ArticlePDF Available

Watramama/Mami Wata: Three Centuries of Creolization of a Water Spirit in West Africa, Suriname and Europe

Authors:
;., ;i;*,iÊu1i,j93ff"Ï*
Matatu #
Alrx vAN
SrrprueaN
Watramama/ MamiWata
Three
Centuries
of Creohzatton
of aWater Spirit
in West Africa, Surinarcre
and Europe
LTHoucH wE srrl-t- Do Nor KNow what
we mean
exactly
by
creolization, until recently we at least agreed
that it was related, one
way or another, to slavery and to the Caribbean or the New World.
Today we do not even share that tiny piece of cornmon ground any more.
Now the term is increasingly used - and contested
- by social scientists who
study processes of globalization and/or multiculhrral complexity.r And
although these globalists never conceal that they have borrowed the idea of
creolization from Caribbeanisfs, fl1ey seem to have given it a different, or
wider, meaning. To them creolization seems to refer particularly to quite
recent struggles and their cultural outcome in societies all over the world: i.e.
struggles between hadition and modemity, between westernized global cul-
ture and local cultures.
In this essay I argue that, despite major contextual differences in time and
geography, both groups still refer to the same phenomenon and that a com-
t ulf Hannerz,
cultural complexity:
studies
in the
socíal organizaíion
of Meaning
(New York: columbia w, 1992);
Jonathan
Friedman,
cutnràl ldentitv ánd Gtobat
Process (Theory,
Culture
and Society
3
I ; London:
Sage, 1994).
@ Á Pepper-Pot
of culturcs: Aswrs of crcolization in lhe c'aribban, cd, Gordon
Collier & (Jlrich Flelschmann
(Matatu 27-2gi Amntcrdarn
& Ncw york: Hdltlons
Itoclopi,
20011),
tJ
è
F
Itl
x
z
a
-l
z
Ë ï
F
[ + s
g
í*
I
g
*3
rr
ËË
;Ëë
i s
g
iff
Ë
t
Ë
*
1ËË F r
ï
Ë
F
t
+
ËË
á
á
i i íE
$ H
ï $i 5a
A
*
i 33 3: F i r! 5 Ë.Ë
í; Ë
ËÊqË; +g Rq': H'É
.' ili
I
$ËÉ:ËiË
iga
ïË5€
ÉËË+ËÊ
FËiËíïg$Ë
E íí
Ë:+
í[Ê$iàÊ
i
r
rËË
A ía
$
Ë
r
i
ËË
Ë
E
I
ii
'
is
Í
íg1ííiËi$ËïFÊiËai*+Ës$Ëí
íí 1Ëi
Ei$
íÉsË=
;ÉFiËË[gs$Ëíás, eelË$Ëg íËÊ
H
ËrÊÍiËáFËËËËi*[ÉËË[ííqíí+rat
3ri
il[flËffF+Ë
g
sËii
Íí*Ë;íàgíis
FaËs
ii=
Í x 3
á
=
íi iig=
i
ài i
g:
*
g
F i i
Ë àË
i
; ïíqëË
*ïË
g
nF+[Ëi;
+*ÍFiË
íiË
ïËs
ËiiËi
iE É+á3í *ïiË
í€Ë;
+sÊïáï
Ë'*
*ÊaegB Í
t
rs Ë
eFseFrF
Ëafis ai
[Fë
É FF
ilqVQa
É=?qH
<rË41
ۃ-E.b'
Rë;EÊ
;i a ó3 x
tslo Ë
g : O'"rO
áKË=:e"
{ H E;>
H
Ss
É:.iË I (
ÈS*!rÈ
eË.H$á
E:,j
- c
E.
S"Ë
eI *;
í\ \ AID
e à !'x
S; S'ë
LL" d H
Xa
*G $cn
;: F2
2Y ëo
6'oo Q o
EJ- :'É
*if I E
9H>:
YE^.
- o5 !t rri
^'d aX
$g
;F o.o
ê
È
É
S
*
o
6
.{
s
h
^'
h
È
6
^s
lr)
N)
s ,'ËígigËËíígËíg;íËggËËr
Ë á:
Ë
tr E
+H
q$Ë
-
Èi$g*FiH
+rË
í íË
í
*
ËË
+
5
í
íá
+
+$ËË
fËgË ï
ïï ËrË +ËïiË
FfËËï*iií
rca+al;Fs
í*gË
*ËíggA
gíËgËg*ËÊ*gglg
íííi
ss
1r s1ËËg
ËiËËÍgnËfËíÍËËïFËi
;
"*3,át
;=*argÉsaËFá
H.H-E*gë
Ê^Á3 r ? g?E
i=
\ F ,Q -i -=.9
íig9*=irie
=uo: g" gFi-:-
g.iï#'e=-:fFF
e=ÊBíiË íF
eeÉ8.\r3:Sà e
ërÁ*q-Ít+"-S
1!;::Ë?c:;
:g i'a\n=\.:X'
íÉrH:+á.*'*"'
;SÍ; b
F
r+I5
' S 9l á* <* goq
<È-4*9íE!L9
3:5'g=í 3 s'r":^
É.*qt$r;É Ë
ëiSssF-Ë1
;
c+f ËB!.-o' B
-t---=o--Í'{.
-s'É8"-&>E o
lF-Í,S+ F ?
S''ePá s q
\:èÈi' \ ?
,. S . P" * I
S.:r = S 3
iÈá @ À'
S\5 o S Oa
ss.x 3 ; s
i>'s :1
sia n F t
^=j- i Á- =
i-i =
:iË i 1 s
sii ó ? s
p
326 Alnx veN STIPRIAAN
Here, however, the similarities between the African and the Caribbean
Mothers of the Water more or less cease.
In Africa, during the twentieth century, local water goddesses
have become
increasingly standardized, or homogenized, under the general name of Mami
Wata, with an autonomous and institutionalized cult (priests, temples, initia-
tion rites, healing sessions etc) particular$ in urbanized ateas, and with a
variety of more or less standardized icons. This homogenization, however, is
not a top-down process by a dominant group or culhre. Rather, it is a bottom-
up process of creolization in a context of modernization: i.e. rapid urbaniza-
tion, industrializalion and mass communication. Some hold that the mass
popularity of the Mami Wata cult is a reaction against and an individualistic
critique of the postcolonial construction of national cultures with their empha-
sis on national authenticity.T Day{o-day reality is characterized
more by inter-
cultural interaction and changes influenced by global culture than by mono-
lithic authenticity, which has no answers for a society undergoing transforma-
tion. Mami Wata does have, however. She is as unpredictable, materialistic,
aggressive, individualistic and culturally uprooted as life in Africa's fast-
growing cities. And, for others, she is especially important to women, whom
she offers new opportunities in sometimes highly sex-segregated
societies.s
The number of cultures contributing to Mami Wata's formation is still
growing today.e She is now known in at least twenty African countries; her
roots might be traced in all twenty of these, but also in Europe, as I mentioned
before, and even in India and probably the Muslim world too; and she has a
number of sisters
in the New World.
Years Windwmd Coast Gold Coast Slave Coast Loango total
Mami Wala: L'r.-olizaÍion of a Water Spirit 327
I)crpite being sisters,
however, in the New World no such supranational
rrtnndgrdizution
proccss
has taken place.
Although there is, or has
been,
a pro-
nrinent watcr goddess
in probably most Afro-religions in the Americas, and
although they have some or most of the characteristics
I have described
abovc,
only a few have
a more or less institutionalized
cult of their own com-
parable
to Mami wata in west Africa. In the caribbean there is not even a
common name for her: Watramama (Suriname, Guyana), Mamadjo (Gre-
nada), Yemanya/Yemaya (BraziVCuba), La Sirène, Erzulie, Simbi (Haiti),
Lamanté (Martinique) etc. And, unlike their Vy'est-African sister, the Afro-
caribbean water mothers seem to have stopped creolizing a long time ago
and, therefore, might now even be in a state of de-creolization.
It might be useful, therefore, to take a look at historical developments on
both sides of the Atlantic. I will focus on the areas
of Benin/Nigeria (the
slave coast) in west Africa and Suriname in the caribbean. During the
formative era of the Guyanese plantation economies: i.e. at the end of the
seventeenth
and the beginning of the eighteenth century (16g0-1720), the
Slave coast was the chief supplier of slaves to Suriname (almost three-fifths).
To my knowledge, no West African source at that time, nor during the two
centuries thereafter, ever mentioned a water spirit named Mami v/ata. In
suriname, on the other hand, the first mention of watramama was made in the
1740s
by an anonyÍnous
writer:
It sometimes
happens
that
one or the
other
of the
black
slaves
either imagines
truthfully, or out ofrascality pretends
to have
seen
and heard
an apparition
or
ghost
which they
call waíer
mama,
which ghost
would have
ordered
them
not
to work on such or such
a day,
but to spend it as a holy day for offering
with
the blood
of a white hen, to sprinkle
this or that
at the water-side
and more
of
that monkey-business,
adding in such cases
that if they do not obey this
order,
shortly Watermama
will make their child or husband
etc. die or harm
them
otherwise.rl
During the 1770s
the colonial authorities
in suriname for the first time issued
a law against "the watermama
and similar slave dances,"
which were con-
sidered to have "dangerous
effects" on the slaves. In that same
period, the
later
govemor Nepveu
noted
that
the Papa,
Nago,
Arada
and other
slaves
who commonly
are
brought here
undcr
the name
of Fida [Ouidah]
slaves, have
introduced
certain
devilish
practiccs
into thcir
dancing,
which
they have
transposed
to all other
slaves;
1680-1699
1'.70íU_-1719
t72o-1739
174G'1759
1760-1779
(Mandingo)
1%
47%
44%
stoÁ 17,100
t9% 1s,200
s%o 27,300
32% 47,sN
36% 60,500
(Cromanti) (Papa)
2yo 47 %
5 % 760/o
6t% 32%
20% loÁ
19% lYo
Tenln 1: African place of departure of slaves
imported into Suriname,
1680-178010
'Wendl, Mamiwata.
t Paxson, "Mammy Water: New World Origins?" and Sabine Jell-Bahtsen & Eze
Mmiri Di Egwu, "'The water monarch is awesome': Reconsidering the Mammy
Water Myths," Annals of the New York
Academy of Sciences 810 (1997).
e Wendl. Mamiwata.
t0 Source: J. PosÍna, The Dutch ín the Atlantic Skne Trade, 1600-1815 (Cam-
bridge: Cambridge
UP, 1990). rl Anon, Ontwerp
ht een
hettthntvlng
van
Surlnuamcn
(ca,
1744):
317,
328 Artx veN StrprrelN
when a certain rhythm is played
[...] they are
possessed
by their god,
which is
generally
called
Watramama.
| 2
When speaking about the occurrence of mermaids in the rivers of Suri-
name, the illustrious John Gabriel Stedman was told by several old Africans
and Amerindians that, "though they were Scarce,
Nothing was more Dreaded
by their Vy'ives and Children than the Watra Mama, Which Signifies the
Mother of the Waters."" This indicates that, beginning in the second half of
the eighteenth century, Amerindian and West-African water spirits had gone
through a process which merged them into one Surinamese Watramama ac-
companied by a household of lesser water spirits.
Gradually, in the nineteenth century, Watramama - and her inflammatory
dance - seems to have lost her dominant position, becaming just another
goddess
in a creolized Afro-Surinamese religious complex called Winti.ta
This may be due to the creolizing influence of other etlnic groups who had
come to Suriname at a later stage, such as Coromantins and Mandingos.
Another explanation might be that, since the end of the eighteenth century, the
slaves, and later ex-slaves, gradually became transformed into (proto-)
peasants.
Landed property thus became the single most important item in their
lives, whereas the dominant position of water slowly decreased. They had be-
come rooted in Suriname soil. As a result, Mama Aisa, the Mother of the
Earth, became much more important than Watramama. Moreover, starting at
the end of the nineteenth cenhrry, most Afro-Surinamese apart from the
Maroons migrated to the towns. In town there was little room to practice
Winti, which remained ofFrcially forbidden until the 1970s. Life in town was
dominated by Westem colonial education and Christian churches, and a
'decent' life-style was required. Consequently,
Afro-Caribbean religion lost
some of its power, particularly among those groups that were upwardly
mobile; and, as part of that process,
Watramama lost ground again.
A reverse development can be observed in West Africa. Probably most
cultures had a knowledge of water spirits, but three developments are said to
t' J. Nept e,r, "Annotaties op het boek van J.D. Herlein 'Beschryvinge
van de volk-
plantinge Zurinwne"' (MS, ca. 1775).
t'J.G. Sted-atr, Narrative of a Five Years Expedition Against the Revolted
Negróes of Surinam, hanscribed & ed. Richard & Sally Price (1790; Baltimore MD &
London: Johns
Hopkins tlP, 1988): 457.
ra In this religion, West-African cultural and ethnic diversity is ritualized in a com-
lex of Papa, Loango and Kromanti spirits or Winti, who all have their own drums, their
own songs, their own dances
and even their own rifual languages.
.? Muttti Wala: Creolization of a Water Spirit 329
huvc contributed in west Africa to a process
of creolization,
standardization.
lnd growing
popularity.
l"irst, there seems to have been the influence of the Kru people from
Libcria, who had worked for European
fraders
since
the end of the eishteenth
ccntury and who had themselves
became a major trading people ar-ong
the
wcst coa-st (from Liberia to cameroon) since the end of the nineteenth
ccntury.rs At that time, there were several
thousand
of these
Kru living in
Southeast
Nigeria alone.
They are said to have spread
their variant of pidgin
English along these
coasts,
and it is not hard to imagine that their wealthy
appearance
was convincing enough to make their version of the water spirit
and her power quite influential. There is evidence
that in some societies
the
name of Mami wata was only used after Kru men had come to live there. The
general acceptance
of the pidgin-English name Mami wata even in franco-
hone
societies
might be further proof of the Kru thesis.
A second standardizing and at the same time creolizing development was
the inhoduction of an etching made in Germany in lggi of a sàmoan girl
who worked as
a snake
charmer
in a circus-like travelling exhibition of exotic
people.l6
Europeans
brought this picture to Nigeria, and from there its career
started as the ultimate icon of Mami wata.l7 until that time no masks or
sculptures
were known of Mami wata, so this picture obviously fitted exactly
the way people
had imagined her. probably the presence
of snakes
was deci-
sive in this popularity, because
in many west African religions snakes, parti-
cularly pythons, are feared and respected,
as they are considered to be
immortal messengers
from the gods.
Therefore,
they symbol.oethedivination
element which is fundamental
to the Mami wata cult, and Afro-religions in
general.
for that matter,
and they underline Mami wata's po*", ou"rlife and
death.rs
sacred snakes
and divination are part of Afro-surinamese winti and
other Afro-religions in the New world, too. However, these characteristics
seem
to be much less
specifically tied to water goddesses.
. The snake-charmer
poster
also has an Asian connection.
Not only had this
picture
been
printed by thousands
at a time in India since
the 1950s,
tut it also
bccame
influenced
by posters
of Indian gods (like the many-armed
vishnu) as
n rcsult of the presence
of Indian trading communities in East and west
15
Wcntll.
Mumi
wotct,ll3 16.
rí'l'hi$ cxhibition
wus.wncd nnd
dircclcd
by the family of carl Hagenbeck
from
llnmburg.
l7
Í)rewul hnn
delccted
the inlluencc
oí'this prinl in nt lcast l4 countrics,
covcring
4l dillbrerrt
culrurer: "lrrtcrpretnrion,
lnvcntion,
und Re-lrrescntution,"
9ír.
It Jell llnlrherr
& Di Flgwu,
""l'he wnror
rn'rurch ir 'wcsonre'," r0ó r
(x).
332 Ar,Ex v,tN SrtpnIenN
Oostindie, Gert, & Alex Van Stipriaan. "Slavery and Slave Cultures in a Hydraulic
Society: Suriname," tn Slave Cultures and the Cultures of Slavery, ed. Stephan
Palmié (Knoxville: U of Tennessee
P, 1995).
Paxson, Barbara. "Mammy Water: New World Origins?" Baessler-Archiv'NeueFolge
3l (1983).
Postma, J. The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge
uP,1990).
Salmons,
Jill. "Mammy
Wata,"
African
Arts 10.3
(1977):
8_l3.
Stedman, J.G. Nanative of a Five Years Expeditíon Against the Revolted Negroes of
Surinam, transcribed & ed. Richard & Sally Price (1790; Baltimore MD & London:
Johns
Hopkins UP, 1988).
Wendl, T. Mami wata, oder ein Kultur zwischen den Kulturen (Kulturantlropolo-
gischen Studien
19, Miinster: 1991).
.? Mami Wata: Creolization of a Water Spirit
&*f *tV/o,N$ 4;- g,.{*"**o.
Ft(f t,Rt{
l: F)un4te,
lupported
h.y
Á.lrk,u
& Ámerica,
from
J.G,
slcdnrsn,
Nurrullve
qf'u h'lve,yeors
llxpaditlon
Águinst
the
Revoltctl
Negnre,r'
rl'liurlmm,
Mnnuncript
1790.
ed. R.
*, S.
price
filultinruro
Ml);,lolure
l
lopkilur
t,1,,
l
qtiit)
JJJ
JJ+ ALrx veN STIPRIAAN
-W*"p
d"S "a&
**t)Ë*x,
ffiff"
F I
G
u R E 2: F am ily of Negro Sloves
from Loango, from J.G.
Stedman,
Narrative oJ
a
Five Years Expedition Against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam, Manuscript 1790, ed.
R. & S.
Price
(Baltimore MD: Johns
Hopkins LT, 1988)
,ll.ttttr ll':tl;t: t'rt't>ltzation of a Water Soirit
I
i t
t
; t
t
H t, -l
: ('alabash
decorated with a Watramama
Íisure.
ca. I 830
335
tJt
336 Allx veN STIPRIAAN Mmi Wata: Creolization of a Water Spirit
F tti u n n 5: Compound
of Mami Wata
priestess
in Togo, ca. 1978,
from G. Chesi,
Voodoo,
Afrikas geheime Macht (\Nórgl: Perlinger, 1979)
FIGURE 4: Mami Wata
poster
... Such occult practices are part of a zero-sum game: one person's accumulation leads to another's loss, in societies where inequality is not well-tolerated (Cinnamon, 2002;Tonda, 2005). Snakes are also frequently viewed as emissaries of water spirits, such as Mami Wata, a water-dwelling goddess of accumulation who drags victims to their deaths by drowning (Drewal, 1988;Paxson, 1983;Van Stipriaan, 2003). ...
Article
Full-text available
The WHO has identified the goal of halving deaths and disability by 2030 through a four-pillar program that promotes accessible and affordable treatments, strengthens health systems, promotes community and multi-level engagement, and mobilizes partnerships, coordination and resources to advocate for global action. This initiative could accelerate multi-disciplinary research and action in central Africa, a “hotspot” for SBE, but it offers little specific guidance about anthropological research to be conducted. This commentary develops that research agenda. It surveys anthropological, ethnohistorical investigations in the central African forest to elaborate the socio-cultural and historical significance and practices around snakes and snakebites. It draws from south and southeast Asian and Latin American literatures to illustrate anthropological contributions to SBE research. It then outlines a Central African research agenda employing ethnobiological investigation of snake ecologies, participatory evaluations of humans-snake contacts, and interviews and participant-observation of local prevention and treatment practices and knowledge. This research will co-develop policies and practices with forest communities and leaders and regional and national authorities to reduce the burden of SBE.
... Nigeria (Mami Wata, in Pidgin "Water Mama"), which then influenced South-America (Yemanya) and the Caribbean (Haiti: La Sirène). The migration of the symbol during colonialism is fairly well documented by Drewal (2008) and van Stipriaan (2003). ...
Book
Full-text available
Focusing mainly on the tacit side of pedagogical practices entails not only a revision of instructional practices but also that of the existing theoretical approaches to educational practices and learning and a work on the methodology of empirical research in the Educational Sciences. In terms of this effort references to subjects, objects and given structures are replaced by the concepts performativity, materiality and time. In this volume the paradigm shift is applied to different educational fields, questions and methodologies, such as the performativity in imaginary, mediated and virtual spaces and other tacit subjects of learning, such as language education, the ethical implications of the adult-child differentiation, educational research on things and the mastery of university by the students.
Article
Full-text available
This article negates the stereotypes of slave women in Haiti as weak, passive and compliant to colonialism and also challenges the archetype of hypersexualised bodies without minds. The Vodou Lwa Ezili Dantò is discussed with the aim to reclaim a cogitating Black female subjectivity. We evince that slave women’s agency, their creativity and resistance to colonial paradigms were manifested in sacrality, as we explore how the Polish Black Madonna became Haitian Vodou spirit Ezili Dantò. We uncover what female metaphysics reveal about the memories, complexities and identities of the women responsible for their engendering.
Article
Full-text available
Transatlantic Mermaids: Literary and Cultural Fantasies from Copenhagen to Haiti and the United States
Article
Full-text available
How did the forced migration of nearly 11 million enslaved Africans to the Americas influence their knowledge of plants? Vernacular plant names give insight into the process of species recognition, acquisition of new knowledge, and replacement of African species with American ones. This study traces the origin of 2,350 Afro-Surinamese (Sranantongo and Maroon) plant names to those plant names used by local Amerindians, Europeans, and related groups in West and Central Africa. We compared vernacular names from herbarium collections, literature, and recent ethnobotanical fieldwork in Suriname, Ghana, Benin, and Gabon. A strong correspondence in sound, structure, and meaning among Afro-Surinamese vernaculars and their equivalents in other languages for botanically related taxa was considered as evidence for a shared origin. Although 65% of the Afro-Surinamese plant names contained European lexical items, enslaved Africans have recognized a substantial part of the neotropical flora. Twenty percent of the Sranantongo and 43% of the Maroon plant names strongly resemble names currently used in diverse African languages for related taxa, represent translations of African ones, or directly refer to an Old World origin. The acquisition of new ethnobotanical knowledge is captured in vernaculars derived from Amerindian languages and the invention of new names for neotropical plants from African lexical terms. Plant names that combine African, Amerindian, and European words reflect a creolization process that merged ethnobotanical skills from diverse geographical and cultural sources into new Afro-American knowledge systems. Our study confirms the role of Africans as significant agents of environmental knowledge in the New World.
Article
Full-text available
Memory is often considered a monopoly of adults and older children: the younger the child, the less significant the capacity for recollecting. In Côte d'Ivoire, the Beng posit a radically different theory of cognitive development: adults say that the younger the child, the keener the memory. Moreover, such recall is of a specific sort – infants allegedly hold strong memories of a previous existence before birth (wrugbe), where people reportedly live harmoniously and there is never material want. Nevertheless, remembering this space of plenitude can prove agonizing for babies, making their hold on life precarious, and a distressing array of culturally shaped diseases threaten their survival. Protecting against illness requires an elaborate bathing, jewellery and make-up routine twice daily that begins at birth and continues for the first year. All this somatic activity is meant to lure the child fully and definitively into this world, and to counteract the strong call of the afterlife that adults say is created by the infant's own memories. Why is wrugbe, as purportedly remembered by infants, envisaged as a place of plenitude? And why is it located in an historically identified past? In this essay – which is necessarily to some extent speculative given its subject of infant memory – I explore the allegorical implications of the Beng afterlife, suggesting that the attribution of heightened infant memory of an idyllic wrugbe serves as an indirect critique of French colonialism and its aftermath. I conclude by discussing the ways in which memory and forgetting are mutually constructed, with the Beng model offering substantial support for the contention that reproduction in general – and babies in particular – are crucial to this intertwined process.
This paper traces the origins of ethnic studies on the former Caribbean Dutch colonies to pioneering work done in the Dutch East Indies, notably J. S. Furnivall's concept of the plural society. The review of the rise, fall, and recent partial rediscovery of that analysis is followed by brief discussions of studies on ethnicity available in English regarding Suriname and the six Antillean islands. The subsequent analysis focuses on the exodus from the Dutch Caribbean towards the metropolis, paying special attention to the impacts of the rise of transnational communities on ethnicity. The closing section argues that ethnicity remains of paramount significance in the contemporary Dutch Caribbean as well as its diaspora and suggests some directions for future research.
OnÍwerp tot een beschryving van Surinaamen, ca
  • Anon
Anon. OnÍwerp tot een beschryving van Surinaamen, ca. 1744.
Thc water monarch is awesome
  • Stbinc
  • Lizc Mnriri Di Egwu
,lcll llnlrlscrr, Stbinc. & lizc Mnriri Di Egwu. '.. Thc water monarch is awesome,: Re_ errrrsitferirrg thc Mtnrnry wnÍcr Myths," Ánnals of the New york Academv oí ,\'r'lrzrrls ltl0 ( l()()7).
lr tlul l,i'z; Árr ttttl spirit l\n,t<,s.rirtn in A/ricu
  • Ltrrtt Krrurrcr
Krrurrcr'. ltrrtt.,'l'lr tlul l,i'z; Árr ttttl spirit l\n,t<,s.rirtn in A/ricu, tr. Malcolm R. Green ( I r)lí7;
Aruroíutics r4r lrcl hock vtur.l.l), ller.lcin.llcscrhryvirrgc vitn rlc volk_ plrrrrlirrgr
  • Nclrvcrr
Nclrvcrr.,l. "Aruroíutics r4r lrcl hock vtur.l.l), ller.lcin.llcscrhryvirrgc vitn rlc volk_ plrrrrlirrgr. Ziu'itrnutt'"' (MS. r,, | 775).
Mammy Water: New World Origins?
  • Barbara Paxson
Paxson, Barbara. "Mammy Water: New World Origins?" Baessler-Archiv'NeueFolge 3l (1983).
Rt{ l: F)un4te, lupported h.y Á.lrk,u & Ámerica, from J.G, slcdnrsn, Nurrullve qf'u h'lve,yeors llxpaditlon Águinst the Revoltctl Negnre,r' rl'liurlmm, Mnnuncript 1790
  • Ft
Ft(f t,Rt{ l: F)un4te, lupported h.y Á.lrk,u & Ámerica, from J.G, slcdnrsn, Nurrullve qf'u h'lve,yeors llxpaditlon Águinst the Revoltctl Negnre,r' rl'liurlmm, Mnnuncript 1790. ed. R. *, S. price filultinruro Ml);,lolure l lopkilur t,1,, l qtiit)
Creolization of a Water Spirit F tti u n n 5: Compound of Mami Wata priestess in Togo, ca
  • Allx Stipriaan Mmi Wata
Allx veN STIPRIAAN Mmi Wata: Creolization of a Water Spirit F tti u n n 5: Compound of Mami Wata priestess in Togo, ca. 1978, from G. Chesi, Voodoo, Afrikas geheime Macht (\Nórgl: Perlinger, 1979) FIGURE 4: Mami Wata poster