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The term ‘precariat’—a precarious proletariat—has achieved considerable prominence in recent years and is probably now ripe for critical deconstruction. It also needs to be situated in terms of a genealogy that includes the marginality debates of the 1960s, the later informal sector problematic and the ‘social exclusion’ optic that became dominant in the 1980s. I will argue that the concept is highly questionable both as an adequate sociology of work in the North and insofar as it elides the experience of the South in an openly Eurocentric manner. In terms of political discourse I think we should avoid the language of ‘dangerous class’, as deployed by Guy Standing to situate workers politically in the policy world as though frightening the ruling classes was a strategy for transformation.
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The Precariat: a view from the South
Ronaldo Munck
Published online: 24 Jun 2013.
To cite this article: Ronaldo Munck (2013) The Precariat: a view from the South, Third World
Quarterly, 34:5, 747-762, DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2013.800751
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The Precariat: a view from the South
ABSTRACT The term precariat’—a precarious proletariathas achieved
considerable prominence in recent years and is probably now ripe for critical
deconstruction. It also needs to be situated in terms of a genealogy that
includes the marginality debates of the 1960s, the later informal sector
problematic and the social exclusionoptic that became dominant in the
1980s. I will argue that the concept is highly questionable both as an adequate
sociology of work in the North and insofar as it elides the experience of the
South in an openly Eurocentric manner. In terms of political discourse I think
we should avoid the language of dangerous class, as deployed by Guy
Standing to situate workers politically in the policy world as though frightening
the ruling classes was a strategy for transformation.
Globalisation generated a new global working class through a massive expan-
sion and acceleration of capital accumulation and the real subsumption of the
non-capitalist and radical nationalist areas of the globe under the aegis of capi-
talist development. It has also, however, increased the precarious and insecure
nature of most work, especially in the wake of the 200809 global capitalist
recession. It is a bold hypothesis to suggest that a new social subject has
emerged: a precariat, which now constitutes a dangerous classas did the
urban poor in Victorian Britain. It is a term that perhaps captures some of
the feelings among Northern academics, themselves subject to casualisation and
the end of job security. But is the term novel or even relevant, for the millions
of workers and urban poor in the global South for whom precariousness has
always been a seemingly natural condition?
I propose here a detailed examination of the term precariatfrom a global
that is, majority-worldperspective to redress the balance in recent debates
around this concept. To start with, we need a contextual genealogy of the term
that situates it in earlier, but still very relevant debates around marginality and
informality in the South for example. The issues addressed in the precariat
debates are hardly as new as the breathless tone of discovery some of its
proponents take might indicate. I then move on to a critical deconstruction of
the term itself, its analytical adequacy and its empirical robustness. We really
Ronaldo Munck is Head of Civic Engagement, Dublin City University, Glasnevin, Dublin 9, Ireland. Email:
Third World Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 5, 2013, pp 747762
ISSN 0143-6597 print/ISSN 1360-2241 online/13/000747-16
Ó2013 Southseries Inc., 747
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do need to be satised on both counts before we declare an epistemological
breakthrough. On that basis I then attempt a reconstruction of the real-world
processes the term precariat seeks to capture and codify. This involves a
classical Marxist-style proletarianisation process but also what we might call a
Polanyian disembedding and dispossession process. Finally, I tackle the politics
around how the term precariat has been deployed, including the spectre of a
new dangerous class replacing that of communism. My conclusion is that the
term precariatcan become a new political distraction if it is not rigorously
deconstructed and reconstructed from a historical and majority-world
When the term precariatburst onto the mainstream scene a few years ago
(really with the publication of Guy Standings book The Precariat: The New
Dangerous Class
), observers could be forgiven for thinking that this was a
new sociological phenomenon being announced. However, anyone with even a
passing familiarity with the labour and globalisationdebates since the 1980s
and even the earlier labour and developmentproblematic would immediately
recognise a long genealogy here. The point of a genealogical analysis is not,
however, to provide a simple history of ideas. Foucaults use of the term gene-
alogysuggested complex and mundane origins and not a progressive develop-
ment of a system of thought. It depends more on the contingent turns of history
than on a grand scheme and simple rational trends. A political genealogy of the
term precariatwould thus need to examine it in relation to earlier notions of
marginality, informality and social exclusion to situate it and thus understand its
possible conceptual benets but also its weaknesses.
The theory of marginalityemerged in the Latin America in the 1960s to
account for the vast number of under-employed internal migrants who sur-
rounded the main cities with their makeshift dwellings, and who appeared to be
in all senses marginalto the capitalist system. It seemed that hyper-urbanisa-
tion had stripped the capacity of the system to create jobs. The marginal poor
were deemed to be a-functionalto the needs of monopoly capitalism, unlike
the classic reserve army of labouranalysed by Marx for an earlier era. While
the industrial working class was becoming integrated into the system, there was
amarginal masswhich was seen as surplus to requirements. While for some
sectors of the left this new marginal class was the true revolutionary subject, for
others it generated a great fearthat social and political stability would be
threatened by this new incarnation of the Victorian lumpen-proletariat.
Empirical research in the 1970s and beyond soon showed the very obvious
limitations of the marginality thesis.
In particular, there was little evidence that
a labour elite or labour aristocracy had formed, separate from and even opposed
to the marginal masses. Migrants to the city did not carry with them a rural and
traditional culture that set them apart from urban industrial culture. There was
considerable continuity in terms of employment patterns between the formal
and informal sectors rather than a rigid divide.
The marginal poor were not
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anomic individuals, mere symptoms of a social breakdown. Rather, they
developed strong social networks and survival strategies of considerable dyna-
mism. Even the informal housing in the new urban settlements could just as
well be seen as a solution to the housing crisis than as a dangerous time bomb
waiting to disrupt mainstream society.
Marginality as a paradigm also suffered from a severe form of dualism and
thus it misunderstood the nature of the Latin American social formations. In his
inuential Critique of dualist reasonthe Brazilian political economist, Fran-
cisco De Oliveira, showed how the activities of the so-called marginal sector
were in fact quite protable for the broader economic system. Small-scale com-
merce, for example, could facilitate the distribution of industrial goods and the
self-constructed dwellings of the informal settlements saved capital the cost of
building workershouses.
The dialectic of capital accumulation required, ines-
capably, the provision of labour and raw materials input from the backward
sector. The political credibility of the marginal as new revolutionary vanguard
model did not last very long either, as the workersand peasantsmovement
began to mobilise in the 1970s and there was no social explosionin the
In the 1970s, this time in Africa, another term arose, namely that of infor-
malityor the informal sector to describe workers outside the formal capitalist
system. Its means and techniques of production are non-capitalist intensive, the
means of production are owned by those who operate them and the division of
labour is rudimentary. For Keith Hart, who did much to popularise the notion
of informality, the distinction between formal and informal income opportuni-
ties is based essentially on that between wage-earning and self-employment.
Signicantly this conception was also picked up and developed around the same
time by the International Labour Organisation (ILO).
The informal sector, or
informal economy as it became known, embraces a whole range of occupations,
from small-scale manufacturing and retail to domestic service and various illegal
activities, united only in terms of being beyond the reach of labour law, labour
contracts, licensing and taxation laws.
In a similar way to the debate around marginality, that around informality
began in reaction to the unfounded optimism of orthodox modernisation theory.
The latter had posited since the 1950s that capitalist modernisation would sur-
pass and transform the traditionaleconomy and work practices then character-
istic of the developing word. Some Marxists also shared in this optimistic view
of capitalisms revolutionary and transformative capacity. In fact, not only did
so-called informal work persist but it also spread to the North in the 1970s as
the long-term crisis of Fordism and Keynesianism came to a head. Alejandro
Portes and collaborators wrote inuentially about the informal economy in
advanced and less developed countries,
while Saskia Sassen argued, against
the grain at the time, that the informal sector was, in fact, the driver and most
entrepreneurial sector of advanced capitalism.
In the post-Fordist era it seemed that informality was becoming generalised
and was no longer an unfortunate hangover from the past. In the North it was
used to describe the work of creative professionals such as architects, artists and
software developers. In the South Hernando de Soto published his inuential El
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Otro Sendero, using the terminology of the Peruvian Maoist group Sendero
Luminoso but referring here to the dynamic informal path to economic develop-
This anti-statist manifesto blamed state interference in Peru (and more
generally) for stiing the entrepreneurialism which would lead to economic
development. The informal economy, in its brave deance of the state (and the
law), acted as a champion for development and thus also served to vindicate the
free market policies of triumphant neoliberalism. The informal economy was no
longer a problem; rather, it embodied the promise of an unregulated market
Moving on to the 1980s we see a new concept emerging, in Europe this time,
namely that of social exclusion. This would emerge as an overarching para-
digm to analyse the new povertyof the era of globalisation, especially in the
context of the need to produce a social safety netalongside the unregulated
expansion of nance and capitalist development more broadly.
It was multidi-
mensional, embracing exclusion from employment but also from the political
process and shared cultural worlds. In some variantsfor example in France
but also in the USAthe social exclusion paradigm focused on the need for
social order and moral integration. This discourse detected the emergence of an
urban underclass that supposedly suffered from a culture of dependenceit
would have to be weaned off. From this perspective it was the social behaviour
and social values of the poor that needed to be addressed rather than the social
and economic structures which themselves generated poverty. This discourse
was reminiscent of how, in the 1960s, the spectre of marginalityhad generated
a moral panic in Latin America that was shared by left and right to some
The social exclusion paradigm, I would argue, cannot be reduced to the
moral agenda of the underclass theory nor to its Eurocentric origins and deploy-
ment. The ILO, for example, carried out a major research project on social exclu-
sion in the 1990s, deploying it as an overarching framework for understanding
(and combating) the growing social inequality caused by globalisation.
As a
research paradigm social exclusion did break with economistic and individualis-
tic traditional parameters of poverty. It was multidisciplinary and multidimen-
sional in its approach. It was not static in its analysis but emphasised, rather,
the dynamic and ongoing transformation of social exclusion. It was, above all,
relational in that it showed how poverty and exclusion had as its counterpart
the wealth and power of a few. Ultimately, however, promoting social
inclusionas policy and practice to counter exclusion was quite weak as a social
policy and certainly not robust enough politically for an era in which neoliberal-
ism dened the horizon of possibilities.
To be marginal,informalor socially excludedis to be beyond the
parameters of the capitalist development process, if that is seen as a harmonious
process of course. It is about being shut out from the social, economic, political
and cultural mechanisms of social integration. Policy makers might thus design
programmes to address marginality and exclusion, much as capitalism has
always sought to address poverty in one way or another. But the prospects for
social engineering would be limited if poverty and exclusion are structural and
inherent features of an unequal system based on power differentials. The recent
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emergence of the term precariatneeds to be situated in the context of these
earlier attempts to theorise a form of work (and living) which does not appear
to conform either to liberal notions of harmonious development or Marxist theo-
ries of capitalism generating a proletariat which was to be its gravedigger.
If anyone wishes to argue for a new term in the social sciences they need to
show that it is both analytically rigorous and empirically robust. I will argue
that the term precariatas currently deployed misunderstands the complexity of
class making and remaking and is of dubious political purchase. It also, above
all, acts as a colonising concept in the South in classic Eurocentric mode,
although its proponents are blithely unaware of these implications. As a concept
it adds very little to current debates on the remaking of the Northern working
class under the aegis of neoliberal globalisation. While the next section will
seek a reconstructionof the term precariatand a clear acknowledgement of
precarity as a key feature of the working class condition today, for now we will
conduct a deconstruction of the assumptions, gaps and elisions we can detect in
its most popularised forms. Put bluntly, beyond a postmodern cry that we are
all precariousnow, I do not see any new analytical insights or strategic fore-
sight in the concept that should detain us.
Before it was popularised in its English language incarnation, précarité had
already been deployed in the French socioeconomic literature around the chang-
ing patterns of work since the 1980s, often in close association with the pro-
cesses of exclusion sociale.
It was seen as part of the process of decline of
centrality of the wage relationship in structuring society. Precarious forms of
work and precarious modalities of employment were on the rise as the Fordist
social regime of accumulation was losing its hegemony. Employment norms
were being eroded from within, as it were, and various forms of non-standard
working relations were coming to the fore. Precarity was probably more of a
descriptive category and was not deemed a totally new phenomenon or a self-
sufcient one. Most often it was taken in association with social exclusion or as
part of a broader analysis of the shifting patterns of employment and the sociol-
ogy of work. Perhaps the most inuential writer in this tradition was Robert
Castel, whose Les metamorphoses de la question sociale dened the analysis of
the shifts in the wage relationship consequent on the emergence of the neolib-
eral social regime of accumulation.
His emphasis was on travail précaire, and
not on precarity in general, and he saw the latter as central in dening the new
social question, namely the erosion of traditional work relationships and the
centrality of the wage relationship.
If we examine the current denitions of the precariat, Guy Standing has prob-
ably made the boldest claims for the emergence of a new class or class in the
However, when it comes to it we do not get a very precise denition
beyond the assertion that the precariat does not feel part of a solidaristic labour
or that the precariat has a feeling of being in a diffuse, unstable
international community of people struggling usually in vain to give their work-
ing lives an occupational identity.
The precariat is dened more or less by
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what it is nota mythical, stable working class with full social and political
rightsand by its vague feelings of anomie and distance from the orthodox
labour movement. At a certain point Standing becomes aware that this is quite
a weak basis on which to construct a new class and he then retreats to treating
it as a class in the making.
In terms of social class theory, however, there is little to support the thesis
that the precariat is even a class in the making. Class locations are determined
by their role in the relation of production and reproduction. Social classes are
also relational, they do not emerge on their own, and we need to specify the
antagonistic relations of production they are based on. Nothing said about the
precariat denes a new role in terms of the relations of production of contempo-
rary capitalism nor do we have any understanding of how these might be funda-
mental to the reproduction of the social system as a whole. What we do see is a
rather impressionistic and premature set of identications and generalisations
leading to an umbrella concept which at best describes a certain phase of
Europes post-Fordist working class history.
What is most noticeable in the broader literature around precarity and the pre-
cariat is that it is almost totally Northern-centric in its theoretical frames and its
empirical reference points. There is a totally Northern sensibility at play here, it
seems. In Standings case it is really just Britain that is the model of economic
and political development which he has in mind. There is hardly a reference to
any part of the world outside the North Atlantic. It is simply assumed as the
centre and the norm which will apply everywhere. There is little cognisance that
the type of work described by the term precarityhas always been the norm in
the global South. In fact, it is Fordism and the welfare state which is the excep-
tion to the rule from a global perspective. Decent work, to call it that even
though it is a rather dubious term, has never been the norm in the postcolonial
world. Rather, super-exploitation, accumulation through dispossession and what
might be called permanent primitive accumulationhave by and large
From a Southern perspective work has always-already been precarious, a
basic fact which unsettles the notion that something new has been discovered.
The genealogy of the concept precarity/precariat already shows its Southern ori-
gins, but this is never really acknowledged. While the precariat discourse
exudes a nostalgia for something which has passed (the Keynesian/Fordist/wel-
fare state), it does not speak to a South which never experienced welfare state
capitalism. The Southern experience of precarity is marked by the nature of the
postcolonial state and, later, by the developmental state where this has emerged.
The changing nature of work as a result of the erosion of the welfare state is
but one modality of precarity, others have been in existence for a long time in
the fraught relations between workers, the state and society in the South,
marked by limited forms of citizenship.
We would also note, nally, that, in the North or in the older industrialised
countries, the thesis of precarity, as advanced by Standing and others, does not
really bear scrutiny either. For example, temporary employment (often taken as
an indicator of precarity) only increased from 10% to 12% between 1995 and
2004 across the OECD countries. Part-time work, for its part, is not always about
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casualisation but can also be a way of retaining staff. More broadly exible
employment can also relate to more socially adaptable forms of employment
and does not always spell greater exploitation. In brief, there is little evidence
of a unilinear pattern of precarisation and, in analytical terms we need to be
wary of imposing a false homogeneity across non-typicalemployment seen as
a negative or critical concept.
In one of the most wide-ranging and empirically robust analyses of the trans-
formation of work under the so-called new capitalismKevin Doogan reaches
similar sceptical conclusions.
Whether lamenting or celebrating the decline of
the traditional worker, a new orthodoxy emerged in the 1990s concerning the
new timeswe lived in with the exibilisation and precarisation of labour seen
as key components. In reality technological change and capital mobility have
been overstated and the disembededness of social processes may be a tendency
but it has not been achieved nor is it likely to be. Doogan is particularly critical
of a left wing mindset that sees only temporariness and contingency in new
employment patterns [that] is blind to the basic proposition that capital needs
For all the rhetoric about relocation and outsourcing, capital
normally prioritises the retention of labour and the basic fact is that long-term
employment is rising.
Having expressed serious misgivings about the precariat project as critical
sociology, I now propose to consider its impact as political discourse. Richard
Seymour, in an incisive critique of Guy Standing, declares that: The precariat
is not a dangerous, exotic, alien thing, nor an incipient class to be patronised
into existence. It is all of usWe are all the precariat. And if we are dangerous,
it is because we are about to shatter the illusory security of our rulers.
To say
we are all the precariathad a certain ring as populist interpellation in the West
as neoliberalism entered a global crisis in 200809 and the indignados and
other youth mobilisations cried out the failings of the economic order and the
betrayal of the social promises. In the streets of the European capitals the slogan
Il precariato si rebellacaptured the imagination and then spread to the
Occupy movement and other stirrings of revolt.
From 2002 onwards in the wake of the Genoa anti-capitalist mobilisations
and a turn in the anti-globalisation movement to prioritise social issues, the term
social precariatcame to the fore.
It became the common descriptor for a
multifaceted set of social actors who saw the issues emerging from the perspec-
tive of a social movement and not as victims. Precarisation was recognised as a
transnational problem and Stop Précarité (even Stop al Precariato) became
common and popular slogans in several Western countries. It brought together
the new graduate unemployed, the migrant sans-papiers, far left and autonomist
activists, and even some left factions of the trade union movement. The latter,
from their own perspective, were now recognising the growing danger to labour
standards posed by agency workers and the growing precarisation of the work-
force in terms of their ability to organise the working classes.
In conclusion, to put it bluntly, as Neilson and Rossiter note, the discourse
of precarity does not translate on a global scale as a descriptor of contemporary
labourbecause it is an analytical and political concept linked essentially to the
decline of Fordism and the welfare state in the North.
It did have purchase in
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Western Europe in the 2000s for a time precisely because it did point to the end
of security and stability for those entering the workforce in those countries. It
did also mobilise and energise a certain layer of professional graduates who
were not nding work in the new post-Fordist era. However, it still tended to
demand that the state assume its responsibilities as the European welfare state
once did. Before moving on I note that, if the precariat is an overblown concept
and precarity a more specic condition than is usually implied, this does not
mean that the processes referred to are irrelevant, as I will argue in the next
If we take the current interest in the precariat and precarity as a symptom of
conceptual dissatisfaction with orthodox thinking and a desire for original think-
ing, then we might try to reconstruct its object of analysis. If precarity is to be
more than a Euro-May Day slogan, we need to situate it more carefully. A
transformative perspective on labour needs to recognise the dialectic of proletar-
ianisation and dispossession which is framing the remaking of the global work-
ing class. If we only focus on precarity (in the North), we miss out on the
massive expansion of the global working class in classic Marxist forms. We can
perhaps pose the current dynamics of social transformation in terms of Marx-
style proletarianisation processes conjoined with Polanyi-style accumulation by
It is important to remember that every unmakingof the work-
ing class (for example through precarisation) always inevitably leads to its
remaking. This sort of dialectical thinking is quite absent from much of the tele-
ological reasoning of the precarity discourse, which sees it as one-way street to
social disintegration and the rise of authoritarianism.
The accumulation of capital on a global scale begets a global working class
in the sense of an accelerated process of proletarianisation. Globalisation over
the past 35 years has also deepened the shift from the formal to the real sub-
sumption of labour in the sense that formal subsumption allows for the continu-
ation of the pre-capitalist labour process, while the realsubsumption of labour
implies that the social relations and modes of labour use are really subsumed
under capital. Put simply, only capital can create the conditions for capitalist
production. If capital is understood as a social relation, its dramatic global
expansion will expand the working classes. The basic fact is that the numbers
of workers worldwide doubled between 1975 and 1995 as part of what we
called globalisation but what was really an expanded reproduction of capital on
a global scale and the dramatically increased subsumption of non-capitalist
forms of production. This continuing expansion of the global working class was
accompanied by the full incorporation of the state socialist East and the national
development South into the expanded circuit of capital accumulation. Against
the theorists of new/networked/virtual capitalism David Coates has put it neatly:
Globalisation in the modern form is a process based less on the proliferation of
computers than on the proliferation of proletarians.
From a capitalist perspective the globalisation of labour is inevitableand there
is a clear priority placed by global managers on human resource management.
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Perhaps the most salient feature in the qualitative composition of the great quanti-
tative leap forward of the global labour force is its concentration on the South, or
what economists still call developing regions. Whereas the number of workers in
the OECD countries only increased from 372 million in 1985 to 400 million in
2000 (0.5%), the number of workers in the South increased from 1595 million to
2137 million, which represented a 20% annual growth rate. The gender composi-
tion of the global labour force also changed dramatically over the same period,
with female labour force participation surpassing 50% by the mid-1980s. The
expansion, feminisation and what we might call Southernisationof the working
class went hand in hand.
The massive extension of proletarianisation does not mean that the working
class remains as is, with the same leading sectors as in the 1950s or 1960s.
Indeed, the working class has always been in ux, being continuously made,
unmade and remade. If we take manufacturing and mining workers as an exam-
ple, we can see how their vanguard role in one phase of capitalist expansion
may now have come to an end. We know how in the North trade unions are
increasingly based on the services sector rather than manufacturing. In the South
miners (for example in Bolivia) and other traditional worker sectors have ceased
to play a leading role as the working class has become more complex in com-
position. Traditional relations of representation and hegemony construction have
been thrown into disarray and trade unions are no longer the undisputed articu-
lators of mass discontent. But as Hardt and Negri put it: This shift, however,
signals no farewell to the working class or even a decline of worker struggles
but rather an increasing multiplicity of the proletariat and a new physiognomy
of struggles.
We must also note that proletarianisation is not incompatible with informali-
sation. As Mike Davis has shown, the global informal working class (overlap-
ping with but non-identical to the slum population) is about one billion strong,
making it the fastest growing, and most unprecedented, social class on earth.
Since the structural adjustment crises of the 1980s the informal sector has
grown three to four times faster than formal sector employment. Multinational
corporations have taken advantage, of course, of this phenomenon through their
subcontracting networks now central to commodity production change. It is also
an integral element of Chinas blossoming industrial economy, which is under-
pinned by a traditional informal sector playing nothing like a traditional
role. There is not, to be sure, a dichotomy between the formal and informal
economies but rather a continuum based on considerable synergies and grey
overlapping areas.
The informal economy might be growing but it is still based on the lack of
formal employment contracts or any respect for labour rights. Furthermore, there
is no indirect social welfare wage in this sector, something the Northern precari-
at still has a recent memory of. No longer deemed marginalin Latin America,
informal workers are now more likely to be seen as part of an urban and rural
semi-proletariat, thoroughly integrated into the modern, internationalised eco-
nomic system. Interestingly it is the continuing differences between North and
South in terms of the informal proletariat which emerge as a key differentiator.
While the total proportions of informal workers in Latin America in 1950 and
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the USA in 1900 are roughly comparable (40%50%), we see that the
proportion of self-employed in the US manufacturing sector had dropped to 3%
by 1930, while it was still around 20% in Latin America in 1990.
Taking a global perspective on labour today means a clear refusal of a
Eurocentric (or North Atlantic) perspective which centres on the history of the
former metropolitan territories. Informalisation and precariousness did not
emerge with the 200809 crisis. However, it might not be too fruitful to draw a
clear dividing line between North and South in terms of the characteristics of
capitallabour relations. We should perhaps think more in terms of a radical
global heterogeneity as the dominant characteristic of labour relations. A postco-
lonial perspective would thus not emphasise either Southern uniqueness or
Northern exceptionalism. Sandro Mezzadra argues in this regard that global
capitalism is increasingly infused by heterogeneity: by the contemporary and
structurally related existence of the new economyand sweatshops, corporati-
zation of capital and accumulation in primitiveforms, processes of nancial-
ization and forced labor.
As always, global development is uneven but
Increasingly labour studies are taking a global turn, rst in sociology and
international political economy but now also in terms of a global labour history.
There is a growing recognition that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels could only
have had a very partial and time-limited understanding of what wage labour
meant. While freewage labour is the heart of the Marxist class theory and
political project, it was unpaid subsistence labour which was, and remains, the
dominant form from a global perspective. Domestic labour, while crucial to the
reproduction of the working class, has always been unpaid labour. Van der
Linden proposes a greater focus on the way in which labour power is commodi-
ed by capitalism in different forms and suggests that the concept of subaltern
labourshould be extended to also embrace self-employment, sharecropping,
indentured labour and chattel slavery.
Finally, we might propose an overall
dynamic of working class deconstruction and reconstruction on a global scale,
based on a MarxPolanyi dialectic. Marxs focus on proletarianisation based on
the separation of workers from the means of production can be supplemented
by Karl Polanyis emphasis on commodication of labour along with land and
money. This provides us with a more nuanced understanding of how neoliberal
globalisation has subjected the worlds workers through classic capital accumu-
lation mechanisms but also through what is becoming known as accumulation
through dispossession, which essentially amounts to a modern and permanent
version of Rosa Luxemburgs extension of Marxs theory of primitive accumula-
There are clear limits to accumulation through dispossession and the
race to the bottomor apartheid-era South Africa on a global scale would not
be sustainable.
What this might mean as a perspective for examining the global dynamics of
labour contestation is suggested by Beverley Silver. While an emphasis on
Marx-type labor unrestleads us to focus on the struggles of newly emerging
working classes(such as China), a complementary emphasis on Polanyi- type
labour unrestturns our attention to the backlash resistances to the spread of a
global self-regulating market.
While a Marx optic engages us with the new
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emerging working classes of the South, a Polanyi approach show us how other
working classes are being unmadeand precarised in the North and separated
from the means of subsistence in the South, for example through the privatisa-
tion of water. I would argue that neither approach is sufcient on its own but
that their close interplay and interweaving go a long way to unravelling some
of the contemporary processes affecting labour.
A perspective from the global South would understand precarity as part of
the broader process of dispossession and the generation of new surplus popula-
tions. The dominant development paradigm seems oblivious to this dimension,
as in the way the World Bank analyses the transforming countriesand their
transition beyond agriculture without visualising the massive impact it is having
across Asia in terms of dispossession, food insecurity and unemployment.
Tania Li notes, welfare provisions to keep the dispossessed alivedo not gure
in the World Bank account, which simple assumes hundreds of millions of dee-
ply impoverished rural people will nd their way onto the transition path.
the face of global turmoil and the massive wrenching up of traditional working
relations and work practices some token safety netswill not prevent a huge
human catastrophe. As in other earlier debates around marginality, reserve
armies of labour and various categories of surplus population it would be rather
complacent to believe that losses in one sector of the global workforce will be
automatically compensated for elsewhere. Certainly some forms of disposses-
sion, such as that of the South African Bantustans under apartheid, may have
been consciously designed to produce a reservepool of labour but at the
moment the churning of labour under global capitalist development is simply
producing collateral damage in society. However, as Li notes, the dispossessed
do not go quietly, with under-reported mass protests in China being but one
As Kate Manzo puts it in relation to development theories, even the most
radically critical discourse easily slips into the form, the logic, and the implicit
postulations of precisely what it seeks to contest, for it can never step
completely outside of a heritage from which it must borrow its toolsits
history, its languagein its attempt to destroy that heritage itself.
What I see
in Guy Standingsprecariatis really a continuation of his long and valuable
work as head of the ILOs Socio Economic Security Programme. While critical
of ILO practice, Standing has effectively provided a counterpart and legitimisa-
tion of its decent workcampaign. The ILO has now enthusiastically taken up
the notion of the precariat and the problem of insecure work as it already has
the answer: a rather backward-looking, utopian and impossible to implement
decent work campaign.
The Decent Work agenda of the ILO picks up where its focus on social inclu-
sionin the 1990s left off, but with a similar political dynamic. How could
globalisation be given a human face? How could capital be persuaded that
workers were vital to its reproduction? Decent work is dened by the ILO as
employment in conditions of freedom, equity, human security and dignity. The
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Decent Work Agenda, for the ILO, has in a relatively short period of time
forged an international consensus among governments, employers, workers and
civil society. Its ambition is to provide a key element to achieving a fair
globalization, reducing poverty and achieving equitable, inclusive and sustain-
able development. Whatever its aspirations, this agenda never translated into
effective measures and its credibility nally crashed in the wake of the 200809
Great Recession.
The ILO has now seemingly adopted the term precarious workin a reprise
of the dualism implicit in the earlier formal/informal and inclusion/exclusion
categories it had deployed in relation to the world of work. While accepting that
the denition of precarious work remains vague and multifacetedit argues that
it is a useful term to describe non-standard employment which is poorly paid,
insecure, unprotected, and cannot support a household. Precarious work is char-
acterised by uncertainty and insecurity. The ILO and the international labour fed-
erations understand that in Africa precarious work is the normbut argue that
the phenomenon has now reached the heartlands of industrialized countries
with the spread of temporary forms of employment. This is perhaps a similar
analysis to the Brazilianisationthesis referred to above.
Decent workis, I would argue, not an innocent term when considered from
a Southern or postcolonial perspective. Throughout the colonial world the subal-
tern classes struggled against the imposition of wage labour by the colonialists.
There was nothing liberatory about being torn from traditional communal modes
of production to become a wage slave. Even the early Western labour move-
ment railed against wage slavery in its campaign for the eight hour day, for
example. In South Africa the process was particularly dramatic. There, as
Franco Barchiese puts it, we did not have to wait for the recent nancial crisis
to see precarization emerge as a mode of appropriation by capital of the social
cooperation of living labour.
Indeed, the whole narrative of modernisation
hinged around the civilising inuence of capitalism and the way in which
waged work could tame the recalcitrant multitudes. Work and decency were
twinned in the colonial imaginary and that is why the decent work agenda can
be seen as less than liberatory from a Southern perspective.
The precariat, I would argue, plays a similarly discursive role today as did
the terms underclassor marginalin earlier debates. The precariat is seen and
portrayed, as Guy Standing keeps repeating, as the new dangerous class. This,
of course, is a rhetorical escalation from the notion of precarious work as
non-standard, which implies a norm which should be aspired to. The term les
classes dangereuseswas deployed in mid-19th century Paris by bourgeois
ideologues to describe the association they saw between the working class poor
and criminality. Thus Honoré-Antoine Fregier proclaimed in 1840 that The
poor and the vicious classes have been and will always be the most productive
breeding ground of evildoers of all sorts; it is they whom we shall designate the
dangerous classes. This is the genealogy within which Standing wishes to
argue for the modern day precariat as the new dangerous class. Clearly there
is nothing even remotely progressive about this political operation.
In Marxs work there was a similar term, namely that of the lumpen-prole-
tariat, deployed in a similar manner. For Marx this was a class fraction
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which was not an integral part of the class structure nor dened by the
relation of production, consisting of, inter alia,roués with dubious means of
subsistence.vagabondsswindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets
maquereaux [pimps], brothel keepersorgan-grinders, knife grinders, beg-
garsin short, the whole innite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and
While Standing is at pains to distance his precariat from the lum-
pen-proletariat, the family resemblance is too strong to ignore. It is worth not-
ing how problematic the lumpen proletariatis in the Marxist theoretical
system, somewhat akin to the peoples without historywhich Rosdolsky took
over from Engels well Rosdolsky picking up term of Engels quite uncriti-
In the Marxist theory of history social classes develop through their
role in the relations of production. Thus the lumpen proletariat, dened
precisely outside of these relations (like the non-historicnation) cannot
become a historical actor. If history is the history of production, and society is
structured by relations of production, then the lumpen-proletariat undermines
the whole edice. Similar problems emerge with the precariat, as we saw
above, certainly if it is placed in a Marxist or, indeed, any sociological
The politics of a dangerous classdiscourse is, I would argue, quite simply
incompatible with a progressive social transformation politics. It is a politics of
social pathology which has no place in a progressive view of history and human
potential. Victor Hugo in Les Misérables had already answered the classes
dangereusesprophets of his time, showing that the working poor were victims
of an exploitative system and not all potential murderers and extortioners. Thus,
as a political strategy for the 21st century, to even pose an emerging precariat
as a new dangerous class is politically irresponsible at the very least. Nor is it
even impressionistically accurate to pose recruitment of the precariatby the
new racist right as an imminent danger. In fact the European and other
emerging racist and fascist formations are appealing more to the oldworking
class displaced by the ongoing economic crisis.
The notion of a dangerous classhas a long history in the racist construction
of the Southern Other. The dismantling of communal modes of production
and the production of a disenfranchised urban underclass were an integral ele-
ment of modernisation. The degradation of the living conditions for those who
were no longer peasants and not yet urban workers inspired fear and revulsion
among the classes which beneted from their exploitation. As James Ferguson
puts it Urban black South Africans have long been understood as dangerous in
Mary Douglass sensematter out of placebetwixt and between those
propersocial categories which their very existence seems to threaten.
racialised discourse of exclusion and construction of the other as dangerous was
replicated in Latin America, where slum dwellers were once called cabecitas
negras(black heads) by the decent burghers of the city.
The new precariat discourse ultimately operates within the labouristframe-
work it criticises rhetorically. Labourism, for Standing, sometimes means labour
unions but, more often, it is a shorthand for the social democratic state, full
employment and the whole corporatist bargaining apparatus. This is set up as a
traditional labourism against which to contrast the precariat and its organisations
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or lack thereof. Yet this ill-dened labourismdid not even prevail in pure form
in the 1950s Britain which seems to act as Standings subconscious golden
era. It certainly has had no bearing whatsoever across Asia, Africa and Latin
America. That is why I argue that a nostalgic Eurocentric model of labourism
permeates Standings precariat model and thus renders it not particularly helpful
for the majority world.
The main political weakness of the precariat concept (particularly as deployed
by Standing) is the complete lack of understanding of contemporary labour or
of the labour movements organisations and strategies. Standing simply takes
for granted André Gorzs premature Farewell to the Working Class with no sup-
porting evidence or argument at all. Certainly the composition of the working
classes at a global level has changed considerably, as we saw above.
But, if
anything, the proletariatin the classic Marxist sensehas become more
important both numerically and politically at a global level. The organisations
of the broad working classnational and transnational trade unions, social
movement and grassroots organisations, etchave also begun to revive after
the long neoliberal night and cannot be so easily dismissed as relics of old
labour, as Standing tends to do.
The organised labour movement simply cannot be written off in a few lines.
By way of example, in mid-2012 a new Global Union, IndustriALL (www. brought together afliates of three former global union
federations, namely the International MetalworkersFederation (IMF), Interna-
tional Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions
(ICEM) and the International Textiles Garment and Leather WorkersFederation
(ITGLWF). It covers 140 countries and has 50 million members across a wide
range of sectors, including the extraction of oil and gas, mining, generation and
distribution of electric power, manufacturing of metals and metal products, ship-
building, automotive, aerospace, mechanical engineering, electronics, chemicals,
rubber, pulp and paper, building materials, textiles, garments, leather and foot-
wear, and environmental services. That might be seen to be akin to a corporate
merger but among its few founding principles we nd a commitment to Fight
against precarious work. This was not just a ritual incantation and, shortly after
forming, IndustriALL signed a Temporary Work Charter with Volkswagen, a
major transnational corporation operating in the North and the South, limiting
temporary work to a maximum of 5% of the workforce, along with the principle
of equal pay and access to training for contract and agency workers, something
which represents a signicant blow against précarité. As Elizabeth Cotton
notes: its no revolution but it commits one of the largest multinational compa-
nies in the world to putting a limit on insecure work.
Organised labour is
clearly part of the solution as well as being a problem at times. Even if we are
pessimistic about the prospects that trade unions might restructure and re-ener-
gise to face the new challenges to labour, we need to acknowledge that they do
make a difference for those in a precarious position in the labour market and
that agency really does count in terms of shaping the future.
Certainly inter-
ventions in the broad labour movement, seeking the revival of social movement
unionism, for example, seem to be more likely to render a positive outcome
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than does trying to frighten the ruling order and liberal professionals with the
spectre of a monster precariat.
1 G Standing, The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class, London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2011.
2 N Gerassi, The Great Fear, London: Macmillan, 1963.
3 See FH Cardoso, Comentarios sobre os conceitos de superpopulação relativa e marginalidade,Estudos
CEBRAP, 1, 1971, pp 99130; J Nun, Superpoblación relativa, ejército industrial de reserva y masa mar-
ginal,Revista Latinoamericana de Sociología, 2, 1969, pp 180225; and J Perelman, The Myth of Mar-
ginality: Urban Poverty and Politics in Rio de Janeiro, Berkeley, CA : University of California Press,
1976. For a recent overview, see M de la Rocha González, From the marginality of the 1960s to the
new povertyof today,Latin American Research Review, 39(1), 2004, pp 183203.
4 See L Kowarick, Viver em risco: sobre a vulnerabilidade no Brasil urbano,Novos Estudos CEBRAP, 63,
2002, pp 930; and J Neffa, Empleo, desempleo y politicas de empleo: La crisis de la relación salarial
naturaleza y signicado de la informalidad, los trabajos/empleos precarios y los no registrados, Buenos
Aires: CONICET/CEIL, 2010.
5 F Oliveira, A econômia Brasileira: crítica a razão dualista,Estudos CEBRAP, 2, 1972, pp 470.
6 K Hart, Informal income opportunities and urban employment in Ghana,Journal of Modern African
Studies, 11(1), 1973, pp 684.
7ILO,Employment, Incomes and Inequality: A Strategy for Increasing Productive Employment in Kenya,
Geneva: ILO, 1972.
8 A Portes, M Castells & LA Benton (eds), The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Devel-
oped Countries, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989.
9 S Sassen, The informal economy: between new developments and old regulations,Yale Law Journal,
Summer, 1994, pp 22892304.
10 H de Soto, The Other Path, New York: Harper and Row, 198689.
11 R Munck, Globalization and Social Exclusion: A Transformationalist Perspective, Bloomeld, CT: Kumar-
ian Press, 2005.
12 ILO,The World Commission on the Social Dimension of Globalisation, Geneva: ILO, 2004.
13 J-C Barbier, A Survey of the Use of the Term Précarité in French Economics and Sociology, Document de
Travail No 19, Paris: CNRS, 2002.
14 R Castel, Les métamorphoses de la question sociale: une chronique du salariat, Paris: Fayard, 1995.
15 Standing, The Precariat.
16 Ibid, p 12.
17 Ibid, p 23.
18 K Doogan, New Capitalism: The Transformation of Work, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008.
19 Ibid, p 206. Emphasis in the original.
20 R Seymour, We are all precariouson the concept of the precariatand its misuses, at
at_and_its_misuses, 2012.
21 See T Tsianos & D Papadopoulos, A Savage Journey to the Heart of Embodied Capitalism, Linz Austria:
EIPCP, 2006; and L Waite, A place and space for a critical geography of precarity?,Geography Compass,
311, 2009, pp 412433.
22 B Neilson & N Rossiter, Precarity as a political concept, or, Fordism as exception,Theory, Culture and
Society, 25(710), 2008, p 54.
23 K Polanyi, The Great Transformation, Boston, MA: Beacon Books, 2001.
24 D Coates, Models of Capitalism: Growth and Stagnation in the Modern Era, Cambridge: Polity Press,
2000, p 511.
25 W Johnston, Global work force 2000: the new world labour market,Harvard Business Review, March
April 1991, p 115.
26 R Munck, Globalisation and Labour: The New Great Tansformation, London: Zed Books, 2002.
27 M Hardt, & A Negri, Commonwealth, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011, p 110.
28 M Davis, Planet of Slums, London: Verso, 2006, p 178.
29 A Portes & K Hoffman, Latin American class structures,Latin American Research Review, 38(1), 2003,
pp 4182.
30 S Mezzadra, How many histories of labor? Towards a theory of postcolonial capitalism, 2012, p 166, at
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31 M van der Linden, Workers of the World: Essays Toward a Global Labour History, Amsterdam: Brill,
2008, p 331; and I Katznelson & A Zolberg (eds), Working Class Formation: Nineteenth Century Patterns
in Western Europe and the US, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986.
32 D Harvey, Spaces of Global Capitalism: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development, Lon-
don: Verso, 2006.
33 G Arrighi, N Aschoff & B Scully, Accumulation by dispossession and its limits: the Southern African
paradigm revisited,Studies in Comparative International Development, 45, 2010, pp 410438.
34 B Silver, Forces of Labour: WorkersMovements and Globalization since 1870, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2003.
35 World Bank, World Development Report: Agriculture and Development, Washington, DC: World Bank,
36 TM Li, To make live or let die? Rural dispossession and the production of surplus populations, in N Cas-
tree, P Chatterto, N Heyned, W Larner & M Wright (eds), The Point is to Change it: Geographies of
Hope and Survival in an Age of Crisis, Oxford: WileyBlackwell, 2010, p 69.
37 Ibid, p 72.
38 K Manzo, Modernist discourse and the crisis of development theory,Studies on Comparative Interna-
tional Development, 26(2), 1991, p 8.
39 ILO,Decent work agenda, 2012, at
40 ACTRAV Symposium on Precarious Work, 47 October 2011, p 30, at
41 F Barchiesi, Precarity as capture: an exercise in conceptual genealogy, mimeo, Johannesburg, 2012,
p 243.
42 K Marx, Capital, Vol 1, London: Penguin, 1970.
43 R Rosdolsky, Engels and the NonhistoricPeoples: The National Question in the Revolution of 1848,
Glasgow: Critique Books, 1986.
44 J Ferguson, Formalities of poverty: thinking about social assistance in South Africa,African Studies
Review, 50(1), 2007, pp 7186.
45 A Gorz, Farewell to the Working Class, London: Pluto Press, 1982.
46 E Cotton, The catastrophe of precarious work: Elizabeth Cotton challenges Guy Standing, Public World:
democracy at work (blog), 2013, at
47 R Munck, Globalization and the labour movement: challenges and responses,Global Labour Journal,1
(2), 2010, pp 218232.
Notes on Contributor
Ronaldo Munck is Head of Civic Engagement at Dublin City University and
visiting professor of development at the University of Liverpool and at St
Marys University, Nova Scotia. He has worked and researched in Latin
America and Southern Africa, having been the rst post-apartheid Chair in
Sociology at the University of Durban Westville. He has written widely on
international labour issues and is also known for his global development
perspective on Latin America. Recent work includes Contemporary Latin
America (2012) and Rethinking Latin America: Development, Hegemony and
Social Transformation (2013), which brings the insights of Gramsci to bear on
the region.
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... Este proceso ha contado con un desarrollo desigual en la adaptación por parte de las economías nacionales y de los distintos sectores productivos a una lógica internacional del capitalismo global que ha estado sentada en la subordinación productiva en el marco de un circuito y una geografía mundial de división del trabajo y de un proceso de expansión de los límites de la acumulación capitalista (Harvey, 2007;Dörre, 2010). El desgaste del anterior modelo industrial de acumulación de capital -con su respectiva fase descendente -y la caída de la rentabilidad del capital -a partir de la sobrecapacidad instalada y la sobreproducción de mercancías a nivel mundial -, pasó a articular la restructuración del capital (Sotelo Valencia, 2003;Munck, 2013). De allí se desarrollaron nuevas formas de encadenamiento y de articulación a nivel global, en las cuales, América Latina comenzó a jugar un espacio estratégico para el proceso de intensifi cación y extensión de los procesos de transnacionalización de la economía y la movilización del capital, para fi nalmente convertirse en su eslabón más débil, convirtiéndose "rápidamente en el área privilegiada no sólo de resistencia sino de construcción de alternativas al mismo" (Sader, 2008a: 5). ...
... El capital, como sujeto histórico, reorganiza la geografía y la cartografía del espacio latinoamericano (Munck, 2013;Julián, 2013b), así como una nueva estructura social en cuanto tipos consolidados e históricos específi cos de la práctica social, por medio de un modelamiento de las condiciones de reproducción y producción social, y de las nuevas condiciones de posibilidad de interrelación entre el sujeto, sí mismo, la naturaleza y los demás (Bourdieu, 2007: 9-39). ...
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... Alguns criticam o conceito de precariado ou de precarização do trabalho quando aplicado ou transposto aos países periféricos. Como aqui grande parte da força de trabalho sempre esteve fora do emprego formal e de suas garantias, os críticos desses conceitos apontam sua falta de pertinência local, sendo assim tachados de conceitos importados de outras realidades e histórias (Munck, 2013). No entanto, o contexto e tendência global que Benanav (2019a;2019b) nos mostra, parece apontar para a não pertinência dessas críticas. ...
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... Butler defines precarity as the "specific ways that socio-economic and political institutions distribute the conditions of life unequally" (Butler 2011). Munck (2013) argues that the genealogy of precarity extends back to the "marginality" debates in Latin America in the 1960s, the "informality" literature that arose from research in Africa in the 1970s and the discourse of "social exclusion" that became popular in Europe (and to a lesser extent, the United States) in the 1980s. In migration research, precarity has gained prominence in the linkages between labour and citizenship (Banki, 2013;Schierup et al., 2015). ...
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... In the Global South it has been normal for a long time, and instead of seeing Fordist permanent employment as standard, we should treat it as a short-lived Northern exception (Breman 2013;Neilson and Rossiter 2008). Ronaldo Munck (2013) notes that the number of wage workers in the South actually doubled from 1975 to 1995, suggesting that we should not simply be concerned with precarity, but also should trace the entwined trajectories of proletarianisation and dispossession. ...
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What work is turning into has become a common question. The answers range from the claim that nothing is changing to fears of robots taking jobs and a utopia of fully automated luxury socialism. To compare a variety of emerging jobs, I examine four theses that have been put forward. One is that work is becoming increasingly insecure, short-term, precarious. Another is that forms of work are multiplying, especially what is called flexible employment. A third is that work is becoming increasingly digital, governed by an economy of automated algorithms, platforms and social networks. Finally, I examine the claim that work itself has been overcome, that the conventional pay for productive labour is giving way to a variety of redistributive schemes. What those theses share, I argue, is a tension between claims of emancipation and realities of exploitation, the sense of new possibilities opening up and others closing down. Economic anthropology has the tools to address this mix of freedom and constraint, commitment and alienation.
Since 1990, northern Madagascar has been overwhelmed by successive and overlapping resource booms and busts. Erratic commodity markets—including those for gold, sapphires, vanilla, and rosewood—have sent rural Malagasy residents moving back and forth between various forms of extraction and production with unprecedented volatility. This article explores the history and lives of northern Madagascar’s makeshift miners-turned-loggers-turned-cash-croppers in order to rethink small-scale resource extraction in a highly speculative, late-capitalist global economy. Resource workers in the region, we argue, have transformed from migrants who view extractive activities as temporary complements to subsistence agriculture to mobile subjects chasing one resource boom after another, often abandoning stable agrarian aspirations altogether. Although originating in the cosmopolitan global North, late-capitalist economic volatility nonetheless shapes extractive subjectivities in the global South, contributing to more flexible extraction and livelihoods. Flexible extractive subjects in northern Madagascar, we conclude, provide a rural parallel to the late-capitalist subjects of the global North. They represent a growing class of flexible labor in the global South that bears notable resemblance to the gig economy workers currently dominating discussions of precarious work in the twenty-first century.
This chapter analyses how return and reintegration programmes for irregular migrants and rejected asylum seekers construct and create vulnerabilities. The chapter analyses the lived experiences of returnees in Edo state, Nigeria. It examines the experiences of irregular migrants and rejected asylum seekers who were returned to their places of origin through AVRR programmes or other forms of return assistance programmes. First it examines the context of return migration in Nigeria and the legal-bureaucratic construction of vulnerability in the Nigerian context. Then it proceeds to analyse the efforts of the Nigerian state in implementing return and reintegration programmes. Based on 15 in-depth interviews with returnees, civil society organisations and government officials, it examines the experiences of returnees and their perspectives of vulnerability and precarity in returning to their communities of origin. The research finds that poorly implemented return programmes, may worsen the vulnerabilities of migrants instead of promoting their integration. However, migrants may reinforce their vulnerabilities in order to benefit from perceived advantages offered by the state or international organisations. Lastly, family and community efforts help migrants cope with the vulnerabilities they are exposed to in their communities of origin.
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This article examines the growing corporate reliance on artisanal labour in the cobalt mines of the Democratic Republic of Congo. This shift from autonomous miners to corporate contractors, we suggest, holds historical significance and augurs a radical break with contemporary modes of extractive production. Under the banner of “responsible mining,” this form of dependent contracting fosters wageless relations in exchange for legal access to mining sites and corporate monopoly over artisanal production. By analysing the roots and mechanisms underlying these cooperative-corporate partnerships, we describe this emergent relation between labour and capital around three key features: the role of cooperatives as labour platforms, corporate control over local markets, and the deployment of discursive and technological regimes of responsibility and traceability.
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This paper derives from a LARK-sponsored forum at the LASH 2003 Congress held in Dallas in March 2003. Targeted at younger scholars, a panel of leading researchers whose early work was shaped by marginality and dependency thinking of the 1960s were invited to reflect cross-generationally about how paradigms analyzing poverty in Latin American cities have shifted from that time to the present. Specifically, each of the authors compares "marginality" as it was construed more than three decades ago with contemporary constructions of poverty and social organization arising from their more recent research. While there are important continuities, the authors concur that the so-called "new poverty" today is very different, being more structural, more segmented and, perhaps paradoxically, more exclusionary than before. Moreover, the shift from a largely patrimonialist and undemocratic state towards one that, while more democratic, is also slimmer and downsized, thereby shifting state intervention and welfare systems ever more to local level governments and to the quasi-private sector of nongovernmental organizations. If earlier marginality theory overemphasized the separation of the poor from the mainstream, today's new poverty is often embedded within. structures of social exclusion that severely reduce opportunities for social mobility among the urban poor.
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At the margin of the regulated economy lies another economy, in which activity goes unlicensed, unregulated, and untaxed, and whose participants often go overlooked by legal scholars and policy makers. The Yale Law Journal held a symposium on the informal economy to promote discussion among economists, sociologists, anthropologists, and legal scholars to advance understanding of the informal economy. The following papers were presented at the Yale Law School in March 1994. Regina Austin presents the example of urban street vending to illustrate how expanding the black public sphere will require that blacks defy a legal system that has effectively foreclosed them from the realm of production and commerce. Edgar Cahn, founder and president of the Time Dollar Network, argues that the paradigm of legal service is at odds with the dictates of the market economy and its underlying work ethic. He proposes a solution to the growing crisis in legal services that permits both the fulfillment of its original goals and the effective use of a significant, and as yet untapped, resource: exchange of Time Dollars. Time Dollars serve as a medium for trading time spent rendering public service for the receipt of legal services. Time Dollar networks facilitate the integration of otherwise marginalized and neglected people into a system that promotes feelings of productivity, community, and reciprocity. Richard Epstein explores the relationship between one's approach to the underground economy and one's belief about what conduct should be legal. He discusses the link between people's views of a law's fairness and their propensity to obey the law, noting that if those who bear the law's burdens view it as unfair, the fabric of voluntary compliance will unravel. Epstein surveys six case studies of the underground economy: public streets and sidewalks; eagle feathers and elephant tusks; pollution regulation; taxation; rent control and minimum wage laws; and illegal drugs. Lora Jo Foo examines the underground economy in "sweatshop" industries, particularly garment-making. She argues for stronger labor laws and stiffer penalties so that the profitability of violating the law disappears. She also advocates the creation of private rights of action to augment state enforcement of federal minimum wage and maximum hour laws. Arthur Jacobson introduces a jurisprudential distinction between the normative structures operating in the "static jurisprudence" of the formal economy and "dynamic jurisprudence" of the informal economy. The distinction between the two jurisprudences leads to disparate conceptions of norms and discordant expectations of the role of legality in social life. However, he argues, substantial interplay occurs between the two regimes. Morton Paglin shows how a misplaced reliance on households' reported income distorts governmental assessments of the underground economy in the United States. He proposes a solution that incorporates households' reported expenditures and shows how this information can be used to formulate more rational macroeconomics and poverty policies. George Priest critically examines moral judgments about the underground economy and shows that the broader condemnation of underground activity now conventional in modern discussion is highly problematic and cannot be defended. He compares the relative moral position of market-based to state-controlled regulatory activities and shows, through the example of the underground economy, how the market achieves with greater systematic success many democratic values often asserted as justifications for broader governmental regulation. Saskia Sassen challenges the conventional wisdom that informal economies are caused by increased, often illegal, immigrant labor. She argues that the informal economy is a result, primarily, of systemic factors characteristic of advanced capitalist urban societies. These factors include the decline of the middle class as the principal engine of economic growth and increased competition for land and other factors of production among businesses with widely varying profit making capabilities. Christian Zlolniski presents his empirical study of immigrant labor in the Silicon Valley. He explores the relationship between urban poverty and two types of labor in the informal sector: subcontracting of unskilled labor and small-scale vending. He concludes that policy-makers must consider alternative approaches to the regulation of this significant, but all to invisible, labor market.
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The field of Third World studies is thought once again to be in a state of crisis, thanks largely to disillusionment with the once-dominant dependency “paradigm.” Amidst renewed interest in developmentalism and the clamor for an alternative to dependency, this article argues, first, that the major achievements of dependency theory remain largely unrecognized because the approach has been so frequently misrepresented or misunderstood. Whatever the ultimate status of dependency’s theoretical claims, it contains elements of a countermodernist attitude which ought to be retained in any new approach to the study of Third World development. Second, the article argues that, despite these accomplishments, dependency remains trapped, along with developmentalism, within a modernist discourse which relies on the principles of nineteenth century liberal philosophy; that it treats the individual nation-state in the Third World as the sovereign subject of development; and that it accepts the Western model of national autonomy with growth as the appropriate one to emulate. The final section of the article discusses the efforts of a number of scholars to ground knowledge in local histories and experiences rather than building theory through the use of general conceptual categories and Western assumptions. Although these ideas currently remain on the margins of Third World studies, it is to be hoped that dependency’s loss of intellectual hegemony has at least opened up a space for them to be taken seriously, in the same way that dependency was itself taken seriously in the late 1960s.