Eastwood's Brawn and Einstein's Brain: An Evolutionary Account of Dominance, Prestige, and Precarious Manhood
Abstract
Researchers have theorized that manhood is a precarious social status that requires effort to achieve. Because of this, men whose manhood is threatened react with a variety of compensatory behaviors and cognitions such as aggression, support for hierarchy, low tolerance for homosexuality, and support for war. In the following article, we argue that the precarious status of manhood is a result of evolutionary propensities and cultural forces. Specifically, men evolved in dominance hierarchies and therefore, display honest signals of strength and vigor to dissuade other men from fighting them. However, men also evolved in large, prestige-based coalitions and compete against each other to display traits that enhance a coalition. These traits can vary from physical prowess and aggression to intelligence and empathy. As culture becomes more pluralistic and modernized, traditional notions of manhood become less important and alternative avenues for achieving status become available. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved)
... Some notable reactions have included more significant support for, and desire to advance in, dominance hierarchies (Willer et al., 2013) and heightened displays of physical aggression (Bosson et al., 2009). Researchers have suggested that manhood's precariousness is rooted in evolutionary and cultural considerations (e.g., Bosson & Vandello, 2011;Winegard et al., 2014). Specifically, men evolved in groups that promoted sex-differentiated dominance processes and, therefore, used signals of dominance (e.g., daringness, strength, or toughness) to compete for status because it offered preferential access to scarce survival and reproductive resources (Geary, 2020;Winegard et al., 2014). ...
... Researchers have suggested that manhood's precariousness is rooted in evolutionary and cultural considerations (e.g., Bosson & Vandello, 2011;Winegard et al., 2014). Specifically, men evolved in groups that promoted sex-differentiated dominance processes and, therefore, used signals of dominance (e.g., daringness, strength, or toughness) to compete for status because it offered preferential access to scarce survival and reproductive resources (Geary, 2020;Winegard et al., 2014). While modern men live under profoundly different circumstances (e.g., compared to men living in the Pleistocene era), they have inherited these propensities whose activation thresholds are adjusted to cultural norms (Geary, 2020). ...
... Moreover, although modern societies' status systems are primarily set in prestige (i.e., freely given, respect-based deference), both prestige and dominance represent discernable routes to status (Cheng et al., 2013). As a dominance-based route, manhood status serves to transmit critical details about one's possession of traits perceived to affect success rates in male-male contest competition (Winegard et al., 2014). Consequently, manhood is a precarious status for men because it indicates a prima facie claim to resources that others, competing for the same resources, would be highly motivated to protest. ...
The current study proposes an extension of theory and research on the effect of status threat specific to heterosexual men’s anti-gay slurs usage. Drawing on both the Precarious Manhood Thesis and the Coalitional Value Theory, the current study investigates whether masculine personality traits moderate the association between status threat and men’s readiness to use anti-gay slurs. A sample of heterosexual male university students (N = 139) was recruited from two English-speaking universities in Montreal, Quebec, and Houston, Texas. Participants completed questionnaires and randomly received either status threatening or status confirming feedback. Next, after reading vignettes describing heterosexual men behaving in ways that might jeopardize their status, participants reported their estimated probability of calling the target character a “fag” or “faggot.” Findings revealed a significant interaction effect. That is, only among participants high in masculine personality traits, those in the threat condition indicated significantly greater readiness to use anti-gay slurs relative to those in the status affirmation group. These findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of men’s anti-gay slur usage grounded in a status striving motive paired with distinct personality features. Future research directions are discussed.
... For example, in public goods games, men contribute more to their group when competing against another group, whereas women's contributions are less contingent on intergroup competition (Bailey, Winegard, Oxford, & Geary, 2012;Van Vugt, Cremer, & Janssen, 2007). Modern men also tend to defer to same-sex peers possessing traits that were historically beneficial in intergroupwarfare, such as courage, dominance, pain tolerance, and physical strength (Eisenbruch, Grillot, Maestripieri, & Roney, 2016;Winegard, Reynolds, Baumeister, & Plant, 2016;Winegard, Winegard, & Geary, 2014). Compared to women, men are more willing to befriend same-sex peers and less likely to dissolve same-sex friendships, tendencies which likely allowed men to form large groups, thereby gaining numerical advantages in historical conflicts (Benenson, 1990(Benenson, , 2014Benenson et al., 2009;Vigil, 2007). ...
... Not only were women often surrounded by unrelated individuals throughout history, these same-sex relationships were not buttressed by the demands of warfare to the same degree as men's same-sex alliances. That is, a larger proportion of our male than female ancestors were forced to rely on one another during intergroup conflict, generating strong incentives to appreciate one another's coalitionary-benefitting traits and preserve intragroup harmony (Winegard et al., 2014(Winegard et al., , 2016. Within-group conflict could hinder the coalition's coordination, and thus, ancestral men would have encountered strong pressures to maintain relative peace with their same-sex group members (Geary et al., 2003). ...
Investigations of women’s same-sex relationships present a paradoxical pattern, with women generally disliking competition, yet also exhibiting signs of intrasexual rivalry. The current article leverages the historical challenges faced by female ancestors to understand modern women’s same-sex relationships. Across history, women were largely denied independent access to resources, often depending on male partners’ provisioning to support themselves and their children. Same-sex peers thus became women’s primary romantic rivals in competing to attract and retain relationships with the limited partners able and willing to invest. Modern women show signs of this competition, disliking and aggressing against those who threaten their romantic prospects, targeting especially physically attractive and sexually uninhibited peers. However, women also rely on one another for aid, information, and support. As most social groups were patrilocal across history, upon marriage, women left their families to reside with their husbands. Female ancestors likely used reciprocal altruism or mutualism to facilitate cooperative relationships with nearby unrelated women. To sustain these mutually beneficial cooperative exchange relationships, women may avoid competitive and status-striving peers, instead preferring kind, humble, and loyal allies. Ancestral women who managed to simultaneously compete for romantic partners while forming cooperative female friendships would have been especially successful. Women may therefore have developed strategies to achieve both competitive and cooperative goals, such as guising their intrasexual competition as prosociality or vulnerability. These historical challenges make sense of the seemingly paradoxical pattern of female aversion to competition, relational aggression, and valuation of loyal friends, offering insight into possible opportunities for intervention.
... This approach to determining social status stands in contrast to the less formal approaches (e.g., dominance, charisma, popularity) that individualistic cultures tend to be more accommodating of, but which carry a greater degree of ambiguity and potential for conflict over the legitimacy of status (Kim & Pettit, 2019;Kuwabara, Yu, Lee, & Galinsky, 2016). Charisma, for instance, is subjectively perceived, while dominance as a pathway to social status promotes the emergence of "might is right" norms and encourages individuals to gain influence through socially disruptive means such as physical coercion (Winegard, Winegard, & Geary, 2014). In contrast, an official certification of competence is widely recognized, easily validated, and allows for less ambiguous assessments of a person's capabilities (Curhan et al., 2014), thus facilitating social mobility without upsetting the social order in tight and hierarchical societies. ...
Low fertility is a growing concern in modern societies. While economic and structural explanations of reproductive hindrances have been informative to some extent, they do not address the fundamental motives that underlie reproductive decisions and are inadequate to explain why East Asian countries, in particular, have such low fertility rates. The current paper advances a novel account of low fertility in modern contexts by describing how modern environments produce a mismatch between our evolved mechanisms and the inputs they were designed to process, leading to preoccupations with social status that get in the way of mating and reproductive outcomes. We also utilize developed East Asian countries as a case study to further highlight how culture may interact with modern features to produce ultralow fertility, sometimes to the extent that people may give up on parenthood or even mating altogether. Through our analysis, we integrate several lines of separate research, elucidate the fundamental dynamics that drive trade-offs between social status and reproductive effort, add to the growing literature on evolutionary mismatch, and provide an improved account of low fertility in modern contexts.
... Many men associate being muscular and athletic with feeling more masculine (Frederick, Buchanan, et al., 2007;Luciano, 2007), and feel pressure to display strength or aggression when their masculinity or safety is threatened (Bosson & Vandello, 2011;Frederick et al., 2017;Geary, Winegard, & Winegard, 2016;Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1986;Winegard, Winegard, & Geary, 2014). Men who are tough and formidable may also be judged more favorably as potential coalitional partners (i.e., allies, friends) by other men, particularly when under threat from other individuals or groups (Gul & Uskul, 2020). ...
According to the tripartite influence model, body dissatisfaction is shaped by internalizing cultural appearance ideals stemming from appearance-related family, peer, and media pressures. This model was developed for women, but emerging evidence points to its relevance for men’s body image. This study advanced this budding research by (a) integrating muscular-ideal internalization alongside lean-ideal internalization and body surveillance into the model, (b) examining two positive dimensions of body image as outcomes (body image quality of life and appearance evaluation), and (c) testing this model in national online sample of 5293 men. Structural equation modeling supported the model. Family, peer, and media pressures related to higher lean-ideal internalization, which related to higher body surveillance and poorer body image outcomes. Peer and media pressures related to higher muscular-ideal internalization, which related to higher body surveillance but more adaptive body image outcomes. We further examined whether model variables and paths differed based on men’s body mass index (BMI). Men with higher BMIs evidenced a stronger path between body surveillance and body image outcomes. These findings highlight the usefulness of sociocultural models for understanding men’s body image experiences.
... Related to this proposal, men have a significant interest in appearing formidable to others. This perceived formidability provides leverage for them to acquire resources, intimidate rivals, and deter aggression from those who might harm them (Winegard, Winegard, & Geary, 2014). When men's formidability is challenged or they are disrespected, this spurs an intentional reassertion of formidability, particularly if they have the physical means or social capital to do so. ...
We examined how gender, body mass, race, age, and sexual orientation were linked to appearance evaluation, overweight preoccupation, and body image-related quality of life among 11,620 adults recruited via Mechanical Turk. Men were less likely than women to report low appearance evaluation, high overweight preoccupation, negative effects of body image on their quality of life, being on a weight-loss diet, and trying to lose weight with crash diets/fasting. Racial differences were generally small, but greater appearance evaluation was reported by Black men versus other groups and Black women versus White women. Across all measures, gay and bisexual men reported poorer body image than heterosexual men, with only small effect sizes observed for sexual orientation differences among women. Body mass, but not age, was strongly associated with body image. The prevalence of poor body image highlights the need for interventions. On the positive side, half of men and women reported high appearance evaluation. Examination of this group could identify factors promoting positive body image.
... Related to this proposal, men have a significant interest in appearing formidable to others. This perceived formidability provides leverage for them to acquire resources, intimidate rivals, and deter aggression from those who might harm them (Winegard, Winegard, & Geary, 2014). When men's formidability is challenged or they are disrespected, this spurs an intentional reassertion of formidability, particularly if they have the physical means or social capital to do so. ...
We examined how demographic factors (gender, sexual orientation, racial group, age, body mass) were. linked to measures of sociocultural appearance concerns derived from objectification theory and the tripartite influence model (McKinley & Hyde, 1996; Schaefer et al., 2015) among 11,620 adults. Men were less likely than women to report high body surveillance, thin-ideal internalization, appearance-related media pressures, and family pressures; did not differ in peer pressures; and reported greater muscle/athletic internalization. Both men and women expressed greater desire for their bodies to look “very lean” than to look “very thin”. Compared to gay men, heterosexual men reported lower body surveillance, thin-ideal internalization, peer pressures, and media pressures. Black women reported lower thin-ideal internalization than White, Hispanic, and Asian women, whereas Asian women reported greater family pressures. Being younger and having higher BMIs were associated with greater sociocultural appearance concerns across most measures. The variation in prevalence of sociocultural appearance concerns across these demographic
groups highlights the need for interventions.
... Although men as a group enjoy more status and power than women across cultures (Brown, 1991;Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), manhood status itself is elusive, competitive, and difficult to maintain . Precarious manhood beliefs reflect the difficulty of earning a reputation as a "real" or dominant man (Winegard et al., 2014) by emphasizing the struggle, uncertainty, and social proof requirements of the male gender role. If ambivalent gender ideologies and precarious manhood beliefs all arise from social hierarchies in which dominant men hold disproportionate power over women and lower-status men, then the PMB should cohere meaningfully with HS, BS, HM, and BM. ...
Precarious manhood beliefs portray manhood, relative to womanhood, as a social status that is hard to earn, easy to lose, and proven via public action. Here, we present cross-cultural data on a brief measure of precarious manhood beliefs (the Precarious Manhood Beliefs scale [PMB]) that covaries meaningfully with other cross-culturally validated gender ideologies and with country-level indices of gender equality and human development. Using data from university samples in 62 countries across 13 world regions (N = 33,417), we demonstrate: (1) the psychometric isomorphism of the PMB (i.e., its comparability in meaning and statistical properties across the individual and country levels); (2) the PMB’s distinctness from, and associations with, ambivalent sexism and ambivalence toward men; and (3) associations of the PMB with nation-level gender equality and human development. Findings are discussed in terms of their statistical and theoretical implications for understanding widely-held beliefs about the precariousness of the male gender role.
Cultures of honor are societies that strongly emphasize values of loyalty and integrity, as well as the need to defend and maintain one’s reputation. Research has focused heavily on men’s acquisition of repute as tough and masculine and their use of physical aggression for reputational defense, but much less is known about whether men display similar vigilance in managing their reputation for other elements of honor (e.g., loyalty, integrity). The two primary routes for men in honor cultures to acquire reputation—through acts of aggression or integrity—resemble evolutionary accounts of status acquisition in which men can gain status via dominance or prestige. Using a sample of undergraduate men (N = 221) from a U.S. honor culture, the present work tested the hypotheses that (1) honor endorsement would positively predict both status-seeking strategies, (2) that dominance-strategists would be sensitive to masculinity threats and boosts, and (3) that honor-oriented men’s sensitivity to masculinity threats (and boosts) would be indirectly explained by the use of dominance-based, but not prestige-based, strategies to acquire status and reputation. Results supported these hypotheses. We also found evidence that the prestige-based strategy seemed to buffer against masculinity threats. Implications for men’s mental health outcomes are discussed.
Precarious manhood theory posits that males are expected to actively maintain their reputations as “real men.” We propose that men’s concern about failing to meet masculine standards leads them to embrace policies and politicians that signal strength and toughness—or what we term political aggression. Three correlational studies support this claim. In Study 1, men’s fear of failing to meet masculine expectations predicted their support for aggressive policies (e.g., the death penalty), but not policies lacking aggressive features (e.g., affirmative action). Studies 2 and 3 utilized Google searches to assess the relationship between regional levels of precarious manhood and real-world electoral behavior. The use of search terms related to masculine anxieties correlated with Donald Trump’s vote share in the 2016 general election (Study 2) and, confirming preregistered predictions, with Republican candidates’ vote shares in 2018 congressional elections (Study 3). We close by discussing potential sources of variation in precarious manhood.
Goth Culture explores Goths’ expressive practices of dress, fashion, style and the body, in relation to issues of identity and representation. The book shares vivid accounts of the author’s experiences exploring gender and sexuality and doing fieldwork in the Gothic subculture. Through the voices of Goths from the UK, US and Germany, it draws the reader into the gender-bending and heavily gendered world of Goth. It reassesses the significance of the dress of both male and female Goths, examining these striking and often highly creative subcultural fashion displays. Using a wide range of methods and sources, from ethnography to critical examination of music, literature, social theory and different types of popular media, Goth Culture offers an original and accessible analysis of the fashion, media and counterculture of the Gothic world.
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Extremes in mood, thought and behavior--including psychosis--have been linked with artistic creativity for as long as man has observed and written about those who write, paint, sculpt or compose. The history of this long and fascinating association, as well as speculations about its reasons for being, have been discussed by several modern authors and investigators, including Koestler (1975), Storr (1976), Andreasen (1978), Becker (1978), Rothenberg (1979), Richards (1981), Jamison (in press) and Prentky (in press). The association between extreme states of emotion and mind and creativity not only is fascinating but also has significant theoretical, clinical, literary and societal-ethical implications. These issues, more thoroughly reviewed elsewhere (Jamison et al. 1980; Richards 1981; Jamison, in press), include the understanding of cognitive, perceptual, mood and behavioral changes common to manic, depressive and creative states; the potential ability to lessen the stigma of mental illness; effects of psychiatric treatment (for example, lithium) on creativity; and concerns raised about genetic research on mood disorders. The current study was designed to ascertain rates of treatment for affective illness in a sample of eminent British writers and artists; to study differences in subgroups (poets, novelists, playwrights, biographers, artists); to examine seasonal patterns of moods and productivity; and to inquire into the perceived role of very intense moods in the writers' and artists' work. One of the major purposes of this investigation was to look at possible similarities and dissimilarities between periods of intense creative activity and hypomania. Hypothesized similarities were based on the overlapping nature of mood, cognitive and behavioral changes associated with both; the episodic nature of both; and possible links between the durational, frequency and seasonal patterns of both experiences.
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What makes us human? Why do people think, feel, and act as they do? What is the essence of human nature? What is the basic relationship between the individual and society? These questions have fascinated people for centuries. Now, at last, there is a solid basis for answering them, in the form of the accumulated efforts and studies by thousands of psychology researchers. We no longer have to rely on navel-gazing and speculation to understand why people are the way they are; we can instead turn to solid, objective findings. This book not only summarizes what we know about people; it also offers a coherent, easy-to-understand though radical, explanation. Turning conventional wisdom on its head, the author argues that culture shaped human evolution. Contrary to theories that depict the individual's relation to society as one of victimization, endless malleability, or just a square peg in a round hole, he proposes that the individual human being is designed by nature to be part of society. Moreover, he argues that we need to briefly set aside the endless study of cultural differences to look at what most cultures have in common; because that holds the key to human nature. Culture is in our genes, although cultural differences may not be. This core theme is further developed by a tour through the main dimensions of human psychology. What do people want? How do people think? How do emotions operate? How do people behave? And how do they interact with each other? The answers are often surprising, and along the way, the author explains how human desire, thought, feeling, and action are connected.