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Abstract
This article provides a thorough critical review of the literature on the so-called ‘KIT-Split’ in South African English (SAfE). The main result of this review is to show how the use and understanding of this term has undergone change. It was originally coined by Wells (1982) and used by him to explicitly refer to a phonemic split originating in SAfE. This use appears to have arisen on the basis of a selective appropriation of earlier work by Lanham and Traill (1962) and Lanham (1967) who, in their turn, had also identified a separate (marginal) phonemic split of the KIT vowel in Received Pronunciation (RP), as well as certain RP-based varieties of SAfE, while at the same time postulating, for SAfE more generally, a greater degree of complementation for the various qualities of KIT, as well as their greater polarisation in phonetic space. While the lack of full complementation and the presence of some minimal pairs in SAfE KIT was confirmed by and continued to attract the attention of some later commentators (e.g., Lass and Wright 1985, Taylor 1991), the meaning of the term ‘KIT-Split’ has, in the meantime, been tacitly reformulated to refer solely to the polarisation of allophones mentioned above. The literature on the nature and extent of this polarisation is thus also subject to review, one result of which is to show that the ‘split’ is not as ubiquitous in SAfE as is occasionally assumed.
... f1/f2-value extraction was performed on the monophthongs bath, dress, foot, kit, lot, strut, thought, trap, the "potential diphthongs" face, fleece, goat, goose, and the "true diphthongs" mouth, price. kit-tokens were elicited in all environments identified by Bekker (2009Bekker ( , 2014 as potentially conducive to splitting into [i-ɪ] or [ɪ̈-ə] in WSAfE (see further Section 6). The Afrikaans vowel selection is based on Wissing (2014), whose phonetic transcriptions I indicate in brackets following each vowel label. ...
... Figure 5 plots kit allophones as categorized by Bekker (2009Bekker ( , 2014. kit1 refers to kit in disyllabic words (e.g. ...
... There are no significant inter-gender contrasts in AF-I realization, nor in AF-IE realization (see Section 4). One feature of the "kit-split", widely mentioned as characteristic of (especially General-to-Broad) WSAfE (Bekker 2014), but also present in Coloured English (Toefy 2017), is that, as a result of raising and fronting in certain environments, kit (more particularly kit2-3) may overlap with dress and thus approximate fleece (Section 4) while elsewhere occupying lower positions. The informants largely conform to that picture, as their kit2-3 always comes closest to their dress. ...
Afrikaans English is seen as connected to White South African English (WSAfE), a Southern Hemisphere English. What makes Afrikaans-speakers’ English varieties distinctly WSAfE or distinctly Afrikaans in a context that has seen much convergence between English and Afrikaans? To answer this question, this study looks at experimental English and Afrikaans phonetic data simultaneously elicited from an informant sample representing three Afrikaans-speaking populations in Namibia, a former dependency of South Africa: the Afrikaners, Basters, and Coloureds. By comparing the informants’ English and Afrikaans vowels, the study establishes that their English varieties display unmistakable WSAfE features, especially found among the Whites, while some of their English vowels co-vary with their nearest Afrikaans equivalents. While generally showcasing the methodological benefits of bilingual data elicitation, the study concludes that postcolonial L2 English varieties are likely to mirror change-in-progress occurring in their historical L1 models, even where access to these models becomes disrupted.
... As shown in Figure 4, the KIT vowel is generally characterized by a long ellipse whose focal axis aligns with the F2 dimension. The underlying reason for this seems to be the presence of a split distribution of KIT's contextual allophones akin to those observed in contemporary South Africa (Bekker, 2014) and intermediate New Zealand English (as a stage in KIT's evolution toward a fully centralized vowel [Langstrof, 2006]). Table 2 summarizes the effects of preceding and following environments of KIT tokens on their F2 distance to STRUT. ...
... Split distributions of KIT around velars have been reported in the diachronic trajectories of all major southern hemisphere varieties as mentioned earlier but also under the Northern California Shift where =ɪ= is fronted=raised preceding a nasal velar and lowered in all other environments (Eckert, 2012). Clearly, the pervasiveness of this phenomenon leaves no doubt as to the existence of a strong coarticulatory basis for it, such as advanced by Bekker (2014, citing Taylor, 1991, for instance. But is this the whole story? ...
Although the sound system of Indian English has been the object of numerous publications over the years, there has been a remarkable scarcity of variationist sociolinguistic research carried out on the topic. The present study addresses this gap by describing the short front vowels of 22 lifelong English-speaking Delhi residents born between 1948 and 1992. Focusing more specifically on variation in the relative configuration of trap /æ/, dress /ɛ/, and kit /ɪ/, the study provides apparent-time evidence for a series of interrelated changes affecting the system. Those include an ongoing lowering of /æ/ and /ɛ/, as well as age-related variation in a previously unreported allophonic split of /ɪ/. I argue that these apparent-time patterns are amenable to an analysis in terms of chain shift, and I discuss the implications of such a claim, linking the phenomenon described to similar patterns reported in various other parts of the English-speaking world.
... In the case of AF-E, environments with preceding [k, x, l, r] were excluded as these tend to produce [ae-ɛ]-like allophones (Wissing 2014b). As they may be suspected to occur among Afrikaners, care was taken to avoid instances of the KIT-split, a feature historically characteristic of White South African English (hereafter 'WSAfE') that manifests itself through the form [i] before/after velar consonants, after palato-alveolar consonants, before [h], and in word-initial position (Bekker 2014). Each informant was led to produce at least five tokens of each vowel. ...
This study sheds light on the socio-economic factors determining the (re)location of sociolinguistic prestige in postcolonial environments. It uses the case of Namibia, an ethnolinguistically diverse African country that replaced Afrikaans – an established lingua franca – with English as its official language to weaken the hold of the formerly ruling White Afrikaans-speaking minority on its linguistic marketplace while symbolically empowering the Black majority. Using phonetic features elicited from an ethnolinguistically representative sample, the study finds that Whites align with South African norms while Non-Whites are developing distinctly local varieties. While ‘Coloured’ Afrikaans varieties exert some gravitational pull on Black Afrikaans varieties, a more autonomous Black English variety spearheaded by women is emerging. Informant perceptions confirm the observed polarisation between Whites and Non-Whites, with the former not perceived as a linguistic target, while the valorisation of an ethnically neutral Black urban identity appears as a major driving force behind variation.
After dealing with some terminological issues, this entry provides a brief overview of (i) the historical development of White South African English into its own unique dialect of English and (ii) an equally brief overview of some of its distinctive linguistic features. It ends with some thoughts about possible future developments and avenues for research.
Afrikaans South African English is spoken by Afrikaans speakers as a second language in a stable and advanced bilingual context, with some families shifting to English as the dominant language. The Afrikaans influences are reasonably stable and persistent as well, but clear proficiency effects are visible in transitional features, especially inconsistent inflections, that disappear at advanced proficiency levels. Characteristic pronunciation includes a strong kit–sit split, a length rather than quality contrast for the pairs of related tense/lax vowels, limited aspiration of voiceless plosives and the insertion of [h]/[ɦ] between adjacent vowels. Grammatical influences include verb–preposition patterns and extended uses of constructions that are similar to Afrikaans. Semantic extension and borrowing under the influence of Afrikaans also takes place. The influences between English and Afrikaans are reciprocal, and often through cycles of mutual reinforcement, innovations develop that are not attributable to influence of one language on the other only.
Namibia was one of the last countries on the African continent to gain independence. With independence from South Africa in 1990, English has become the sole official language of this country. Since then, the variety of English spoken in Namibia has been emancipating itself from South African Englishes, and therefore Namibian English is described as an emerging variety of southern African English. This entry gives an overview on the historical background of this development and positions the language within the linguistic ecology of the country. This includes reporting on language attitudes towards this language as well as language functions and identity constructions. This entry furthermore outlines the most important characteristic features of Namibian English on all levels of linguistic description.
This study examines acoustic data from Namibian English to gain insights into how substrates may impact the formation of New Englishes. To this end, the study singles out the Namibian English vowels face and goat, following the assumption that they could be realized as either diphthongs or monophthongs depending on which Namibian language the speaker has as a native language. Based on a sample of face and goat vowels elicited together with their equivalents in several Namibian languages, the study shows that influence from Namibian native languages in face-goat realizations is more likely among the members of the demographically dominant ethnolinguistic group, as well as among men in general. Another significant finding is that, irrespective of the vowel systems of their native languages, specific ethnolinguistic groups tend to converge with the monophthongizing face-goat variants encountered in the demographically dominant ethnolinguistic group. The study’s general conclusion is that New Englishes can develop ethnically neutral varieties whose emergence seems to follow the general principles of new-dialect formation.
Do New Englishes develop ethnically neutral forms? This study showcases a combined perceptual and variationist approach to this question, using the case of Namibian English. It seeks to locate ‘de-ethnicized’ Namibian English varieties in mismatches between variety perception and auditory variety recognition, assessed via an experiment involving 244 young Namibian respondents. Namibian voices are used as playback material as part of an ethnic recognition task. These voices are selected from a sample of 94 ethnically diverse informants from both government and private schools in Namibia’s capital city following a phonetic characterization of all sampled individual varieties. While the respondents are sometimes unsure as to whether some specific Namibian ethnic groups speak a distinctive English variety, they generally endorse the notion that there is a ‘racial’ continuum of Namibian English varieties comprising ‘Black’, ‘White’, and ‘Coloured’ varieties. Meanwhile, vowel variation patterns among the informants, which I treat as a potential indicator of ethnoracial backgrounds, reveal an ethnoracially heterogenous variety cluster. This cluster is located in between a White cluster and a (mostly) Black cluster and displays combined Coloured, female, and private school associations. The auditory variety recognition task suggests that this cluster tends to be ethnically misrecognized by the respondents, as are women's voices in general, and non-White private school women's voices in particular. Still, the Black respondents largely recognize the Black informants’ voices as Black, irrespective of these voices’ ethnic background. The findings offer joint variationist and perceptual suggestions that Non-White women are gradually de-ethnicizing Namibian English across social classes. This trend possibly results in Black and Coloured varieties amalgamating into a local high-status English variety.
Namibian English (NamE) is frequently referred to as an offspring of (White) South African English (SAfrE), although more recently researchers have tried to describe it as a variety in its own right. In particular, Kautzsch and Schröder (2016) describe several phonetic features seemingly specific to NamE and unattested in other (South) African Englishes. This paper takes up some of their findings and provides further evidence for Namibian-specific realisations of vowels by investigating a supposedly NamE-specific nurse–work split and comparing realisations of the trap–dress merger attested in some varieties of SAfrE. The paper supports the claim that NamE should be considered a variety in its own right, further demonstrating that it should not be seen as a monolithic whole.
Studies on the pronunciation of Namibian English (NamE) have shown strong evidence for ethnically conditioned variation within the NamE vowel system. Thus, NamE should not be seen as a monolithic entity but rather as a group of ethnically and/or socially conditioned varieties. In this paper, we undertake a first approach to Baster English, a potential ethnic variety of NamE. The Rehoboth Basters constitute a unique ethnically mixed Afrikaans-speaking group from South Africa, who settled in Namibia in the 19th century and are known for their strong sense of a separate local and ethnic identity. Triangulating the results of a quantitative questionnaire on language attitudes and acoustic analyses of vocalic features in informants’ pronunciation, we demonstrate how the Basters’ unique identity translates into linguistic practice in a multi-ethnic and multilingual environment.
It is not clear which population group most qualifies as the ‘founders’ of Namibian English. While Namibia's historical Afrikaans‐speaking settler population has a tradition of Afrikaans‐English bilingualism, English as a lingua franca was first introduced after independence by returning Black Namibian exiles with mostly Oshiwambo as a first language. This study seeks to determine which ethnolinguistic group plays the largest part in shaping contemporary Namibian English. Based on phonetic and ethnographic data, the findings suggest a loosening continuum between a White variety aligned with South African models and more locally rooted varieties. This partly reflects local language ideologies, which among the Blacks involve the pursuit of a Namibian urban identity set against both Namibian Whiteness and traditional Namibian ethnicities.
English in Multilingual South Africa - edited by Raymond Hickey November 2019
English in Multilingual South Africa - edited by Raymond Hickey November 2019
L1 background is often described as the main factor accounting for variation in postcolonial ESL varieties. However, recent studies (e.g. Mesthrie 2009 , 2017 ) suggest that variation patterns in ESL varieties can in some cases also be linked to identity factors rooted in local patterns of intergroup relations. This study examines the interrelation between L1 background and such identity factors in the phonetic patterns found in the English varieties spoken in Namibia. The data consist of a corpus of careful style elicited via sociolinguistic interviews from an ethnically stratified sample of L2 English speaking Namibian students with Afrikaans, Bantu languages (Oshiwambo and Otjiherero), and Khoekhoeghowab as L1s. Individual speakers tend to be related in their phonetic behaviors if they share the same L1. However, some features cannot be directly attributed to L1 background, so their distribution is best read against the background of Namibian inter-ethnic relations and ethnolinguistic vitality differentials.
This paper seeks to provide a detailed sociophonetic analysis of kit vowel variation in Coloured South African English (CSAfE). 40 Coloured speakers (20 male; 20 female) from middle-class and working-class backgrounds were analysed using methods of automatic vowel measurement. 2,253 tokens of kit were isolated into phonological environments which condition the split: before and after velar consonants /k, g/, before /ŋ/, before palato-alveolar consonants /ʧ, ʃ, ʤ, ʒ/, after /h/, and word initially. Working-class CSAfE speakers displayed a wider split in the set: they used a higher and fronter variant in all conditioning environments, approximating [ɪ], while tokens in the unconditioned environments were produced in the region of [ə]. Middle-class speakers displayed a definite split, conditioned by the same environments, but with a smaller distance between the two values. The binary split maintains its vitality in this variety of South African English.
The problem of speaker normalization is investigated for classifying the Russian vowels. The known methods of normalization of formantsF 1 and F 2 which make their normalized values F 1 N and F 2 N invariant to compression or expansion and to parallel shift are mentioned. A new statistical method of normalization is then suggested. All of these methods are compared using an index of normalization quality (η). The result of the comparison shows that the normalization suggested in this letter has the largest index, not only on the average but also for each individual vowel pair. The procedure of classification of the Russian vowels using a self‐normalized formant plot is shown at the end of the letter.
This study of the South African variety of English is an exercise in the sociology of language conducted mainly within the conceptual framework and methodology created by William Labov. It accepts that social process and social structure are reflected in patterns of covariation involving linguistic and social variables, and in attitudes to different varieties of speech within the community. This premise is pursued here in its historical implications: linguistuic evidence in present-day speech patterns of earlier states of the society and of the social, political and cultural changes that have brought about the present state. The second main focus in this volume is directed at the concept of ‘standard variety’, that is the social attributes and functions of a formal speech pattern for which the status of standard might be claimed.
This volume brings together a range of studies on various aspects of English and its use in Southern Africa. Experts in their field have written chapters on topics including the history and development of English in South Africa, the characteristics of particular pan-ethnic varieties of English which have evolved in South Africa (including black, Indian and colored varieties) as well as the unique features of the English of South Africa’s southern neighbours: Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi. Other contributions focus on English in relation to issues such as standardisation, lexicography, education, language planning, language attitudes and interaction patterns. The book will be of primary interest to students of linguistics and language, but should also be relevant to educationists, sociologists and historians.
This collection brings together internationally-renowned scholars to discuss the role of British dialects in the genesis and subsequent history of postcolonial Englishes. As a result of colonization, many varieties of English now exist around the world. Considering the input of Scottish, English and Irish dialects, they examine a wide range of Englishes-including those in North and South America, South Africa, Asia, Australia, and New Zealand. They also explain why many overseas Englishes still reflect non-standard British usage from the distant past. © Cambridge University Press 2004 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Preliminaries: Extraterritorial languagesGeneral concepts An extraterritorial language (henceforth ETL) is one that has been transported from its original geographical home to another area. If we take this concept to its logical conclusion, all human languages spoken outside of East Africa are extraterritorial (henceforth ET) versions of whatever was spoken by the first anatomically modern Homo sapiens who left Africa about 60,000 years ago. This kind of historical depth is unavailable to language historians, and the notion is generally applied over relatively shorter time-spans.But it is useful in the fairly long term; for example, Icelandic, though an ‘autonomous’ language (in the sense that it is not intercomprehensible with any other Scandinavian language) still bears the marks of being ninth-century ET Norwegian; and English itself (in all its varieties) could be considered to be ET North-Sea Germanic, since it was brought to the British Isles from the continent in the fifth century; indeed this origin accounts for the particular features it shares with Frisian in particular, Dutch, and somewhat less with German. Its ET origin is the key that unlocks its prehistory. © Cambridge University Press 2004 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
IN MY PAPER I discuss language and social history, in particular how change in language, which is a continuous process, reflects, in many quite subtle ways, historical changes. Language changes because society changes. Social change can, in fact, be seen to have conditioned many well-documented linguistic changes. I shall show later how certain social changes are linked to linguistic changes in English as it has developed in this country over a century and a half.
Systematic manipulation of the first and second-formant transitions of synthetic vowels was carried out with the Haskins Laboratory pattern playback. Optimal second-formant loci were determined for the voiced stops,
b, d, and
g, to be at 720, 1800, and about 1200 cps, respectively. These loci were relatively independent of the steady-state level of the first formant or of the extent of the first-formant transition. For recognition of these voiced stops, however, the second formant transition should "point to" these loci rather than include the entire transition from the consonant loci to the steady-state vowel level. The first-formant locus was the same for all of the voiced stops. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In this article, I will argue for the use of the epsilon symbol in the lexical dress set (which includes words like step, ready, said, shelf etc.) for RP. The need for this paper arises from the fact that many, but by no means all, dictionaries and linguistic treatises employ the [ē] symbol and that this symbol is neither the most accurate nor a particularly useful one, especially for foreign learners of English. An examination of current usage and its historical rationale (or lack thereof) is followed by articulatory and perceptual evidence for the dress vowel being close to the third cardinal vowel, more practical arguments, and a discussion of the issues raised.
Accents of English is about the way English is pronounced by different people in different places. Volume 1 provides a synthesizing introduction, which shows how accents vary not only geographically, but also with social class, formality, sex and age; and in volumes 2 and 3 the author examines in greater depth the various accents used by people who speak English as their mother tongue: the accents of the regions of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland (volume 2), and of the USA, Canada, the West Indies, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, India, Black Africa and the Far East (volume 3). Each volume can be read independently, and together they form a major scholarly survey, of considerable originality, which not only includes descriptions of hitherto neglected accents, but also examines the implications for phonological theory. Readers will find the answers to many questions: Who makes 'good' rhyme with 'mood'? Which accents have no voiced sibilants? How is a Canadian accent different from an American one, a New Zealand one from an Australian one, a Jamaican one from a Barbadian one? What are the historical reasons for British-American pronunciation differences? What sound changes are currently in progress in New York, in London, in Edinburgh? Dr Wells his written principally for students of linguistics, phonetics and English language, but the motivated general reader will also find the study both fascinating and rewarding.
This study tests whether potential differences in the perceptual robustness of speech sounds influence continuous-speech processes. Two phoneme-monitoring experiments examined place assimilation in Korean. In Experiment 1, Koreans monitored for targets which were either labials (/p,m/) or alveolars (/t,n/), and which were either unassimilated or assimilated to a following /k/ in two-word utterances. Listeners detected unaltered (unassimilated) labials faster and more accurately than assimilated labials; there was no such advantage for unaltered alveolars. In Experiment 2, labial–velar differences were tested using conditions in which /k/ and /p/ were illegally assimilated to a following /t/. Unassimilated sounds were detected faster than illegally assimilated sounds, but this difference tended to be larger for /k/ than for /p/. These place-dependent asymmetries suggest that differences in the perceptual robustness of segments play a role in shaping phonological patterns.
Phonetic Symbol Guide is a comprehensive and authoritative encyclopedia of phonetic alphabet symbols, providing a complete survey of the hundreds of characters used by linguists and speech scientists to record the sounds of the world's languages. This fully revised second edition incorporates the major revisions to the International Phonetic Alphabet made in 1989 and 1993. Also covered are the American tradition of transcription stemming from the anthropological school of Franz Boas; the Bloch/Smith/Trager style of transcription; the symbols used by dialectologists of the English language; usages of specialists such as Slavicists, Indologists, Sinologists, and Africanists; and the transcription proposals found in all major textbooks of phonetics. With sixty-one new entries, an expanded glossary of phonetic terms, added symbol charts, and a full index, this book will be an indispensable reference guide for students and professionals in linguistics, phonetics, anthropology, philology, modern language study, and speech science.
Thesis (Ph.D. (English))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2009. This thesis provides a comparative analysis of vowel quality in South African English (SAE) using the following data: firstly, the existing impressionistic literature on SAE and other relevant accents of English, the former of which is subject to a critical review; secondly, acoustic data from a similar range of accents, including new SAE data, collected and instrumentally analyzed specifically for the purposes of this research. These various data are used to position, on both a descriptive and theoretical level, the SAE vowel system. In addition, and in the service of providing a careful reconstruction of the linguistic history of this variety, it offers a three-stage koin´eization model which helps, in many respects, to illuminate the respective roles played by endogenous and exogenous factors in SAE’s development. More generally, the analysis is focussed on rendering explicit the extent to which the synchronic status and diachronic development of SAE more generally, and SAE vowel quality more particularly, provides support for a number of descriptive and theoretical frameworks, including those provided in Labov (1994), Torgersen and Kerswill (2004), Trudgill (2004) and Schneider (2003; 2007). With respect to these frameworks, and based on the results of the analysis, it proposes an extension to Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model, shows Trudgill’s (2004) model of new-dialect formation to be inadequate in accounting for some of the SAE data, provides evidence that SAE is a possibly imminent but ‘conservative’ member of Torgersen and Kerswill’s (2004) SECS-Shift and uses SAE data to question the applicability of the SECS-Shift to FOOT-Fronting. Furthermore, this thesis provides evidence that SAE has undergone an indexicallydriven arrestment of the Diphthong and Southern Shifts and a subsequent and related diffusion of GenSAE values at the expense of BrSAE ones. Similarly, it shows that SAE’s possible participation in the SECS-Shift constitutes an effective chain-shift reversal ‘from above’. It stresses that, in order to understand such phenomena, recourse needs to be made to a theory of indexicality that takes into account the unique sociohistorical development of SAE and its speakers. Lastly, the adoption of the three-stage koin´eization model mentioned above highlights the merits of considering both endogenous and exogenous factors in the historical reconstruction of new-dialect formation and, for research into SAE in particular, strengthens the case for further investigation into the possible effects of 19th-century Afrikaans/Dutch, Yiddish and north-of-English dialects on the formation of modern SAE.
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