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Masculine Status, Sexual Performance, and the Sexual Stigmatization of Women

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Abstract

Collegiate hookup culture advances ideas of masculinity but contradicts notions of appropriate feminine sexuality. Drawing on focus group and interview data with college students, I examine how a group of class- and race-privileged fraternity men face dilemmas as they enact a group constructed masculinity focused on sexual performance and the objectification of women. I employ a symbolic interactionist framework to illustrate how men, attentive to peer status yet anxious about the sexual stigmatization of women, draw on cultural ideas about appropriate feminine sexuality as they account for their approaches to sex and women (both with whom they interact sexually and how) along a range of intimacy—from hookups to committed relationships. I demonstrate that heterosexual interaction does not unequivocally link to masculine status and that men sometimes strive to limit the impact of casual sex or avoid it altogether.

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... In this article, I discuss attempts to recruit young adults in the United States who belong to the "millennial" generationwhich refers here to those born between 1982and 1993. In 2014 young adults between the ages of 22 and 32 as part of a larger project examining intimacy. Contrary to previous generations, millennials have experienced a rapid proliferation of digital technological advancement throughout their formative developmental years (Myers & Sadaghiani, 2010). Digital technologies-including laptop computers, s ...
... Substantively, the larger purpose of the project for which I sought participants was to explore young adults' intimate relationship experiences and to specifically address "older" (age 22 and above) and postcollegiate millennials' intimate lives and experiences. This was a response to the large number of research studies documenting the intimate lives of younger millennials and college students (see, e.g., Sweeney, 2014;Wade, 2017;Wilkins & Dalessandro, 2013) and a relative dearth of studies examining millennial young adults in their 20s and early 30s. While the participants interviewed for the project did discuss the influence of digital technologies on their intimate lives, in this article, I focus specifically on how digital technologies assisted in participant recruitment. ...
... Although ambitious, the reason I sought out a diverse sample is that among qualitative research studies on young adults in the United States, diverse samples are rare. In the past, many studies have focused on young adults from largely homogenous classed, raced, gendered, and sexual identity locations (see, e.g., Bell, 2013;Dalessandro, 2017;Dalessandro & Wilkins, 2017;Ray & Rosow, 2010;Silva, 2012Silva, , 2013Sweeney, 2014;Wilkins, 2012). Because I sought to explore, within the context of one study, how different identities might impact young adults' experiences, I tried to obtain as diverse a sample as possible. ...
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While some research has explored the use of Craigslist or other digital technologies to recruit research participants, little social science research has reflected on how digital technologies and Internet websites might be useful specifically for recruiting millennials. In this article, I discuss attempts to recruit millennial study participants through both digital and nondigital methods. Based on these attempts, I come to the conclusion that because U.S. millennials’ social worlds are increasingly intertwined with digital technologies, this group of young people search for a range of opportunities and experiences primarily using digital means. Therefore, in order to recruit millennial participants in the United States most successfully, social researchers should consider using digital technologies.
... Culturally prescribed sexual scripts portray men as always interested in and ready for sexual activity. According to these scripts, men's sexual performance is evidence of their masculinity; if they do not show strong sexual interest, their masculinity might be questioned (Pascoe, 2005;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005). Thus, many men and women enter college with different "sexual agendas" (Armstrong et al., 2006, p. 483). ...
... The sexual double standard (Muehlenhard, Sakaluk, & Esterline, 2015) also complicates women's and men's sexual choices. Many young women want to have fun, to fit in, and to be popular; however, women who engage in sex freely or who "flaunt" their sexuality are sometime labeled "sluts" or "whores" (Armstrong et al., 2006;Sweeney, 2014). In contrast, men gain social status by having numerous sexual partners, gaining labels such as "player" or "stud" (DeSantis, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). ...
... Many young women want to have fun, to fit in, and to be popular; however, women who engage in sex freely or who "flaunt" their sexuality are sometime labeled "sluts" or "whores" (Armstrong et al., 2006;Sweeney, 2014). In contrast, men gain social status by having numerous sexual partners, gaining labels such as "player" or "stud" (DeSantis, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). Women might feel pressured to refuse sex-even sex that they desire-to avoid negative social repercussions (Hamilton & Armstrong, 2009). ...
Article
In 2014, U.S. president Barack Obama announced a White House Task Force to Protect Students From Sexual Assault, noting that “one in five women on college campuses has been sexually assaulted during their time there.” Since then, this one-in-five statistic has permeated public discourse. It is frequently reported, but some commentators have criticized it as exaggerated. Here, we address the question, “What percentage of women are sexually assaulted while in 15 college?” After discussing definitions of sexual assault, we systematically review available data, focusing on studies that used large, representative samples of female undergraduates and multiple behaviorally specific questions. We conclude that one in five is a reasonably accurate average across women and campuses. We also review studies that are inappropriately cited as either supporting or debunking the one-in-five statistic; we explain why they do not adequately address 20 this question. We identify and evaluate several assumptions implicit in the public discourse (e.g., the assumption that college students are at greater risk than nonstudents). Given the empirical support for the one-in-five statistic, we suggest that the controversy occurs because of misunderstandings about studies’ methods and results and because this topic has implications for gender relations, power, and sexuality; this controversy is ultimately about values.
... Nevertheless, it powerfully shapes college social life for participants and non-participants (Currier 2013;Sweeney 2014b;Wade 2017). Like the intimacy norms that predated it, hookup culture disproportionately benefits the privileged (i.e., White, heterosexual, able-bodied, middle/ upper class men) and helps reproduce pre-existing hegemonic power differentials between men and women across race, class, and other status categories (Allison and Risman 2014;Currier 2013;Hamilton and Armstrong 2009;Rupp et al. 2013;Sweeney 2014a;Wilkins 2012). By reinforcing the perceived naturalness of masculine sexual assertion and feminine passivity/gatekeeping, hookup culture perpetuates intersectional patterns in gender inequality. ...
... It benefits men more than women. Men have disproportionate control over the timing, location, and sexual pleasure of a hookup (Armstrong et al. 2012;Butler 2013;Sweeney 2014a;Wade 2017) and gain status for hooking up (Kimmel 2008;Wade 2017). Benefits for men and women were also unequally distributed by race and class. ...
... Men typically control the terms of a hookup (Bogle 2008;Wade 2017), are far more likely to experience sexual pleasure (Armstrong et al. 2012), and are more likely to socially benefit from pursuing a large number of sexual interactions with different women partners (Currier 2013;Wade 2017). They are not exempt from the social risks associated with hooking up with an undesirable partner, but they retain more power than women do to redefine less-thanperfect hookups in ways that elevate their social status (Currier 2013;Sweeney 2014a). Women, on the other hand, are less likely to initiate a hookup or to control the experience. ...
Article
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The present study provides the first known systematic examination of the association of hookup culture endorsement and rape myth acceptance. Multivariate regression analysis was conducted to test the primary hypothesis that hookup culture endorsement would be the primary predictor of rape myth acceptance levels among a sample of 422 U.S. college students. Findings indicated the existence of a complex relationship in which rape myth acceptance increases or decreases based upon the form of hookup culture endorsement examined. Beliefs that hookups are harmless and elevate social status increased rape myth acceptance, whereas beliefs that hookups express sexual freedom decreased rape myth acceptance. Furthermore, results supported the hypothesis that hookup culture endorsement was the largest predictor of rape myth acceptance. Consistent with previous studies, the predictive power of gender and religiosity in determining levels of rape myth acceptance were shown to be significant. When controlling for levels of hookup culture endorsement, the explanatory power of these variables decreased, and hookup culture endorsement had the largest effect upon rape myth acceptance levels.
... While women, like men, are expected to be interested in hookups (Reid et al., 2011), they must also safeguard their sexual reputations and provide the emotion work in relationships (Wilkins and Dalessandro, 2013). Usually, women who engage in ''too much'' casual sex pay a social price by being labeled a ''slut'' and otherwise being stigmatized (Sweeney, 2014). These confusing, contradictory expectations continue to plague women's intimate lives post-college as well (Bell, 2013). ...
... Hamilton and Armstrong's (2009) research finds that even if women are able to use ''hooking up'' to their advantage, such as by finding intimacy without having to commit to a time-consuming relationship, they must still navigate the hookup scene carefully so as to avoid the ''slut'' label. Sweeney's (2014) research on college men finds that men do, in fact, evaluate and scrutinize college women based on women's sexual practices. Sweeney's research on college men sits alongside evidence that women also scrutinize each other for their sexual practices (Hamilton, 2007;Wilkins and Dalessandro, 2013). ...
... Despite gains made in gender equity in the last century, young women continue to be overwhelmed by a sexual double standard (Bell, 2013;Hamilton and Armstrong, 2009). Women's worth is still judged, in part, by evaluations of their sexual activities (Sweeney, 2014). In concurrence with these judgments, many women continue to opt in to monogamous relationships in college even if these relationships are not advantageous to them (Holland and Eisenhart, 1992;Wilkins and Dalessandro, 2013). ...
Article
In this article, I explore how 28 class-advantaged, young “emerging” adult women and men in the USA utilize understandings of their own intimate lives to make sense of themselves as adults in progress. Young adults who envision normative relationship futures (monogamous marriage) use a cultural story of coming to realize the importance of emotional monogamy over sex in order to make sense of themselves as becoming mature (getting closer to marriage). However, women’s accounts reveal difficulty in the implementation of this dominant understanding in their own lives. Since women are always expected to be naturally emotional, regardless of age or personal preferences, realizing the importance of emotions in relationships does not apply well to their experiences. In an attempt to reconcile the conflict between gender and the dominant cultural story, women simultaneously police other women’s sexual activity and frame their own casual sex experiences in emotional terms. Dominant understandings of coming to maturity through realizing the importance of emotions work best for men only, leaving questions as to how women might make sense of themselves as mature (or not) through their relationships.
... Culturally prescribed sexual scripts portray men as always interested in and ready for sexual activity. According to these scripts, men's sexual performance is evidence of their masculinity; if they do not show strong sexual interest, their masculinity might be questioned (Pascoe, 2005;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005). Thus, many men and women enter college with different "sexual agendas" (Armstrong et al., 2006, p. 483). ...
... The sexual double standard (Muehlenhard, Sakaluk, & Esterline, 2015) also complicates women's and men's sexual choices. Many young women want to have fun, to fit in, and to be popular; however, women who engage in sex freely or who "flaunt" their sexuality are sometime labeled "sluts" or "whores" (Armstrong et al., 2006;Sweeney, 2014). In contrast, men gain social status by having numerous sexual partners, gaining labels such as "player" or "stud" (DeSantis, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). ...
... Many young women want to have fun, to fit in, and to be popular; however, women who engage in sex freely or who "flaunt" their sexuality are sometime labeled "sluts" or "whores" (Armstrong et al., 2006;Sweeney, 2014). In contrast, men gain social status by having numerous sexual partners, gaining labels such as "player" or "stud" (DeSantis, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). Women might feel pressured to refuse sex-even sex that they desire-to avoid negative social repercussions (Hamilton & Armstrong, 2009). ...
... Culturally prescribed sexual scripts portray men as always interested in and ready for sexual activity. According to these scripts, men's sexual performance is evidence of their masculinity; if they do not show strong sexual interest, their masculinity might be questioned (Pascoe, 2005;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005). Thus, many men and women enter college with different "sexual agendas" (Armstrong et al., 2006, p. 483). ...
... The sexual double standard (Muehlenhard, Sakaluk, & Esterline, 2015) also complicates women's and men's sexual choices. Many young women want to have fun, to fit in, and to be popular; however, women who engage in sex freely or who "flaunt" their sexuality are sometime labeled "sluts" or "whores" (Armstrong et al., 2006;Sweeney, 2014). In contrast, men gain social status by having numerous sexual partners, gaining labels such as "player" or "stud" (DeSantis, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). ...
... Many young women want to have fun, to fit in, and to be popular; however, women who engage in sex freely or who "flaunt" their sexuality are sometime labeled "sluts" or "whores" (Armstrong et al., 2006;Sweeney, 2014). In contrast, men gain social status by having numerous sexual partners, gaining labels such as "player" or "stud" (DeSantis, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). Women might feel pressured to refuse sex-even sex that they desire-to avoid negative social repercussions (Hamilton & Armstrong, 2009). ...
Article
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Headlines publicize controversies about sexual assault among college students, and universities face pressure to revise their sexual consent policies. What can the social science literature contribute to this discussion? In this article, we briefly discuss reasons for the recent upsurge in attention to these issues, the prevalence of sexual assault among college students, and aspects of college life that increase the risk of sexual assault and complicate sexual consent. We then review the conceptual challenges of defining sexual consent and the empirical research on how young people navigate sexual consent in their daily lives, focusing primarily on studies of U.S. and Canadian students. Integrating these conceptual issues and research findings, we discuss implications for consent policies, and we present five principles that could be useful for thinking about consent. Finally, we discuss some of the limitations of the existing research and suggest directions for future research.
... While hookups appear to be a gender egalitarian endeavor, compared to men, women are more prone to emotional distress after hookups due their greater desire for a romantic relationship, an enduring sexual double standard where women are judged more harshly for sexual behavior, and pressure from men to go further than they want sexually (Allison and Risman 2013;Hamilton and Armstrong 2009;Heldman and Wade 2010;Owen et al. 2010). Qualitative data show that college men sort women into types of women (e.g., sluts, girlfriend material, etc.) through interactions during hookups and use these categories to decide if she "deserves" respect (Ray and Rosow 2010;Sweeney 2014). Such categorizations, which draw on sexist stereotypes, may be related to sexual assault. ...
... Despite women's newfound freedom to hook up with "no strings attached," studies show gender inequality still reigns through the prioritization of male pleasure and the maligning of women perceived as promiscuous (England et al. 2007;Hamilton and Armstrong 2009). Men may draw on sexist discourse on campus and use it to categorize their hookup partners in certain ways (Ray and Rosow 2010;Sweeney 2014). If we combine and extend these theories of sexual assault-social capital and sexist categorization-it may provide a better understanding for why knowing a partner matters. ...
... If we combine and extend these theories of sexual assault-social capital and sexist categorization-it may provide a better understanding for why knowing a partner matters. For example, if a woman hooks up with a man she does not know well, perhaps he categorizes her as someone who is "low status" and, therefore, less deserving of sexual respect (Armstrong et al. 2006;Sweeney 2014). ...
Article
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This article takes a new approach to the study of college sexual assault by conducting an analysis of female students’ most recent “hookup.” By isolating a particular hookup event and examining the features of that event, I am able to examine predictors of sexual assault during hookups. My analysis focuses on the implications of alcohol consumption and knowing a male partner before a hookup, while controlling for multiple individual, school, and situational characteristics, using data from the Online College Social Life Survey collected 2005–2011. In my sample, 2.4% of women experienced sexual assault during their most recent hookup. Results show women do not experience an increased risk of physically forced intercourse until they have consumed nine or more drinks. In addition, women were more likely to report sexual assault during a hookup with a man they did not know well. Together, these findings suggest that men are more likely to assault women who are drunk, possibly because the double standard has made them respect such women less, or because they target women who are likely unable to resist or recall what happened. It also appears that the “in-network stranger” may be the individual most dangerous to women in college hookups.
... Men may engage in sexually objectifying talk, or what Curry (1991: 128) calls, 'women-as-object stories', where women are referred to in terms of objects of sexual conquests and othered as 'them' within competitively braggadocious storytelling (Bird, 1996;Curry, 1991;Flood, 2008;Grazian, 2007). As scholars note, however, such stories are less about sexual desire and the 'truth' of them, than functioning as heterosexual signifiers (Curry, 1991;Sweeney, 2014). In this paper, these themes are similarly invoked by young people, but with the addition of an explanation that focuses on men's negotiation of role taking with women as a further moderating factor in perpetration of sexual harassment and violence. ...
... As Laura also noted, this talk can also encompass 'boys talking to each other about oh, I did this, I did that', or as Liam put it, 'boasting about sexual exploits'. As these quotes suggest, status within male peer groups can be built upon heterosexuality, marked by claims about multiple sexual conquests and experiences of different forms of sexual activity (Grazian, 2007;Sweeney, 2014). ...
... While this extract is not about verbal objectification that is directed towards any particular woman, it is problematic insofar as such talk provides and contributes to the formative context for more embodied and direct forms of harassing behaviour against women. As per the expectations of 'morning after' stories of heterosexual conquests among undergraduate men (Boswell and Spade, 1996), Phillip suggests that young men of early secondary school age may both expect to be asked and are expected to ask their peers about heterosexual encounters after discos (Sweeney, 2014). As we will see in the next section, Phillip points out that young men must have a positive answer, namely, one that is greater than zero. ...
Article
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This paper explores how young people (aged 18–24 years) in Ireland attribute young men's sexual harassment and violence against women both to the situational demands of what we call ‘heteromasculine homosociality’ and young men's negotiation of role taking with women. Interpreting young people's explanations for sexual violence, the paper argues that through different forms of sexual harassment and violence, women are (ab)used to cement the heterosexual bonds between men. The argument is explored by drawing on young people's explanations of three forms of sexual harassment and violence: verbal violence, unwanted sexual touching and assault and image-based sexual abuse. The data comes from 28 interviews with young people as part of a European-funded research study that aims to explore both the discourses that young people use in their understandings of gender and violence against women and how young men may be supported in combatting violence against women. Among other implications, we suggest that as well as deconstructing attitudes towards women, prevention work and interventions with men must also focus on men's beliefs about the normative basis for masculine status and belonging between men.
... Though scholars recognize the importance of interactions for both guiding and reinforcing hegemonic masculinity in a given space (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005), how men's views of women help shore up hegemonic masculinities-especially in sexually intimate contextsremains underexplored (see Sweeney 2014). This is interesting considering that many ideals associated with collegiate hegemonic masculinity in intimacy and in our research space-including the pursuit of casual sex and leaving emotional work up to partners-involve women (see Seabrook, Ward, and Giaccardi 2018). ...
... With both his statements, harrison outlined which traits differentiate women who are "safe" hookups from those who are not by relying on class-and race-coded language, such as how women "present" themselves. Thus, consistent with previous work indicating the importance of social class to college women's social status (Armstrong and hamilton 2013;Bettie 2003;Sweeney 2014), harrison's quote reflects the assumption that traits indicating high-status sexual partners translate into safer encounters. harrison's quotes construct a distinction between "well-off" women and women who are "sluts," implying that well-off women are more desirable as partners because they are not "slutty." ...
Article
Condom use among college men in the United States is notoriously erratic, yet we know little about these men’s approaches to other contraceptives. In this paper, accounts from 44 men attending a university in the western United States reveal men’s reliance on culturally situated ideas about gender, social class, race, and age in assessing the risk of pregnancy and STI acquisition in sexual encounters with women. Men reason that race- and class-privileged college women are STI-free, responsible for contraception, and will pursue abortion services if necessary. Since men expect women will take responsibility, they often stay silent about condoms and other contraceptives in sexual encounters—a process we term “strategic silence.” Men’s strategic silence helps uphold local constructions of hegemonic masculinity that prioritize men’s sexual desires and protects these constructions by subtly shifting contraceptive and sexual health responsibility onto women. Our analysis demonstrates the importance of men’s expectations of women for upholding constructions of hegemonic masculinity, which legitimate gender inequality in intimacy and are related to men’s underestimation of the risks associated with condom-free sex.
... Therefore, students' implicit meanings of consent reflect divergent expectations for men and women. In this way, our findings align with previous work finding that men and women often internalize a sexual script that places men as the sexual initiators (Sweeney, 2014;Werner & LaRussa, 1985) and women as the sexual gatekeepers (Grauerholz & Serpe, 1985;Jozkowski, 2011;Wiederman, 2005). ...
... These scripts often pattern interactions in detrimental ways. Men and women may internalize these scripts for the appropriate behavior with men as the sexual initiators, as part of their masculinity performance (Sweeney, 2014) and women acting as guardians or gatekeepers of sexuality by setting limits for sexual encounters (Grauerholz & Serpe, 1985;La France, 2010;Wiederman, 2005). Students' references to pushing boundaries, a lack of physical resistance, and seclusion suggest that a traditional sexual script is still prevalent on college campuses. ...
Article
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At a moment when college sexual assault is described as an epidemic, it is important to understand college students’ implicit meanings of consent. Through 83 interviews, we examine students’ interpretations of a vignette in which neither character asked nor gave consent to sex. Gendered expectations significantly shaped whether students interpreted the male or female character as giving consent. When considering how students indicate interest in kissing or having sex, students interpreted acts such as leaving a party as indications of a man’s sexual interest and a woman’s willingness. That is, college students “expected” and employed implicit, gendered readings of actions that inform their understandings of implicit consent.
... Increases in women's education and earning power should contribute to declining inequality (Ciabattari 2001;Graf and Schwartz 2011), yet gendered rules and expectations still permeate intimate relationships (Bogle 2008;England 2010;Sassler and Miller 2011). Women must reconcile their goals of equality with the reality of men's continued control over most aspects of courtship and relationships (Bell 2013;Bogle 2008;Lamont 2013), while men continue to experience, and act upon, masculinized forms of dominance in their relationships with women (Kimmel 2008;Lamont 2015;Pyke 1996;Sweeney 2014). Even in the intimate relationships of young U.S. adults with egalitarian expectations (Gerson 2010), gendered courtship rituals and expectations of sexual conduct persist (Lamont 2013;Sweeney 2014). ...
... Women must reconcile their goals of equality with the reality of men's continued control over most aspects of courtship and relationships (Bell 2013;Bogle 2008;Lamont 2013), while men continue to experience, and act upon, masculinized forms of dominance in their relationships with women (Kimmel 2008;Lamont 2015;Pyke 1996;Sweeney 2014). Even in the intimate relationships of young U.S. adults with egalitarian expectations (Gerson 2010), gendered courtship rituals and expectations of sexual conduct persist (Lamont 2013;Sweeney 2014). Pointing to the absence of structural support for egalitarian relationships, Gerson (2010) found that when egalitarianism is not an option, men are much more likely to choose traditional gender arrangements than women. ...
Article
While young people today expect gender equity in relationships, inequality persists. In this article, we use interviews with 25 young adults (ages 22 to 32) to investigate the link between gender meanings, age meanings, and continued inequality in relationships. Middle-class young adults tell relationship stories in a gender and age context that both reflect and perpetuate ideas about adult masculinity and femininity. While women often tell stories of poor treatment in relationships, they are able to reclaim agency over their experiences and believe that they can solve their relationship problems by understanding their experiences as part of the normative path to adult womanhood. In contrast, men are able to explain their bad relationship behavior by attributing that behavior to youth and immaturity. By telling these stories, both women and men imagine that growing up will fix gender inequalities, obfuscating the persistence of gender inequalities in later adulthood. This work sheds light on the way narratives of age contribute to the persistence of gender inequality in romantic relationships.
... Believing hookups promote status is the strongest predictor of female rape myth acceptance among men and women and the sole common predictor of male rape myth acceptance among men and women. Previous research illustrates hooking up with the right men and strategically deploying vague "hookup" language to downplay the level of physical intimacy they engage in with casual partners can elevate women's social status on college campuses (Currier, 2013;Sweeney, 2014aSweeney, , 2014bWade, 2017). For men, cultural norms around masculinity make hooking up an easy status elevator: the more hookups they have, the better (Kalish, 2013;Kimmel, 2008;Sweeney, 2014aSweeney, , 2014bWade, 2017). ...
... Previous research illustrates hooking up with the right men and strategically deploying vague "hookup" language to downplay the level of physical intimacy they engage in with casual partners can elevate women's social status on college campuses (Currier, 2013;Sweeney, 2014aSweeney, , 2014bWade, 2017). For men, cultural norms around masculinity make hooking up an easy status elevator: the more hookups they have, the better (Kalish, 2013;Kimmel, 2008;Sweeney, 2014aSweeney, , 2014bWade, 2017). In addition, men can strategically use vague "hookup" language to overstate the level of intimacy that occurs in their casual sexual encounters, thereby elevating their status among peers (Currier, 2013;Kalish, 2013;Wade, 2017). ...
Article
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The present study systematically assesses the influence of hookup culture endorsement on the acceptance of female rape myths (i.e., false, stereotypical, or prejudicial beliefs regarding sexual assault involving female survivors) and male rape myths (i.e., false, stereotypical, or prejudicial beliefs about sexual assault involving male survivors). Multivariate regression analyses were conducted to assess the primary hypotheses that a particular form of hookup culture endorsement (i.e., the belief that hookups elevate an individual's social status) would act as the primary predictor of male and female rape myth acceptance among a sample of 376 U.S. college students. As with prior research, a complex relationship emerged for both male and female rape mythology in which acceptance increases or decreases based upon the form of hookup culture endorsement examined, as the endorsement of beliefs reflecting heterosexual power dynamics (e.g., harmlessness and status attainment) functioned as positive predictors of rape myth acceptance, while beliefs challenging such assumptions (e.g., sexual freedom) served to decrease rape myth acceptance. Results supported the primary hypotheses that beliefs concerning hookups and status attainment would be the largest predictor of male rape myth acceptance and female rape myth acceptance. Consistent with prior research, the predictive power of gender and religiosity
... Gender inequality appears to be especially evident when men/boys convey their heterosexual status by sexually objectifying women/girls (Martin and Kazyak 2009;Quinn 2002;Renold 2003). This objectification can happen when men offer public comments on what they would like to do sexually with women (Kimmel 2008;Pascoe 2007;Quinn 2002) or on sexual experiences they have had with women (Currier 2013;Pascoe 2007;Sweeney 2014). Sexual objectification of women is also common when men post sexualized images of women (Davis 1997;Kian et al. 2011) or gather with other men to view such images (Davis 1997;Flood 2008). ...
... Our findings also contribute to the voluminous research on the various ways that many men sexually objectify women. Similar to us, other scholars have found evidence of men bragging about the women with whom they had sex (Currier 2013;Sweeney 2014), emphatically announcing the sexual acts in which they hope to engage with women (Elder et al. 2012;Kimmel 2008;Quinn 2002), posting sexualized images of women, and consuming sexualized images of women with other men (Flood 2008;Kian et al. 2011). We add to this literature on sexual objectification by illustrating that some forms of heterosexual marking by men involve sexual objectification. ...
Article
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Heterosexual marking occurs when people behave in ways that are interpreted by others as evidence of heterosexuality. In an exploratory comprehensive study of this phenomenon, we conducted 12 focus groups with 57 individuals: four groups composed of heterosexual women, four composed of heterosexual men, and four composed of mixed-gender sexual minorities. In this article, we present our findings on participant conceptions of heterosexual marking that are related to gender stereotypes, gender differences, and gender inequality. Much of the heterosexual marking described by our participants reflects and reinforces stereotypes that equate gender conformity and heterosexuality. Our data suggest that heterosexual marking by men/boys and women/girls differs in several ways, including gender conformity, sexual prejudice, extent of marking, and types of marking. Furthermore, some aspects and types of heterosexual marking described by our participants reflect and reinforce gender inequality. As a result, our discussion notes some problematic implications of the heterosexual marking we describe, including rendering gender non-conformity among heterosexuals invisible and unacceptable, supporting discrimination against gender non-conformity, and more directly reinforcing gender inequality.
... Men also experience implicit societal pressures to engage in frequent sexual behavior to obtain and preserve their masculine image (Murray, 2018;Sweeney, 2014). Gendered sexual scripts portray men as always interested in and ready for sex (with multiple partners), and their sexual performance is believed to be evidence of their masculinity (Muehlenhard et al., 2016). ...
... Gendered sexual scripts portray men as always interested in and ready for sex (with multiple partners), and their sexual performance is believed to be evidence of their masculinity (Muehlenhard et al., 2016). Men who do not demonstrate and act on this sexual interest risk having their masculinity questioned (Pascoe, 2007;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005). The salience of this gendered script was demonstrated in the current study, with both men and women emphasizing men's role as sexual pursuer who is always "ready for sex." ...
Article
Introduction: Withdrawing consent for sex may be difficult for young women due to gendered sexual scripts and male persistence. Method: 40 students from Canadian universities (31 women; Mean age = 20.20 years; 75% heterosexual) were asked open-ended questions about sexual experiences and consent; data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: Women perceived that: (1) women were responsible for communicating consent, (2) they were unaware it was acceptable to withdraw consent or did not know how to, (3) male partners often persisted in response to withdrawal of consent, and (4) these experiences factored into compliance. Conclusion: Sexual consent education, at least in North America, should increase emphasis on withdrawing consent.
... 606). Sweeney (2014a;2014b) found that party and hook up discourses (i.e., drinking, fun, adventure, heterosexual competence) vary according to class and ethnicity backgrounds among fraternity men. More privileged men's discourses were based on recklessness, while less privileged men's were based on choice and responsibility. ...
Article
Most studies on casual sexual relationships and experiences (CSREs) are quantitative and focus on characteristics of individuals who experience them. There has been an increase in qualitative research on CSREs that have revealed new insights into how they are experienced among young adults. To synthesize qualitative knowledge on how CSREs are experienced, a qualitative metasynthesis was carried out using 13 studies published up to June, 2015, yielding seven conceptual categories. Opportunities and choices regarding CSREs were organized according to biographical context, socioenvironmental context, and peer norms. Expectations of CSREs related to lack of communication, emotional, and sexual commitment or accountability. Implicit rules allowed maintaining boundaries between sex and emotion. Thus, CSREs can satisfy various needs related to sex and intimacy. Sex in CSREs was reported as pleasure-centred, accessible, and improved when experienced in association with intimacy. However, intimacy and gender roles interfered with condom use. The sexual double standard and gender roles limited women's agency and enjoyment of sex. Expectations for the lack of intimacy and communication conflicted with developing unrequited feelings, resulting in self-blame and attempts to suppress emotions. While partners may have a hard time defining their relationship over time, some CSREs involved developing friendships or romance, and ruining friendships. The results indicate a clash between expectations, rules, and experiences of CSREs. The lack of symbolic markers for the meaning or status of CSREs as they develop can be seen as a consequence of the complexity of these relationships.
... Typically, they wanted their male friends to see them making out with a "hot" woman so that they would get compliments, approval, and improved social status. Consistent with Sweeney's (2014) argument that some college men "sort women sexually" (p. 373)-evaluating women based on how much having sex with them would enhance men's status among other men-many of the men in our sample emphasized how attractive or "hot" their make-out partner was. ...
Article
People engage in sexual behavior for many reasons, some of which require an audience (e.g., arousing onlookers, making someone jealous). In this study, we investigated the prevalence, motivations, and outcomes of young people's experiences with performative making out-making out with someone and wanting others to see. Of the 155 female and 194 male college students who completed the online questionnaire, 32% of the women and 37% of the men reported having done this, often before entering college. Significantly more women than men reported same-sex performative experiences. We used thematic analysis to identify themes in the qualitative data. Participants' motivations included enhancing their image, causing jealousy or envy, demonstrating a relationship, sexually arousing men, and participating in fun and games. Men reported that their reputations were enhanced more often than damaged; women reported the opposite pattern. These results provide insights into the functions of sexual behavior as a means of communication and highlight gender differences consistent with problematic cultural belief systems such as "slut shaming," victim blaming, and sexual double standards.
... Like talk about business-for-profit in Don Gabriel's account, talk about physical intimacy outside of a relationship is central to a variety of language-mediated, identityenacting social activities. On college campuses, where much of the research on "hookup culture" has taken place, such talk ranges from tales of sexual exploits that mediate homosocial relations (DeSantis, 2007;Flood, 2008;Knight et al., 2012;Sweeney, 2014) to badmouthing those involved in hookups (e.g., "slut shaming"; Armstrong, Hamilton, Armstrong, & Seeley, 2014;Crawford & Popp, 2003;Eder, 1995) to assessing the status of relationships and strategizing about the future. Much like the Spanish lexicon of business-for-profit, the use of terms like hookup and fuck buddy alone do not serve to constitute a voice: two completely opposed perspectives on hooking up constituting two distinct voices-for instance, that of the "sexual conquistador" bragging of their own hookups and that of the "slut shamer" pointing out another's-may both draw on the semantic resources afforded by these terms. ...
Article
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Varieties of “slangy” American English are intimately connected with the social identities of their users. Indeed, they are often held up by linguists and laypeople alike as examples of linguistic registers laden with "social meaning," used to signal information about their users' identities rather than communicate distinctive semantic content. Here, I argue that the semantics of slang in fact plays an important role in constituting the social meanings of slangy registers. Working with several terms of contemporary American English slang, I show that slangy English is hardly just "another way of saying the same thing" as standard English. Slang provides ways of saying semantically distinctive things. And, it is through this distinctive semantics, in part, that slang comes to take on social meaning as signs of distinctive identities.
... The harm that some women experience is not inherent to the act of hooking up itself, but is tied to the gendered features of the hookup script that place women at a disadvantage to men (Armstrong, England and Fogarty 2012;Bogle 2008;England, Shafer, and Fogarty 2008;Heldman and Wade 2010). For heterosexual students, hookup culture is organized around male privilege and male sexual pleasure (Sweeney 2014;Wade and Heldman 2010). For instance, women are more highly stigmatized than men for hooking up (Armstrong, Hamilton, and England 2010). ...
Article
Previous research has found sex-specific effects of athletic participation on young adult sexuality, with male athletes reporting increased sexual activity and female athletes reporting lower levels of sexual activity relative to non-athlete peers. Yet research has not examined sexual activity by athletic affiliation beyond quantity, nor considered the normative landscape of non-relational college sexual culture. The current paper examines the relationships between sex, athletic affiliation, and hooking up among students at 14 U.S. universities with Division I and II athletics programs. Findings show that, controlling for demographics and background characteristics, 1) male and female athletes participate in hooking up at higher rates than non-athletes, and 2) male athletes have less male dominated hookups in terms of sexual initiation. Results are discussed in terms of the increasing value similarity of men and women's collegiate sports programs.
... Other participants explained feeling conflicted with being accepted as part of the biological male subculture "fitting into the boys club" and their own socialization as female. Research on male gender-role socialization has highlighted the importance of men asserting their masculinity through various behaviors and verbalizations which grants them status and power among other men (Sweeney, 2014). Several participants enjoyed the feeling of inclusion they experienced and described a sense of pride in passing as a biological male and thus being privy to conversations that typically only males would engage in together. ...
Article
The authors examined the experiences of 11 female-to-male transsexuals. Participants described discomfort interacting with and having little to no shared experiences with cisgender men, which they attributed to prior socialization as women. Participants credited their posttransition life satisfaction to their positive self-identity. Pretransition, participants identified as lesbian, were active in the lesbian, gay, bisexual community, but currently lacked support from the community they had once belonged. As men, they expressed concerns about their unearned privileges and affirmed their attraction to women. Implications for counseling are discussed.
... Pope et al., 2000). Further, a male collegian's ability to "hook up" has a direct effect on how he is perceived as a masculine subject, especially among fraternity men (Sweeney, 2013(Sweeney, , 2014a(Sweeney, , 2014b. As body image affects college men's ability to accrue social capital, they may be under considerable pressure to exhibit the ideal male body image themselves. ...
Thesis
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**Please email me for a copy of the full document! ltmonocello@crimson.ua.edu *** This study uses cultural domain analysis to understand the similarities and differences in ideal male body image between Americans and South Koreans. The prevalence of body image and eating disorders is rising all over the world, in women and in men. Due in large part to universalist assumptions about masculinity, the ways in which men’s body image is understood across cultures are understudied. Further, cross-cultural research on body image often fails to account for the effect of cultural differences through anything more than a nominal variable. Therefore, this study demonstrates an emically valid and scientifically reliable mixed methods approach to the study of body image that can be used in multidisciplinary research to more effectively operationalize “culture.” Results show that Americans understand body ideals largely through the dimension of individual control, while South Koreans understand body ideals through the dimensions of importance and desirability. Americans also more strongly endorse the instrumental aspects of male bodies, while South Koreans focus on their ornamental qualities, reflecting differing cultural scripts for achieving and projecting masculine status. Specifically, while Americans endorse highly muscular male bodies as ideal, South Koreans endorse more slender, “prettier” male images, of which one prominent example is the kkonminam, or “beautiful flower boy.”
... Women in our study drew upon a discourse of 'shame', which connected the stigma of sex work with their intimate lives and relationships with others, such as friends and family. Given the prevalence of gendered inequality in intimate relationships (Sweeney, 2014), and given the stigmatized 'spoiled identity' (Goffman, 1963) often associated with sex work, participants' experiences in the public and private domains are complexly interconnected. ...
Article
Very little empirical work examines female sex workers’ experiences in sociological detail, particularly within an Australian context. Drawing from a small-scale sample of female sex workers in South Australia, our findings suggest that sex workers’ ongoing negotiations within private relationships represent ‘emotion work’, as described by Hochschild, which was understood as limiting the effect of stigma. Taking the lead from social scripts associated with women’s traditional roles and associated ‘feeling rules’, participants mediated their personal lives as distinct from their professional lives to navigate their way through the complex interplay between identities. This emotion work was manifest in the negotiation of intimacy. Other factors such as partner jealousy, which emerge from dual engagement in intimate and work-related sexual behaviours, were also mediated. These findings point to a broader appreciation of emotion work as dually agential and structured and undertaken by sex workers in both their home and work spheres.
... Traditional sexual scripts often incorporate gender stereo typed behaviours that actually incline individuals to engage in non-consensual sexual interactions (Ryan, 2011). For example, the traditional heterosexual script suggests that men initiate sexual activity and press for it unrelentingly (Pascoe, 2005;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005), whereas women generally are expected to be sexual gatekeepers resisting male attempts (Fine, 1988;Grose et al., 2014). The traditional role for a woman in a heterosexual sexual encounter is to be the object of desire and to act resistant to sex or say no even, potentially, when they mean yes, offering "token resistance" (Check & Malamuth, 1983;Gagnon & Simon, 1973;Muehlenhard & Hollabaugh, 1988;Muehlenhard & Rodgers, 1998). ...
Article
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Sexual activity typically follows an implicit sexual script or a normative sequence of behaviours that are involved in a sexual interaction. It is unclear whether or how affirmative sexual consent is incorporated in individual sexual scripts and interactions. The current research explores how sexual consent may be expressed and verified as part of individuals’ sexual interactions. Undergraduate participants from an Ontario university (N = 92; 58 males, 34 females) completed a series of open-ended questions that asked them to describe their sexual experiences with a new and long-term partner from beginning to end. Analysis of presence of consent-related behaviours in participants’ accounts were assessed on the basis of a priori themes and extensions of these themes. Thematic analyses identified the following themes: 1) Sex proceeding with escalating intensity of nonverbal sexual behaviour, 2) Passive behaviours that do not indicate unwillingness to have sex, 3) Indirect verbal communication of interest in sex, 4) Indications that sex “just happened,” 5) Descriptions of the context in which sex occurred, and 6) Direct discussions relevant to sexual consent. Results indicated that direct discussion of sexual consent was exceedingly rare and that most sexual interactions included indirect, veiled, and coded behaviours that require inference of sexual consent or non-consent. Consent-related themes varied as a function of both participant gender (male versus female) and nature of relationship (new versus long-term). The findings of this study have implications for sexual health education, sexual assault prevention interventions, and public policy development.
... Relatedly, the objectification and filming of the victim is also presented as an opportunity, as in "I don't really ever do skirts and uppies, but I mean look at this amazing beauty." This statement "justifies" his actions within the peer group (Sweeney, 2014). In other words, it is presumed that any member of the group would have taken the opportunity in this situation. ...
... They may have heightened ability to set the terms of sexual judgment, framing their own behaviors and attitudes as the norm by which others are measured (Armstrong et al. 2014). Men may offer these women longer-term commitments and more positive treatment (Stombler 1994;Sweeney 2014). In Willis's (1977) famous study, for instance, British working-class "lads" treated "girlfriends" (the category reserved for women with good reputations) with greater regard than other women. ...
Article
We examine how two sociological traditions account for the role of femininities in social domination. The masculinities tradition theorizes gender as an independent structure of domination; consequently, femininities that complement hegemonic masculinities are treated as passively compliant in the reproduction of gender. In contrast, Patricia Hill Collins views cultural ideals of hegemonic femininity as simultaneously raced, classed, and gendered. This intersectional perspective allows us to recognize women striving to approximate hegemonic cultural ideals of femininity as actively complicit in reproducing a matrix of domination. We argue that hegemonic femininities reference a powerful location in the matrix from which some women draw considerable individual benefits (i.e., a femininity premium) while shoring up collective benefits along other dimensions of advantage. In the process, they engage in intersectional domination of other women and even some men. Our analysis re-enforces the utility of analyzing femininities and masculinities from within an intersectional feminist framework.
... Others have suggested that boys who open fire in schools do so in retaliation against routine attacks on their masculinity by classmates (Farr, 2018;Kalish & Kimmel, 2010). This explanation of violence as a response to taunting and emasculation might also be applicable to incels, as many of them describe being previously bullied and all of them report failing to obtain sex with women, a potential symbolic failure of masculinity (Kibby & Costello, 1999;Sweeney, 2014). ...
Article
How do members of extremist groups think about violence conducted by individual members on the group's behalf? We examine the link between extremism-motivated violence and extremist groups through a case study of misogynist incels, a primarily online community of men who lament their lack of sexual success with women. To learn how misogynist incels talk about mass violence committed by members of their group, we conduct a qualitative content analysis of 3,658 comments relating to the 2018 Toronto van attack, in which self-declared incel Alek Minassian drove a van into pedestrians, killing 10 and injuring 16. We find overwhelming support among self-proclaimed incels for the attack and violence more generally. Incels viewed mass violence as instrumental, serving the following four main purposes: garnering increased attention, exacting revenge, reinforcing masculinity, and generating political change. Our findings indicate the need to examine misogynist incels as a potential terrorist group and male supremacism as a basis for terrorism.
... Stereotypes about male sexuality (e.g., Snell et al., 1988) may also impact MSM's consent practices, as research has shown that MSM feel pressured to engage in sexual activities, even when they feel ambivalent or uninterested (McKie, 2015;Sweeney, 2014;Beres et al., 2014). However, it is important to recall that many MSM enjoy receiving unsolicited DPs (Marcotte et al., 2020;Tziallas, 2015) and that MSM engage in a variety of socio-sexual interactions that blur the lines between platonic and sexual (Byron et al., 2021;Race, 2015). ...
Article
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The unsolicited “dick pic” (DP), which refers to a photo of a penis that is sent without the consent of the recipient, has been identified as a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence (Powell & Henry, 2017). While men who have sex with men (MSM) experience elevated rates of technology-facilitated sexual violence, much of the research has focused on interactions between heterosexual men and women. This study investigated the experiences that MSM have with sending and receiving unsolicited DPs on dating apps. Analysis of interviews with 25 MSM dating app users in Canada revealed three “dimensions” of unsolicited DPs—consensual, wanted, and typical—that capture users’ experiences of receiving such images relative to consent and sexual violence frameworks. Seven factors, including the attractiveness of the sender and the DP, had an impact on MSM’s experiences. Unsolicited DPs were found to be sent for a variety of reasons, including to compliment the recipient and to coerce them into replying with sexual images. It is argued that MSM have trivialized unsolicited DPs and that these images are, according to current definitions, a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence that MSM experience on dating apps. However, there were variations in participants’ experiences and some participants did not characterize unsolicited DPs as problematic or non-consensual, which challenges the notion that MSM always experience these images as sexually violent. These findings shed light on the complexities of unsolicited DPs and indicate the need to (re)examine definitions of technology-facilitated violence and explore MSM’s consent practices within the context of dating apps.
... Relatedly, the objectification and filming of the victim is also presented as an opportunity, as in "I don't really ever do skirts and uppies, but I mean look at this amazing beauty". This statement 'justifies' his actions within the peer-group (Sweeney, 2014). In other words, it is presumed that any member of the group would have taken the opportunity in this situation. ...
Article
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‘Upskirting’ is the action or practice of surreptitiously taking photographs or videos up a female’s skirt or dress. In the UK it is an offence. However, internationally, laws are uneven. Understanding how perpetrators account for their actions becomes an important question. Here we present the findings of our thematic analysis of posts on the ‘upskirting’ website, The Candid Zone. Our analysis shows that posters and respondents frame this activity as artistic and technical, providing each other with advice and guidance on where, and how to get the ‘best’ shots. We conceptualize this as form of abuse as homosociality and craftsmanship.
... Popular culture depicts hegemonic masculinity in the U.S. in the early 21st century as heteromasculinity, characterized by sexual activity, virility, skilled performance, and eager responses to any sexual opportunities (e.g., Cook, 2006;Kimmel, 2008;Lamont, 2015;Murray, 2018;Pascoe, 2007;Reid et al., 2011;Wade, 2017). Researchers have documented the influence of such hegemonic cultural narratives on sexual behavior (Kimmel, 2008;Pascoe, 2007;Sakaluk et al., 2014;Sweeney, 2014;Wade, 2017). Pascoe (2007), for instance, found that teenage boys talked a great deal about sex as a means of establishing heterosexual masculinity. ...
Article
Part of identity development involves the construction of a sexual self. Sexual selves are constructed based on interactions with others. Based on in-depth interviews with 59 heterosexual men between the ages of 30 and 59, I look at the way research participants defined heterosexual men’s desirability through their framing of their sexual selves. I show how participants’ stories revealed a link between desirability and masculinity for heterosexual men in U.S. culture. Moreover, I find that consistent with narratives of hegemonic masculinity, men were concerned with proving their desirability and hetero-masculinity through what I call “evidentiary stories.” These stories focused on men’s telling of how they were seen by others or in other contexts, with such accounts serving as evidence of their desirability. Through these stories, men constructed sexual selves that met (or failed to meet) dominant narratives of hetero-masculine desirability. In so doing, men also participated in the construction of a hierarchy of desirability among heterosexual men, underscoring the idea that certain men are more sought-after or valued than others—both by women partners and others at large.
... Men also acknowledge the double standards surrounding hooking up and gender (e.g., status; ambivalence of women's sexual behavior; dominance; stigma; Sweeny, 2014) as well as the disrespectful and demeaning treating of women and sexual objectification (Kalish, 2013;Sweeny, 2014). These double standards are implicated in rape myths (e.g., male aggressiveness in sexual relations; men's sexual drives are driven by biology and are uncontrollable; ambiguity in situation; perpetrator justification; trivialization of sexual assault) and victim blaming (Becker and Tinkler, 2015;Farvid et al., 2017) as well as sexual victimization (Lovejoy, 2015) especially when alcohol is involved (Becker and Tinkler, 2015), which seem to be related to hooking up for both men and women (Reling et al., 2018). ...
Article
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Hookups are uncommitted sexual encounters that range from kissing to intercourse and occur between individuals in whom there is no current dating relationship and no expressed or acknowledged expectations of a relationship following the hookup. Research over the last decade has begun to focus on hooking up among adolescents and young adults with significant research demonstrating how alcohol is often involved in hooking up. Given alcohol’s involvement with hooking up behavior, the array of health consequences associated with this relationship, as well as its increasing prevalence from adolescence to young adulthood, it is important to determine the predictors and consequences associated with alcohol-related hooking up. The current review extends prior reviews by adding more recent research, including both qualitative and experimental studies (i.e., expanding to review more diverse methods), research that focuses on the use of technology in alcohol-related hookups (i.e., emerging issues), further develops prevention and intervention potentials and directions, and also offers a broader discussion of hooking up outside of college student populations (i.e., expanding generalization). This article will review the operationalization and ambiguity of the phrase hooking up, the relationship between hooking up and alcohol use at both the global and event levels, predictors of alcohol-related hooking up, and both positive and negative consequences, including sexual victimization, associated with alcohol-related hookups. Throughout, commentary is provided on the methodological issues present in the field, as well as limitations of the existing research. Future directions for research that could significantly advance our understanding of hookups and alcohol use are provided.
... Moreover, sexual script theory suggests that men and women are socialized to behave differently and to the ostensible advantage of each in sexual encounters. The traditional sexual script suggests that men initiate sexual activity and press for its occurrence often using indirect or duplicitous means (Pascoe, 2005;Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, & Anderson, 2003;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005), whereas women generally send messages that are consistent with traditional gender roles, including "feminine passivity" and indirect means of expressing both consent and non-consent to sexual interactions. The traditional sexual script promotes the expectation for women to be sexual gatekeepers, limiting sexual access and preserving their reputations (Fine, 1988;Grose et al., 2014), and reinforcing the belief that "failure to resist" indicates a woman's consent. ...
... Moreover, sexual script theory suggests that men and women are socialized to behave differently and to the ostensible advantage of each in sexual encounters. The traditional sexual script suggests that men initiate sexual activity and press for its occurrence often using indirect or duplicitous means (Pascoe, 2005;Struckman-Johnson, Struckman-Johnson, & Anderson, 2003;Sweeney, 2014;Wiederman, 2005), whereas women generally send messages that are consistent with traditional gender roles, including "feminine passivity" and indirect means of expressing both consent and non-consent to sexual interactions. The traditional sexual script promotes the expectation for women to be sexual gatekeepers, limiting sexual access and preserving their reputations (Fine, 1988;Grose et al., 2014), and reinforcing the belief that "failure to resist" indicates a woman's consent. ...
Article
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Sexual consent has been defined as the unambiguous willingness to engage in sexual activity that is expressed or verified by sexual partners. Despite the importance of expression and ascertainment of sexual consent, there is a marked disconnect between required elements of sexual consent in legal provisions and administrative policies, on one hand, and how individuals actually engage in their sexual interactions, on the other. We also lack an integrated theoretical model of factors that contribute to sexual consent expression and ascertainment to employ as a conceptual foundation to guide sexual consent promotion intervention efforts. This article adopts the perspective of the Information-Motivation-Behavioural Skills (IMB) model of sexual health to organize an overview of research concerning how individuals currently engage in what they view as “sexual consent” behaviours and how regulatory bodies conceptualize and regulate sexual consent, with a specific focus on the Canadian setting. According to the IMB model, deficits in consent related to information, motivation, and behavioural skills are responsible for the lack of sexual consent behaviour enactment, and research that identifies such deficits is discussed throughout the paper. The IMB model and the obstacles to sexual consent expression and ascertainment which are identified have implications for sexual assault adjudication, sexual assault prevention education, and sexual consent-related policy. Understanding how and why individuals currently ascertain and express consent is the crucial foundation upon which sexual consent education and regulation must be built.
Article
Chinese people are currently the second largest visible minority group living in Canada; however, little is known about the sexual practices of Chinese youth living in Canada. Using a case study, we applied Bourdieu’s theory of social practise to illustrate how the sexual practices of a young Chinese immigrant man, Matthew, were shaped by his primary and secondary habituses, the cultural capital he held and competed for in each of the social fields he engaged in, and the prevailing patriarchal and heteronormative values in Canadian society (meta-field) that promote sexual conquests, hegemonic masculinity and homosocial solidarity. To develop effective sexual health promotion for Chinese youth living in Canada, multidisciplinary collaboration is needed to address the dynamic interplay of complex structural conditions that limit racialised young immigrant men’s options in life and put them at increased risk of engaging in street violence, alcohol and drug use and unsafe sexual practices.
Chapter
Drawing upon the semi-structured interviews with 15 men aged 30–54, this chapter explores men’s experiences of speed dating. Beginning with theories of partner choice, the chapter engages with the ways that men navigate speed dating events by focusing on their anxiety and vulnerability. This provides a pretext for the articulation and demonstration of particular speed dating masculinities. On the one hand, there are men who take up a predatory heterosexual script. On the other, there are men who use speed dating events as a means to find a long-term partner. Interestingly, men looking for partners make up the majority of those who attending speed dating. Such men had a number of strategies that they would draw upon to choose a potential partner, or in their words, ‘the right kind of woman’. These strategies involved reviewing and evaluating women’s appearance and manner and establishing whether the women that they were meeting were ‘telling the truth’. Thus, men would use such strategies to evaluate the quality of the date. The chapter concludes by suggesting that although men in this sample tended to hold onto traditional gendered attitudes, it was clear that the speed dating event exacerbated men’s insecurities and anxieties.
Article
In this article, we use 198 interviews with young men and women to explore how they define and negotiate boundaries of unwanted sexual contact in public drinking settings. Men and women’s contrasting experiences reveal that in bars and nightclubs, sexual aggression against women is routine and typically involves physical threat. For men, however, consensual and nonaggressive contact can register as problematic when disruptive to men’s control of heterosexual interactions. Men’s aggression toward other men who disrupt their access to women is cause and consequence of women’s sexual aggression experiences being less visible. We contribute to sexual assault literature by illustrating how heterosexual power dynamics—specifically, disproportionate visibility and defense of men’s desires—shape tolerance of barroom sexual aggression, discourage bystander intervention, and set the stage for more serious forms of assault to occur and go unpunished.
Article
Recent sexualities scholarship generally frames men as adhering to narratives of sexual assertion and constructions of hegemonic masculinity. However, research on masculinities notes scripts are changing and providing mixed messages regarding the expression of sexualities for heterosexual men. Given this, we look closely at sexual scripts in initiation of sexual intimacy as a means of exploring transformation in sexualities and understanding men’s interpersonal/intrapsychic narratives as expressions of masculinities. Based on in-depth interviews with sixty-nine heterosexual men, ages twenty to fifty-nine, we found that interviewees recounted feelings of readiness and desire for sex as boys and young men. We also found that though, as boys and young men, interviewees felt ready for and desired sex, yet in first experiences, they shared they were anxious and usually waited for partners to initiate or for clear clues partners were ready. Men’s accounts reflect concerns with sexual performance and the incongruence of sexual scripts at the cultural and interpersonal/intrapsychic levels, as well as a private expression of masculinity, reserved for situations with intimate partners.
Article
While current debates assess the continued relevancy of women’s colleges in the US, no research has explored how an ongoing relationship with a ‘brother school’—a previously (or sometimes currently) men-only institution that serves as the men’s counterpart to a women’s college—may influence the gendered ideas and identities of women’s college students. Using interviews with students at a women’s college that maintains an ongoing relationship with its historic ‘brother school,’ I explore how these students make sense of their identities as women’s college students and gendered people in the space. I employ Hochschild’s concept of ‘gender strategies’ to explore how women use the ideas about gender they have available to craft responses to the cultural misogyny they experience—a cultural trait that exists despite the larger women’s college project of attempting to protect women from such misogyny. Though the women’s college students in this context do demonstrate a heightened awareness of gender-based inequality and injustice, their strategies often fall short of challenging systemic inequality. I conclude with a discussion of the implications for women’s college students and women college students more generally.
Article
Despite a predominantly digital, 21st century music production landscape, analogue hardware professional audio technologies persist. In the discoursal throes of the leading online audio technology message forum Gearslutz, such technologies are routinely objectified, sexualized, fetishized and socialized into gear. Situated in a contemporary critical, interdisciplinary framework of fetish, masculinity and sexuality studies, this research interrogates how audio technologies manufactured and intended for music production contexts become sexy. Applying a mixed-mode methodology, including an intensive discourse, image and material-semiotic analysis of an ‘epic’ sexy gear thread, we collated extensive data about technological fetishization. Sexy gear discourse articulates themes of voyeurism, acquisition, control and animation – linking the fetish value of technological objects and their connoisseurship with the erotic potential of sexualized objects. Such discourses ultimately serve to maintain social order, and become sites for performing the maintenance work of hegemonic masculine formations. This research provides new insights into how hegemonic masculinities depend upon the organization of online and offline sociability around fetishized material objects. Furthermore, our findings align with those of current scholarship focused on representational politics of technoculture.
Chapter
In this chapter, we start to hear the voices of the men interviewed. The chapter explores why it is so appealing to men and boys to engage in sexual harassment. What are the factors that cause men, individually as well as collectively, to commit sexual harassment? What are the strategies men employ to naturalize and justify their actions? It is not easy to pin down who are those men who harass women sexually. For the same reason, there is not much knowledge about the male perpetrators of sexual harassment concerning their motives, characteristics and behaviour. Sexual harassers make up a heterogeneous population and their motivations, characteristics, cognitions and behaviours differ a great deal. There is a degree of consensus that the explanation for sexual harassment by men is rooted in a combination of cultural, social and personal factors, but little agreement about which factors are the most important.
Article
The precarious nature of manhood, a hard-won and easily lost social status, has been linked to negative outcomes such as aggression in men, lower well-being for men and women, and more instances of workplace harassment. We posit that precarious manhood also influences men's perceptions of social sexual behavior (SSB) directed at them by a coworker of the opposite gender, shedding light on gender asymmetries in perceptions of SSB at work. Across four experiments (N = 1656), we demonstrate that men are more receptive to SSB from attractive women when their manhood is threatened compared to when it is affirmed (Studies 1–2). This effect holds after controlling for short-term mating orientation, is limited to men's (as opposed to women's) perceptions of SSB from opposite-gender initiators (Study 2) and is also limited to men's perceptions of SSB from attractive (versus unattractive) women (Study 3). Additionally, we find that at baseline, men who receive SSB from attractive women experience greater feelings of masculinity, which are limited to perceptions of sexual (versus nonsexual) behavior from attractive women, ruling out the possibility that men are simply more flatterable than women (Study 4). Our findings suggest that men's insecurities about their manhood may leave them more vulnerable to potentially problematic workplace behaviors that cater to their sense of masculinity.
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Studies of collegiate sexuality have not examined infidelity. Using in-depth peer interviews with college students, our article investigates the meanings and practices of "monogamy" and "cheating" for college women. College women use ideas about age, class, and gender to construct collegiate sexuality as a kind of "monogamy lite" exempt from the "rules" of adult sexuality. Many have cheated themselves. Simultaneously, they define "real" relationships as exclusive and condemn "cheaters" as bad people. We employ an intersectional analysis to analyze these discrepancies, arguing that the multiple meanings women use reconcile contradictions between expectations for women's sexuality and expectations about collegiate behavior, allowing women to sustain a commitment to relationships while also participating in collegiate sexual culture. Moreover, by providing a socially legible, gender-appropriate way to end unwanted relationships, these meanings allow women to use cheating to solve dilemmas in their intimate lives. In this case, college women use middle-class ideas about the transition to adulthood to resist gendered imperatives.
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O conceito de masculinidade hegemônica tem influenciado os estudos de gênero em vários campos acadêmicos, mas ao mesmo tempo tem atraído um sério criticismo. Os autores traçam a origem do conceito a uma convergência de ideias no início dos anos 1980 e mapeiam as formas através das quais o conceito foi aplicado quando os estudos sobre homens e masculinidades se expandiram. Avaliando as principais críticas, os autores defendem o conceito de masculinidade como fundamental, uma vez que, na maioria das pesquisas que o opera, seu uso não é reificador nem essencialista. Entretanto, as críticas aos modelos assentados em características de gênero e às tipologias rígidas são sólidas. O tratamento do sujeito em pesquisas sobre masculinidades hegemônicas pode ser melhorado com a ajuda dos recentes modelos psicológicos, mesmo que os limites à flexibilidade discursiva devam ser reconhecidos. O conceito de masculinidade hegemônica não equivale a um modelo de reprodução social; precisam ser reconhecidas as lutas sociais nas quais masculinidades subordinadas influenciam formas dominantes. Por fim, os autores revisam o que foi confirmado por formulações iniciais (a ideia de masculinidades múltiplas, o conceito de hegemonia e a ênfase na transformação) e o que precisa ser descartado (tratamento unidimensional da hierarquia e concepções de características de gênero). Os autores sugerem a reformulação do conceito em quatro áreas: um modelo mais complexo da hierarquia de gênero, enfatizando a agência das mulheres; o reconhecimento explícito da geografia das masculinidades, enfatizando a interseccionalidade entre os níveis local, regional e global; um tratamento mais específico da encorporação1 em contextos de privilégio e poder; e uma maior ênfase na dinâmica da masculinidade hegemônica, reconhecendo as contradições internas e as possibilidades de movimento em direção à democracia de gênero.
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High school and the difficult terrain of sexuality and gender identity are brilliantly explored in this smart, incisive ethnography. Based on eighteen months of fieldwork in a racially diverse working-class high school, Dude, You're a Fag sheds new light on masculinity both as a field of meaning and as a set of social practices. C. J. Pascoe's unorthodox approach analyzes masculinity as not only a gendered process but also a sexual one. She demonstrates how the "specter of the fag" becomes a disciplinary mechanism for regulating heterosexual as well as homosexual boys and how the "fag discourse" is as much tied to gender as it is to sexuality.
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Through a qualitative analysis of twenty-nine black college men at a large research university, this project explores how black masculinity is physically, behaviorally, and materially constructed from idealized images resulting in a contextually adaptive sense of self. The findings suggest that black masculinity, specifically the thug image, is symbolically affirmed or denied through a particular type of raced, gendered, classed, and sexualized discourse within black public social spaces. Moreover, these data show that maintaining this construction of black masculinity promotes bodily self-doubt or insecurity and inauthentic intra- and interracial interactions. In contrast, black manhood is thought to involve more genuine interactions, regardless of the social location. Unlike doing masculinity, the idealized notion of being men allows young black men to project a future construction of self that seemingly resolves their feelings of inauthenticity or bodily insecurity.
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This paper discusses the role of ideologies of love and intimacy in heterosexual coupledom, and examines the applicability of theories of the gender division of `emotion work' to the field of intimate personal relationships. Research on the private sphere of the family has recently focused on quantifying instrumental aspects of relationships, such as financial management, the domestic division of labour and informal care. However, although fruitful, such approaches neglect the expressive or emotional; particularly the experiences of love and intimacy, which many people say they regard as a key element in their personal relationships. We suggest reasons for British sociology's neglect of what is almost a cliche in everyday discourse. And we present evidence (including preliminary findings from our own research on heterosexual couples) that - despite dissatisfaction with gender inequalities in domestic tasks and finance - many women express unhappiness primarily with what they perceive as men's unwillingness or incapacity to `do' the emotional intimacy which appears to them necessary to sustain close heterosexual couple relationships. We illustrate how similar discussions of gender differences in emotional behaviour have emerged elsewhere (including in the new masculinity literature), raising questions about how far men's and women's emotional behaviour can and should change.
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The abstract for this document is available on CSA Illumina.To view the Abstract, click the Abstract button above the document title.
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That women tend to see harassment where men see harmless fun or normal gendered interaction is one of the more robust findings in sexual harassment research. Using in-depth interviews with employed men and women, this article argues that these differences may be partially explained by the performative requirements of masculinity. The ambiguous practice of “girl watching” is centered, and the production of its meaning analyzed. The data suggest that men's refusal to see their behavior as harassing may be partially explained through the objectification and attenuated empathy that the production of masculine identities may require. Thus, some forms of harassment and their interpretations may more accurately be seen as acts of ignoring than states of ignorance (of the effects of the behavior or the law). Implications for anti-sexual harassment policies and training are explored.
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This study focuses on multiple masculinities conceptualized in terms of sociality, a concept used to refer to nonsexual interpersonal attractions. Through male homosocial heterosexual interactions, hegemonic masculinity is maintained as the norm to which men are held accountable despite individual conceptualizations of masculinity that depart from that norm. When it is understood among heterosexual men in homosocial circles that masculinity means being emotionally detached and competitive and that masculinity involves viewing women as sexual objects, their daily interactions help perpetuate a system that subordinates femininity and nonhegemonic masculinities. Nonhegemonic masculinities fail to influence structural gender arrangements significantly because their expression is either relegated to heterosocial settings or suppressed entirely.
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This article investigates the determinants of orgasm and sexual enjoyment in hookup and relationship sex among heterosexual college women and seeks to explain why relationship sex is better for women in terms of orgasm and sexual enjoyment. We use data from women respondents to a large online survey of undergraduates at 21 U.S. colleges and universities and from 85 in-depth interviews at two universities. We identify four general views of the sources of orgasm and sexual enjoyment—technically competent genital stimulation, partner-specific learning, commitment, and gender equality. We find that women have orgasms more often in relationships than in hookups. Regression analyses reveal that specific sexual practices, experience with a particular partner, and commitment all predict women’s orgasm and sexual enjoyment. The presence of more sexual practices conducive to women’s orgasm in relationship sex explains some of why orgasm is more common in relationships. Qualitative analysis suggests a double standard also contributes to why relationship sex is better for women: both men and women question women’s (but not men’s) entitlement to pleasure in hookups but believe strongly in women’s (as well as men’s) entitlement to pleasure in relationships. More attention is thus given to producing female orgasm in relationships.
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The purpose of this article is to document the collective nature of gender performance and sexual pursuit, activities typically associated with individual rather than group behavior. Drawing on narrative accounts, I analyze how young heterosexual male students employ the power of collective rituals of homosociality to perform sexual competence and masculine identity by "girl hunting" in the context of urban nightlife. These rituals are designed to reinforce dominant sexual myths and expectations of masculine behavior, boost confidence in one's performance of masculinity and heterosexual power, and assist in the performance of masculinity in the presence of women. This analysis illustrates how contemporary courtship rituals operate as collective strategies of impression management that men perform not only for women but for other men. In doing so, interaction rituals associated with the girl hunt reproduce structures of inequality within as well as across the socially constructed gender divide between women and men.
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Is the sexual revolution over? Are teens returning to conservative sexual values? Are we witnessing the end of sexual liberalism and a new trend toward virginity before marriage? This seems to be the consensus of the mass media, and sophisticated academic studies are substantiating these assumptions.
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In this study, the author uses ethnographic and interview data from a women's floor in a university residence hall to examine how some heterosexual women's gender strategies contribute to their homophobia. The author describes a prevailing heterosexual erotic market on campus—the Greek party scene—and the status hierarchy linked to it. Within this hierarchy, heterosexual women assign lesbians low rank because of their assumed disinterest in the erotic market and perceived inability to acquire men's erotic attention. Active partiers invest more in this social world and prefer higher levels of social distance from lesbians than do others. These women also engage in same-sex eroticism primarily designated for a male audience. They define their behaviors as heterosexual, reducing the spaces in which lesbians can be comfortable. Finally, the author concludes by discussing the unique nature of women's homophobia and the links between sexism and heterosexism.
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A decade ago, the “new sociology of masculinity” (NSM) emerged as an exciting new paradigm for understanding gender, emphasizing the study of “hegemonic power relations” among men and women. However, subsequent research has not fully redeemed the promise of the NSM, failing to seriously engage the theoretical implications of studying hegemony. This article addresses the lacunae by presenting a theoretically informed analysis of life history interviews with Chinese American men. Its chief empirical question is how Chinese American men “achieve” masculinity in the face of negative stereotypes. This is accomplished, it is found, through four possible gender strategies: compensation, deflection, denial, or repudiation. The author then fashions a theoretical account of these strategies to show how they can reproduce the social order by striking a hegemonic bargain, which occurs when a Chinese American man's gender strategy involves consciously trading on—or unconsciously taking advantage of—the “privileges” of his race, gender, class, generation, and/or sexuality for the purposes of elevating his masculinity.
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In this article, we advance a new understanding of “difference” as an ongoing interactional accomplishment. Calling on the authors' earlier reconceptualization of gender, they develop the further implications of this perspective for the relationships among gender, race, and class. The authors argue that, despite significant differences in their characteristics and outcomes, gender, race, and class are comparable as mechanisms for producing social inequality.
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This paper focuses on two procedures which, although established in anthropology and sociology, appear particularly well-suited for developmental research due to their ability to embed developmental processes in their historical and socio-cultural contexts; i.e., ethnographic data collection and interpretive analysis. Our aims are to underscore the congruence between the procedures' underlying principles (i.e., rationale, tenets, etc.) and the social constructionist philosophy of science and to contrast these principles with those of quantitative research. The methodological implications of social constructionism are explicated, and ethnographic data collection and interpretive analysis are shown to be effective in meeting these conditions because of the commitments to prolonged engagement, field entry, triangulation of information sources, and negative case analysis. Second, the philosophical underpinnings of interpretive and quantitative research are contrasted in order to underscore the need to evaluate individual studies with the appropriate criteria. Finally, we demonstrate the utility of interpretive procedures for developmental research by reviewing a recent application of these approaches in developmental psychology and by underscoring some of the integrative possibilities between its findings and the findings of others employing quantitative methods. Substantively, this research allowed promising insights into the process of young children's friendships, especially concerning the origins of friendships, conflicts, and children's knowledge of friendship. We hope not only to foster a better understanding of interpretive research among traditionally trained developmentalists, but also to stimulate the development of social constructionism as a research paradigm by explicating some of its methodological requirements and ramifications.
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This study focused on a specific risky practice common among contemporary college students: the hookup. Hookups are defined as a sexual encounter which may or may not include sexual intercourse, usually occurring on only one occasion between two people who are strangers or brief acquaintances. The aim of this study was to determine the relative importance of a variety of social and psychological predictors in understanding differences among undergraduate students who had never hooked up, those who had hooked up without sexual intercourse, and those who had hooked up with sexual intercourse. Analyses revealed that, as predicted, social, individual, and relational psychological variables helped to explain the variance among college students' varied hookup experiences. By examining the full range of sexual involvement characteristic of the casual sexual phenomenon of hooking up within a multivariate model, we were able to achieve a more differentiated understanding of college students' casual sexual experimentation.
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Modern urban life is increasingly characterized by specialized erotic worlds designed for sexual partnership and sexual sociality. In this article, I build on sociological theory developed in areas other than the sociology of sexuality to formulate a framework uniquely suited to the analysis of such modern erotic worlds—the sexual fields framework. Coupling Goffman's social psychological focus on situational negotiation with a Bourdieusian model of routine practice, the sexual fields framework highlights the relationship of interactional work to fields of objective relations wherein historically specific erotic schemas acquire a structural manifestation that erotic players must navigate. In so doing, the sexual fields approach advances a set of sensitizing concepts for identifying the structures of collective sexual life, and raises a set of new lines of sociological inquiry, including the relationship of sexual fields to both psychoanalytic and macro-level structures and processes.
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In the 1980s research on men shifted from studying the "male sex role" and masculinity as a singular trait to studying how men enact diverse masculinities. This research has examined men's behavior as gendered beings in many contexts, from intimate relationships to the workplace to global politics. We consider the strengths and weaknesses of the multiple masculinities approach, proposing that further insights into the social construction of gender and the dynamics of male domination can be gained by focusing analytic attention on manhood acts and how they elicit deference from others. We interpret the literature in terms of what it tells us about how males learn to perform manhood acts, about how and why such acts vary, and about how manhood acts reproduce gender inequality. We end with suggestions for further research on the practices and processes through which males construct the category "men" and themselves as its members.
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This article seeks to extend understandings of heterosexual masculine identities through an examination of young men's constructions of what motivates young men to engage in heterosexual practices and relationships, and what not having sex might mean for them. Using the masculinity literature and work on heterosexuality to frame the discussion and to contextualize the findings, it explores the complex dynamics that frame the relationship between masculinity and heterosexuality. Specifically, how dominant or 'hegemonic' discourses of heterosexuality shape young men's identities, beliefs and behaviour. It considers these questions using empirical data from a qualitative study of young people living in close-knit working-class communities in the North East of England, with a specific focus on cultural and social attitudes towards sexuality and sexual practices. Peer group networks are a key site for the construction and (re)production of masculinity and, therefore, an important arena within which gendered social approval and acceptance is both sought and gained. In this article, I explore the reasons why young men engage in specific types of heterosexual practice in order to gain social approval. A central question is the extent to which heterosexuality is compelling for young men. That young men do feel compelled to behave in certain ways sexually, behaviours that they may be uncomfortable with and/or dislike, and the fact that they feel they are restricted in terms of how they can talk about their experiences within their peer group networks, demonstrates the power of dominant discourses of masculinity in everyday life. This is addressed through an examination of the restrictive effects of normative discourses about male heterosexuality, including their privatizing effects, which suggest that youth masculinities are often experienced in ways that are highly contradictory requiring young men to adopt a range of strategies to deal with this.
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Statistics show that black males are disproportionately getting in trouble and being suspended from the nation's school systems. Based on three years of participant observation research at an elementary school, Bad Boys offers a richly textured account of daily interactions between teachers and students to understand this serious problem. Ann Arnett Ferguson demonstrates how a group of eleven- and twelve-year-old males are identified by school personnel as "bound for jail" and how the youth construct a sense of self under such adverse circumstances. The author focuses on the perspective and voices of pre-adolescent African American boys. How does it feel to be labeled "unsalvageable" by your teacher? How does one endure school when the educators predict one's future as "a jail cell with your name on it?" Through interviews and participation with these youth in classrooms, playgrounds, movie theaters, and video arcades, the author explores what "getting into trouble" means for the boys themselves. She argues that rather than simply internalizing these labels, the boys look critically at schooling as they dispute and evaluate the meaning and motivation behind the labels that have been attached to them. Supplementing the perspectives of the boys with interviews with teachers, principals, truant officers, and relatives of the students, the author constructs a disturbing picture of how educators' beliefs in a "natural difference" of black children and the "criminal inclination" of black males shapes decisions that disproportionately single out black males as being "at risk" for failure and punishment. Bad Boys is a powerful challenge to prevailing views on the problem of black males in our schools today. It will be of interest to educators, parents, and youth, and to all professionals and students in the fields of African-American studies, childhood studies, gender studies, juvenile studies, social work, and sociology, as well as anyone who is concerned about the way our schools are shaping the next generation of African American boys. Anne Arnett Ferguson is Assistant Professor of Afro-American Studies and Women's Studies, Smith College.
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On college campuses and in high school halls, being white means being boring. Since whiteness is the mainstream, white kids lack a cultural identity that’s exotic or worth flaunting. To remedy this, countless white youths across the country are now joining more outré subcultures like the Black- and Puerto Rican–dominated hip-hop scene, the glamorously morose goth community, or an evangelical Christian organization whose members reject campus partying. Amy C. Wilkins’s intimate ethnography of these three subcultures reveals a complex tug-of-war between the demands of race, class, and gender in which transgressing in one realm often means conforming to expectations in another. Subcultures help young people, especially women, navigate these connecting territories by offering them different sexual strategies: wannabes cross racial lines, goths break taboos by becoming involved with multiple partners, and Christians forego romance to develop their bond with God. Avoiding sanctimonious hysteria over youth gone astray, Wilkins meets these kids on their own terms, and the result is a perceptive and provocative portrait of the structure of young lives.
Hooking Up: Sex, Dating, and Relationships on Campus Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste Translated by R Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity
  • Bogle
  • Kathleen
Bogle, Kathleen A. 2008. Hooking Up: Sex, Dating, and Relationships on Campus. New York: New York University Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1987. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste Translated by R. Nice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Butler, Judith. 1990. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge.
Understanding Hookup Cultuer: What's Really Happening on College Campuses
  • Jhally
  • Sut
Jhally, Sut. 2011. Understanding Hookup Cultuer: What's Really Happening on College Campuses. Northampton, MA: Media Education Foundation.
Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence Pp. 177–205 in Pow-ers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality
  • Rich
  • Adrienne
Rich, Adrienne. 1983. " Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence. " Pp. 177–205 in Pow-ers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality, edited by A.B. Snitow and C. Stansell. New York: Monthly Review Press.