber Publishers Journal of Individual Differences 2009; Vol. 30(3):163–168
further analyses were based on these 821 participants, col-
lapsing across gender and age groups.
Comparing Procrastinators and
Nonprocrastinators on Regret Across Life
Domains
Table 2 presents the mean score on each of the 12 life do-
main regret areas for chronic arousal and avoidant procras-
tinatorsandnonprocrastinators.AMANOVAtest, compar-
ing the three procrastination categories with all 12 regret
domains as dependent variables, yielded a significant dif-
ference, Wilks’ Lambda = .857, F(24, 1614) = 5.38, p<
.0001. Follow-up ANOVA comparing procrastination cat-
egories found significant differences in eight regret do-
mains, namely, community service, F(2, 818) = 3.412, p<
.03, education, F(2, 818) = 3.291, p< .04, parenting,
F(2, 818) = 13.214, p< .0001, family, F(2, 818) = 4.470,
p< .01, finance, F(2, 818) = 25.001, p< .0001, friends,
F(2, 818) = 6.231, p< .002, health, F(2, 818) = 28.153, p
<.001,and leisure,F(2, 818) = 5.715, p< .003. There were
no significant differences across procrastination types on
career, romance, spirituality, and self-improvement life do-
mains.
Posthoc comparisons (Newman-Keuls, p< .05) indicat-
ed that nonprocrastinators claimed significantly less regret
than both arousal and avoidant procrastinators in the area
of education, family, finances, friends, and health (see Ta-
ble 2). Furthermore, both arousal and avoidant procrastina-
torswerenotsignificantlydifferentfromeachotherineach
of these five domains. However, chronic arousal procrasti-
nators reported significantly more regret in their life than
nonprocrastinators on community service and leisure time
activities (Table 2). As noted in Table 2, in terms of parent-
ing interactions, nonprocrastinators reported significantly
less regret than chronic avoidant procrastinators, while
chronic avoidant procrastinators reported significantly less
regret than arousal procrastinators.
Discussion
Thepresentstudyaskedchronicprocrastinatorstoconsider
their feelings of regret across a variety of life domains.
There were significant relationships, albeit small effects,
between arousal and avoidant procrastination with a sense
of regret in a number of life domains. We then selected for
individuals who express either arousal or avoidant procras-
tination, similar to other studies in this field (Ferrari &
Diaz-Morales, 2007; Ferrari et al., 2004; Ferrari, Diaz-Mo-
rales et al., 2007). Compared to nonprocrastinators, then, it
seemed that both men and women who were identified as
chronic, habitual, frequent arousal, and avoidant procrasti-
nators reported greater feelings of regret across a variety of
settings.
For instance, both arousal and avoidant procrastinators
claimed more regret than nonprocrastinators in their edu-
cational and academic pursuits. Closer examinations for
confound effects indicated that having earned a Bachelor’s
and/or Master’s degree was common for half the nonpro-
crastinators (50%) and just more than half of both procras-
tinator types (56.6%). However, 42% of procrastinators re-
portedtheywerestudents, while only16.7%ofnonprocras-
tinators were identified as students. Also, 9.9% of the
procrastinators reported having a high school or less de-
gree, compared to only 6.4% of nonprocrastinators. Thus,
it seems possible that procrastinators may regret not trying
to gain a higher education degree and are still enrolled as
students.
In addition, both chronic procrastinator types reported
more regret than nonprocrastinators in family interactions
with parents and siblings, friend interactions, and parental
Table 2. Mean score on life regret domains for arousal,
avoidant, and nonprocrastinators, reflecting
ANOVA and posthoc Neuman-Keul tests
Procrastinator category
Arousal Avoidant None
Regret life domains (n=
386) (n=
220) (n=
215)
Career opportunities and choices 3.57 3.93 3.40
(1.83) (1.97) (2.76)
Community service and volunteering 4.41b4.11a,b 3.73a
(2.43) (2.63) (2.94)
Education degree and studying 4.27b4.35b3.74a
(2.64) (2.49) (3.21)
Parenting interactions with offspring 4.81c3.19b2.25a
(3.11) (3.46) (3.73)
Family interactions with parents/siblings 3.40b3.29b2.84a
(2.19) (2.19) (2.36)
Financial decisions/investments 3.11b3.41b2.23a
(1.62) (2.00) (1.99)
Friend interactions 3.18b3.17b2.68a
(1.73) (1.68) (1.93)
Health, exercise, diet, illness 3.74b3.58b2.78a
(1.46) (1.46) (1.72)
Leisure, sports, recreation, travel 4.29b3.87a,b 3.45a
(3.04) (2.86) (2.93)
Romance, love, dating, marriage 3.79 4.00 3.66
(2.28) (2.65) (2.91)
Spiritual growth, exploring life purpose 4.24 3.85 3.68
(3.06) (3.06) (3.89)
Self-improvement, personal growth 3.28 3.09 2.89
(1.96) (1.76) (2.50)
Note. Values in parentheses are standard deviations. Subscripts with
different letters are significantly different (Newman-Keuls, p< .05).
166 J.R. Ferrari et al.: Procrastination and Life Regrets
Journal of Individual Differences 2009; Vol. 30(3):163–168 © 2009 Hogrefe & Huber Publishers
interactions with their children. When we examined the
variables related to family and friends that were collected
for confound effects, we noted that most of both procrasti-
nators and nonprocrastinators in our sample reported hav-
ing no children (71.6% and 61.5%, respectively). Also, the
number of children was not significantly different for par-
ents in our sample (overall, most parents had 2 children or
less). These results are consistent with other research on
the marital status and family size of procrastinators and
nonprocrastinators, suggesting no significant differences
(see Ferrari, 1991a; Harriott & Ferrari, 1996). Related pre-
vious research found that procrastinators and nonprocras-
tinators have similar social support size networks among
their friends (Ferrari, Harriott, & Zimmerman, 1999). Tak-
en together, it seems the familyand friend issues of chronic
procrastinators may not be related to the size of their fam-
ily, social network, or even their marital status. Instead,
there are some interpersonal dynamic issues arising which
need attention. Future research may want to examine these
networks to see if regret with family and friends is focused
on the quality of these relationships.
It also is important to note that in our sample compared
to nonprocrastinators chronic procrastinators reported
more regret over financial decisions. We found on closer
examination for confound effects that on average nonpro-
crastinators reported they earned $69,648, while procrasti-
nators earned less at $57,959. Most participants, regardless
of their income, worked full-time (57.5%) or at least part-
time (10.9%); therefore, employment status might not a
factor for the difference in income amounts. Procrastina-
tors, at least in the United States, seem to be failing in fi-
nancial planning with their current savings and for future
retirement.
Both chronic procrastinator types reported more regret
than nonprocrastinators over staying healthy and avoiding
illness. Related, chronic arousal procrastinators reported
greatest regret over not taking enough time for community
service/volunteering and leisure activities, compared to
chronic avoidant procrastinators and nonprocrastinators. It
seems that procrastinators who report more illness may not
know effective and efficient ways to serve their local com-
munity or even to enjoy their personal life (Ferrari et al.,
1995).Futureresearchintothese domains might be fruitful.
Finally, it is interesting that procrastinators and nonpro-
crastinatorswerenotsignificantlydifferentin their feelings
of regret reported on areas related to career, romance, spir-
ituality, and personal self-improvement. Current research
suggests that chronic procrastinators are more common
among some corporate, white-collar employees than man-
ual, self-employed workers (Ferrari, Dovosko, & Joseph,
2005; Hammer & Ferrari, 2002). Perhaps while the preva-
lence of procrastinators is more common in some occupa-
tions, there is little regret over having chosen such occupa-
tions. It is unclear why procrastinators and nonprocrastina-
tors were not significantly different in their reported
feelings of regret over romantic situations or spiritual or
self-improvement domains. Future research into these ar-
easmightshedsomelight on understanding procrastination
tendencies.
Of course, the present simple study has limitations. All
data were collected from online surveys, limiting respon-
dentstoonlythosewithaccesstotheinternet.Also, all data
wereself-reportedwithoutactualbehavioralindicesonany
of the regret domains or even tendencies to delay tasks.
While the sample size was rather large, and we did attempt
to differentiate statistically among procrastinator types, the
present sample was not random but rather convenient, and
our analyses may not generalize to men and women from
other settings or contexts. For instance, it is possible that
veryfewtruenonprocrastinators visited thewebsite.There-
fore, membership into that category in the present study
relied only upon ones score relative to other study respon-
dents.
Nevertheless, based on respondents in the present study,
itseemschronicarousal and avoidant procrastinatorsreport
experiencing more regrets in life, in a number of settings
andcontexts,comparedtononprocrastinators.Onemayas-
sociate procrastinators to high rates of neuroticism, worry-
ing over poor performances and public perceptions of their
abilities and in turn experiencing regret over inaction.
However, previous research found types of procrastination
related to low conscientiousness instead of neuroticism
(e.g., Schouwenburg, 1995; cf. Steel, 2007). The present
study suggests that lack of conscientiousness, in the form
of types of procrastination, may promote a person to expe-
riencefeelings of regret inlife.Webelievethatunderstand-
ing the process of procrastination may be fruitful in creat-
ing ways to enhance life satisfaction and create better har-
mony among men and women.
Acknowledgments
The authors express gratitude to Joseph Cohen for his di-
rection and guidance on early versions of the present paper.
Portions of this paper were presented at the 2008 annual
meetings of the Eastern Psychological Association (Bos-
ton, MA) and the Midwestern Psychological Association
(Chicago, IL).
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Joseph R. Ferrari
Department of Psychology
DePaul University
2219 N. Kenmore Ave.
Chicago, IL 60614
USA
E-mail jferrari@depaul.edu
168 J.R. Ferrari et al.: Procrastination and Life Regrets
Journal of Individual Differences 2009; Vol. 30(3):163–168 © 2009 Hogrefe & Huber Publishers
... Further, the association between education and procrastination is still sparked much interests for us, but remains inconsistent conclusions. Ferrari et al. (2009a) have demonstrated results for claiming the negative relationship between education and procrastination (Ferrari et al., 2009a). However, graduates students were found procrastinate more than students in high and middle schools (Wen, 2014;Li, 2019). ...
... Further, the association between education and procrastination is still sparked much interests for us, but remains inconsistent conclusions. Ferrari et al. (2009a) have demonstrated results for claiming the negative relationship between education and procrastination (Ferrari et al., 2009a). However, graduates students were found procrastinate more than students in high and middle schools (Wen, 2014;Li, 2019). ...
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Procrastination describes a ubiquitous scenario in which individuals voluntarily postpone scheduled activities at the expense of adverse consequences. Steel (2007) pioneered a meta-analysis to explicitly reveal the nature of procrastination and sparked intensive research on its demographic characteristics. However, conflicting and heterogeneous findings reported in the existing literature make it difficult to draw reliable conclusions. In addition, there is still room to further investigate on more sociodemographic features that include socioeconomic status, cultural differences and procrastination education. To this end, we performed quantitative sociodemographic meta-analyses ( k = 193, total n = 106,764) to fill this gap. It was found that the general tendency and academic procrastination tendency of males were stronger than females ( r = 0.04, 95% CI: 0.02–0.05). No significant effects of differences in socioeconomic status (i.e., poor or rich), multiculturalism (i.e., Han nation or minorities), nationality (i.e., China or other countries), family size (i.e., one child or > 1 child), and educational background (i.e., science or arts/literature) were found to affect procrastination tendencies. Furthermore, it was noteworthy that the gender differences in procrastination tendencies were prominently moderated by measurements, which has a greater effect on the Aitken Procrastination Inventory (API) ( r = 0.035, 95% CI: −0.01–0.08) than on the General Procrastination Scale (GPS) ( r = 0.018, 95% CI: −0.01–0.05). In conclusion, this study provides robust evidence that males tended to procrastinate more than females in general and academic profiles, and further indicates that procrastination tendencies do not vary based on sociodemographic situations, including socioeconomic status, multiculturalism, nationality, family size, and educational background.
... Therefore, it is not surprising that procrastination is associated with distress and negative mood states such as depression and anxiety (e.g., Flett, Stainton, Hewitt, Sherry, & Lay, 2012;Senécal, Koestner, & Vallerand, 1995). Compared to people who do not procrastinate, people who do procrastinate report greater feelings of regret in domains of education pursuits, parenting, family and friend interactions, health and wellness, and financial planning (Ferrari, Barnes, & Steel, 2009). Of particular relevance in this context, Riediger and Freund (2008) found that older adults report fewer "should" conflicts, which emerge when being engaged in an activity while being aware that one should be doing something else instead. ...
... That is, people may not act in accordance with their long-term interests (i.e., having a child) but accomplish immediate goals (i.e., travel the world). Some evidence can be interpreted as supporting the assumption of preference reversals also in such long-term goals: Although older surveys found no relationship between family size and procrastination (Ferrari et al., 2009;Harriott & Ferrari, 1996), evidence from a more recent large cross-sectional study shows that procrastination is negatively related to family size (Steel & Ferrari, 2013). However, the study could not identify if people who tend to procrastinate also tend to put off having children or if they simply have fewer of them. ...
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Procrastination is a highly common self-regulation failure that has been studied mainly in the educational context, but has been largely neglected in life-span psychology. Adopting a life-span motivational perspective, we focus on adult development and maintain that, historically seen, adults nowadays have to take on a more important and active role in pursuing their goals due to the deregulation of the life course and increased life expectancy. This requires higher self-regulatory skills, particularly with increasing age. When self-regulation fails, people may postpone important developmental goals and experience negative consequences in their psychological, physical, and economic lives. We propose research questions that might foster the understanding of procrastination from a life-span perspective.
... En esta teoría se asume que la procrastinación es el incumplimiento de los trabajos esenciales, las mismas que son generadoras de angustia y son asumidas como factores amenazantes para los estudiantes, que ante ello comenzarán hacer uso de diversos mecanismos, como medidas de defensa, para contrarrestar y disminuir ese malestar y evitar dicha actividad. (Ferrari, Barnes y Steel, 2009). Las conductas procrastinadoras, de cierto modo, son propias de todas las personas, aunque, muchos lo son en gran medida y otros, debido a que saben organizar mejor sus tiempos, pueden llegar a cumplir a tiempo con sus responsabilidades, en la teoría psicodinámica, se deja claro que el incumplimiento de las tareas genera en los estudiantes sentimiento de angustia, por lo que desarrollan cierto rechazo o pavor hacia esos factores, que son asumidos como amenazantes. ...
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Durante el año 2020 el planeta tierra atravesó una crisis sanitaria como nunca antes vista denominada del covid-19, misma que ha tenido incidencias devastadoras a nivel de salud, economía, comercio y desarrollo, provocando pérdidas cuantiosas para todos las naciones, Ecuador no es la excepción y de ahí el objetivo principal de esta investigación mismo que es analizar como el covid-19 ha incidido en el comercio exterior de flores ecuatorianas durante el año 2020, esto de acuerdo con el último reporte de la CEPAL, sobre los efectos del coronavirus (covid-19) en el comercio internacional, la pandemia ha afectado la industria del transporte internacional de Latinoamérica. La metodología aplicada en esta investigación fue de tipo bibliográfica, documental, con la revisión de publicaciones de organismos supranacionales tratando el tema de estudio, con el interés de brindar un panorama de la influencia de la crisis sanitaria sobre transporte de carga internacional de flores ecuatorianas. Se concluye que los eventos ocasionados por covid-19 afectan al comercio internacional no solo de flores sino en general causando pérdidas económicas, un efecto dominoque a su vezha causado desempleoypobreza.
... Istnieje wiele definicji tego zjawiska. Definicja najprostsza ukazuje prokrastynację jako "celowe odkładanie zamierzonego działania" (Ferrari, Barnes, Steel, 2009), akcentując jedynie behawioralne przejawy zwlekania i jego intencjonalny charakter. Formuła ta wydaje się niepełna i zbyt ogólna, umożliwia bowiem włączenie w zakres pojęcia również innych zjawisk, takich jak choćby unikanie podejmowania pochopnych decyzji i działania na ich podstawie, lenistwo czy próżniactwo społeczne. ...
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Niniejsza praca poświęcona jest zjawisku prokrastynacji i konstrukcji kwestionariusza badającego zwlekanie. Ze względu na brak polskich badań praca powstała głównie w oparciu o dostępne w internetowych bazach EBSCO artykuły naukowe autorstwa najważniejszych badaczy zajmujących się tą tematyką, m. in. J. R. Ferrariego, C. H. Lay’a, H. C. Schouwenburga, E. D. Rothblum, L. J. Solomon, L. Manna, P. Steela, T. Pychyla. Punktem wyjścia jest przegląd zagadnień teoretycznych, stanowiący wstęp do prezentacji badań własnych. Badania przeprowadzono na próbie 160 ochotników, którzy wypełnili cztery połączone skale – General Procrastination Scale, Adult Inventory of Procrastination, Tuckman Procrastination Scale, Aitken Procrastination Inventory. Na uzyskanych danych dokonano analizy czynnikowej oraz hierarchicznej analizy skupień, wyłaniając 40 pozycji tworzących końcową wersję Kwestionariusza Zwlekania (KZ). Skonstruowana skala zawiera pięć podskal i służy do oceny ogólnego poziomu prokrastynacji oraz pięciu jej aspektów (umiejętność organizacji czasu, siła woli, świadomość prokrastynacji, zwlekanie jako cecha, niepunktualność), a w przyszłości może umożliwiać tworzenie indywidualnych profilów zwlekania osób badanych. Kwestionariusz uzyskał wysoki współczynnik zgodności wewnętrznej alfa Cronbacha 0,971. Analiza sprawdzająca wartość diagnostyczną skali wykazała, że stanowi ona dobre źródło hipotez zarówno badawczych, jak i klinicznych na temat przyczyn i charakterystyki zwlekania osób o różnych poziomach prokrastynacji.
... On the other hand, there are also others who procrastinate in order to protect their self-esteem or simply avoid doing a task due to fear of failure (Ferrari, 1992;Ferrari, Barnes, & Steel, 2009). These procrastinators view putting off task as a way to avoid learning about their true ability, thus protecting them against any future criticism and negative evaluation. ...
Thesis
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Academic procrastination is considered one of the least understood psychological phenomena. Although several theories were proposed to explain procrastination, most failed to provide a systematic account of its underlying process. In the present study, academic procrastination was examined in relation to personality (r-BAS, r-BIS, and r-FFFS) and achievement goal orientations. The study examined a conceptual model of academic procrastination, hypothesizing that personality (as conceptualized by revised reinforcement sensitivity theory) underlies our procrastinating behaviour, and the effect of personality is mediated by our goal orientations. It was predicted that avoidance goals (mastery-avoidance & performanceavoidance) mediate the effect of r-FFFS on procrastination, and approach goals (mastery-approach & performance-approach) mediate the effect of r-BAS on procrastination. In addition, the moderating effect of task aversiveness on the indirect effects of r-FFFS was examined. Results have provided partial support for the proposed conceptual model. Mediation analyses found that only mastery-approach goal mediated the effect of r-BAS on academic procrastination. This suggested that students who are reward-sensitive (r-BAS) are less likely to procrastinate when they adopt mastery-approach goals. No mediating effect of avoidance goals on the relationship between r-FFFS and procrastination was found. This finding suggested that students with high punishment sensitivity (r-FFFS) are likely to procrastinate regardless of their goal orientations. Interestingly, r-FFFS positively predicted procrastination even when academic tasks were low in aversiveness. In addition, results also found r-BAS moderating the effect of r-BIS on academic procrastination, in which students who tend to perceive their environment as ambiguous (r-BIS) are more likely to procrastinate when they are also high in reward sensitivity. Implications for future interventions in academic procrastination were discussed. (Full Text available at https://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:239754)
... Dawson (2007) explored the procrastination and flow experiences of upper level psychology students and found that non procrastinators and active procrastinators perceived themselves as better students than passive procrastinators but no difference was observed between active procrastinators and nonprocrastinators. Non procrastinators are those who perfrom their tasks in a timely manner (Barnes, Ferrari, & Steel, 2009) they schedule their activities on a daily basis to perceive and use their time in a purposive and more structured manner. Passive procrastinators, who are less structured in their time orientation, aimlessly drift from one activity to another ( Simpson & Pychyl, 2009) whereas active procrastinators intentionally make their decisions on urgent or priority basis considering their preferences. ...
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21 years). The preliminary analysis revealed a sound internal consistency in all the measures. The Findings highlighted that active and passive procrastination are distinct constructs with entirely different implications. There were significant negative correlations between active procrastination depression, anxiety and stress. However a positive relationship was found between passive procrastination and depression, anxiety and stress. Life satisfaction was found to be positively correlated with active procrastination whereas ngatively with passive procrastination. No significant differences were observed on demographic variables. One-way MANOVA revealed significant differences among non-procrastinators, active procrastinators, and passive procrastinators. Limitations and future directions for online data collection are also discussed.
... When related to the academic domain, it can reach up to 70% [4]. In addition, procrastination affects different life-domains, compromising physical and mental health [5][6][7], finances [8,9] and individual performance and wellbeing [10][11][12]. Procrastination is more than a simply delay of a task or a decision to make; it also involves behavioral, cognitive and emotional aspects [13,14]. Understanding the complexity of its nature is fundamental in order to develop an effective intervention for its treatment. ...
... Putting things off appears to lead to regret. Research suggests that chronic procrastinators especially regret their experiences regarding education, parenting, family, friends, health, and finances (Ferrari, Barnes, & Steel, 2009;Ferrari & Tibbett, 2017). In fact, the most common regret in the U.S. may be inaction and indecision; meta-analyses indicated that people wished that they had taken their responsibilities more seriously (Gilovich & Medvec, 1995;Roese & Summerville, 2005). ...
Article
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Background Procrastination affects over 20% of adult men and women, with current international data indicating a global preference to sys-tematically delay the start or completion of intended tasks. Procrastination is a common, sub-optimal decision-making strategy that emphasises short-term benefits at the expense of later performance. Some individuals develop a pattern of procrastination which proves difficult to break; worse, they may begin to identify as a procrastinator, setting themselves up for failure. Participants and procedure The current investigation examined what develops a procrastinator identity. Previous research indicated that chronic procrastina-tion is a learned tendency beginning in one’s early development from parental control approaches. We extended that line of research using a cross-cultural sample (n = 2124), self-reported procrastination (behavioural or deci-sional), and retrospective regret scores in 12 domains. We used logistic regression to predict the likelihood of explicitly identify-ing as a procrastinator. Results Across three randomised partitions, results indicated that indecision and regrets about education, career, and finances most in-creased the likelihood of identifying as a procrastinator. Conclusions These findings support that regrets largely influenced by earning-potential best predict procrastination identity. The current re-sults are consistent with other studies assessing the causes and consequences of chronic procrastination regardless of country or ethnic background. Future research is needed.
... Procrastination is a well-studied construct that refers to the voluntary delay of an intended course of action, despite expecting negative consequences for the delay (Ferrari, Barnes, & Steel, 2009;Steel, 2007). It is a behavior pattern associated with psychological as well as physical pain and other negative consequences, and is negatively associated with time management, anxiety, stress, lower performance, financial concerns, and increased risk of mental and physical illness (Kroese, Evers, Adriaanse, & De Ridder, 2016;Sirois, 2014;Steel, 2007Steel, , 2010Steel & Ferrari, 2013). ...
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Following the development of the internet as an essential tool for communication at home and at work, the concept of online procrastination was introduced to the literature. The present study examined the relationships between online procrastination and two well-established forms of procrastination, namely decisional and general procrastination; as well as the moderating effect of negative affect on these relationships. The sample consisted of 236 computer professionals from Israel who filled self-reported questionnaires on procrastination and negative feelings. To examine the relationships between our variables, we used multiple linear regression and moderation analyses. The findings indicated that higher levels of general and decisional procrastination were associated with higher levels of online procrastination. Higher levels of negative affect were also associated with online procrastination. Moreover, negative affect moderated the effect of general and decisional procrastination on online procrastination, and for participants with higher levels of negative affect, this effect was stronger. These findings suggest that both a personality-based tendency to procrastinate and the tendency to delay decision making may affect online behavior and that negative affect strengthens these tendencies. Future studies will need to further explore online procrastination and examine the personality and situational variables that contribute to it.
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Niniejsze opracowanie przybliża zagadnienia związane z funkcjonowa-niem nowoczesnych przedsiębiorstw w kontekście gospodarowania czasem. Stwierdzono, że szczegółowe formułowanie celów, identyfikowanie oraz eliminowanie strat cza-sowych i prokrastynacji, stosowanie metod zarządzania czasem oraz stała kontrola umożliwiają efektywne gospodarowanie czasem. Dopełnienie opracowania stanowi nawiązanie do organizacji wysokich technologii, w których gospodarowanie czasem jest niezwykle ważnym i widocznym procesem.
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It is possible that procrastination may be related to an inability to stay focused on a task and a need for frequent sensory stimulation. In the present correlational study, 142 young adults (80 women, 62 men: M age = 21.1, SD = 4.7) self-reported procrastination tendencies (avoidance, arousal, and decisional), attention deficits, boredom proneness, intelligence and self-esteem. Partial correlates (controlling for intelligence) indicated that all three forms of procrastination were related to boredom proneness, attention deficits, and low self-esteem. Factor analysis, however, indicated that no procrastination type loaded with attention deficits or intelligence, and only decisional procrastination loaded with self-esteem and boredom proneness. These results suggest that only cognitive forms of procrastination (indecision) may be related to a need for sensory stimulation, and that among normal adults procrastination is not associated with attention deficits.
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No systematic study has examined the global prevalence of chronic procrastination-the purposive delay in starting or completing tasks. In the present study, adult samples from the United States (122 women, 85 men), United Kingdom (143 women, 96 men), and Australia (124 women, 90 men) completed reliable and valid self-report measures of arousal procrastination (delays motivated by a "last-minute" thrill experience) and avoidant procrastination (delays related to fears of failure or success). Both men and women from the United Kingdom reported higher rates of arousal and avoidance procrastination compared to adults from the United States and Australia. However, when both procrastination types were separated statistically into "pure types" there were no significant differences across countries: 11.5% of adults self-identified as arousal procrastinators, and 9.9% of adults as avoidant procrastinators. Results indicated that chronic procrastination prevalence is common among westernized, individualistic, English-speaking countries; further epidemiological cross-cultural studies are needed. It has been estimated that procrastination (i.e., frequent delays in starting and/or completing tasks to deadline: Ferrari, Johnson, & McCown, 1995) is common by around 70% of college students for academic-specific tasks (Ellis & Knaus, 1977), yet as high as 20% among normal adult men and women for everyday, daily life events such as paying bills and planning for personal health issues (Harriott & Ferrari, 1996). While it seems that procrastination rates decrease with age, Ferrari et al. (1995) proposed that these rates reflect different forms of procrastination, with the former an exanqjle of situational-specific task delays and the latter indicative of chronic, dispositional delay behavior patterns. That is, college students may engage in delay of studying but
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The reliabilities of the Procrastination Assessment Scale—Students and the General Procrastination Scale were examined. Scores ( n = 116) on split-half comparisons (odd vs even items) from two sections of the former were significantly, though moderately, correlated. Test-retest comparisons (1 mo.; n = 99) on both sections of the scale were correlated significantly. Test-retest scores on the general scale for a second independent sample of students (1 mo; n = 119 out of 132) also were correlated significantly. There was no significant sex difference on test-retest scores from either inventory. The inventories have adequate reliability and acceptable temporal stability as psychometric measures of procrastination.
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The role of autonomous self-regulation as a predictor of academic procrastination was assessed. French-Canadian students from a junior college (N = 498) completed the Academic Motivation Scale as well as an academic procrastination scale and other measures (anxiety, self-esteem, and depression) that have been found to be related to fear of failure. Correlation results indicated that students with intrinsic reasons for pursuing academic tasks procrastinated less than those with less autonomous reasons (external regulation and amotivation). Regression results indicated that the measures of depression, self-esteem, and anxiety accounted for 14% of the variance in academic procrastination, whereas the self-regulation variables accounted for 25%. These results support the notion that procrastination is a motivational problem that involves more than poor time management skills or trait laziness.
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Procrastination is variously described as harmful, innocuous, or even beneficial. Two longitudinal studies examined procrastination among students. Procrastinators reported lower stress and less illness than nonprocrastinators early in the semester, but they reported higher stress and more illness late in the term, and overall they were sicker. Procrastinators also received lower grades on all assignments. Procrastination thus appears to be a self-defeating behavior pattern marked by short-term benefits and long-term costs.
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Little is known on how chronic procrastinators perceive their self-identity. In the present study, chronic procrastinators (n = 36) and non-procrastinators (n 32) sorted cards of self-concept and self-presentation attributes into actual, ought, and undesired selves. Procrastinators compared to non-procrastinators had greater actual-ought, actual-undesired, and ought-undesired discrepancies. Results indicated that procrastinators held negative attributes of their self-concept and self-presentational characteristics.
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Adult men (n = 582) and women (n = 765) from six nations (Spain, Peru, Venezuela, the United Kingdom, Australia, and the United States) completed two reliable and valid measures of chronic procrastination. Because both arousal and avoidant procrastination types were significantly related across the entire sample (r = .72, p < .001) and within each national sample, regression analyses calculated “pure” arousal and “pure” avoidant procrastinators, controlling for the scale scores of the other scale. Results indicated no significant sex or nationality differences within and between nations on self-reported arousal or avoidant procrastination. Overall, 13.5% and 14.6% of men and women self-identified as either arousal or avoidant procrastinators, respectively. These findings suggest that the tendency toward frequent delays in starting or completing tasks may be prevalent across diverse populations in spite of their distinct cultural values, norms, and practices.
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Explored the prevalence of avoidant, arousal, and decisional types of procrastination among 64 members of a public gathering, 54 professionals, 59 bank employees, and 34 university managers. At 4 public meetings, Ss (mean age 47.6 yrs) completed measures of demography and decisional, avoidant, and arousal procrastination. Results show that about 20% of the adult community population claimed to be chronic procrastinators, with the highest rates of all 3 procrastination types reported by members of the general public compared to other groups. Ss who were separated, divorced, or widowed reported higher rates of procrastination (independent of number of children) than Ss who were currently married or never married. Ss with high school education or less reported higher rates of decisional procrastination than Ss with college or postcollege educations. Occupational groups differed on decisional procrastination. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Article
Effects of cognitive load, objective self-awareness and time limits on the self-regulation of performance speed and accuracy were investigated between procrastinators and non-procrastinators. In experiment 1 chronic procrastinators completed fewer items (slow speed) and made more errors (less accuracy) than non-procrastinators under high but not low cognitive load conditions when the time span was limited and brief. In experiment 2 chronic procrastinators performed slower than non-procrastinators under a 2 second, but not under no limit, 1 second, or 4 second time limit conditions. Chronic procrastinators compared to non-procrastinators also performed more slowly and made more performance errors under objective self-awareness conditions regardless of the length of time. These experiments indicate that chronic procrastinators regulate ineffectively their performance speed and accuracy when they ‘work under pressure’ (defined by high cognitive load, objective self-awareness, and imposed time limitations). Copyright © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.