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Race, Class and the Changing Division of Labour Under Apartheid

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... This approach to conceptualising the notion of the South African black middle class has been continuously 'promoted' through studies launched during the dispensation of democracy in South Africa. Crankshaw (1997) for instance, takes a particular focus on occupational class; further going on to provide a definition of the black middle class as those individuals who belong to managerial, semi-professional and professional, as well as routine white collar occupations. The study by Crankshaw (1997) places the growth of the black middle class in the occupational advancement of this racial group; where the main growth enhancing factors are outlined as located "within a context of changing apartheid policies and capitalist production processes" (Mabandla 2013: 29). ...
... Crankshaw (1997) for instance, takes a particular focus on occupational class; further going on to provide a definition of the black middle class as those individuals who belong to managerial, semi-professional and professional, as well as routine white collar occupations. The study by Crankshaw (1997) places the growth of the black middle class in the occupational advancement of this racial group; where the main growth enhancing factors are outlined as located "within a context of changing apartheid policies and capitalist production processes" (Mabandla 2013: 29). ...
... The alliance between Afrikaners and English speakers against the cultural and demographic "Black threat" reached its pinnacle with the introduction of apartheid after the victory of the Afrikaner ethnic nationalist National Party in the 1948 general election (Marx, 1998). Apartheid consolidated existing and novel exclusionary policies against native Black and Coloured populations into a broad segregation system that enforced racial classification, banned intergroup marriage, and regulated land use and employment, in addition to other realms of life (Crankshaw, 1997;Thompson, 2000;Posel, 2001). The system was dismantled in the early 1990s during transitional period that resulted in a general election with universal suffrage in 1994, followed by the repeal of apartheid legislation. ...
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This paper examines the context-dependent role of race as a predictor of non-electoral political participation. Prior country-level studies have documented group-level differences in a variety of forms of participation in South Africa and the United States, but have found few to no differences in Brazil. Why are members of one group more engaged in certain political activities than members of other groups only in specific contexts? Why do members of socioeconomically deprived groups, such as non-Whites, participate more than better-off groups in acts that require group mobilization in South Africa and the United States but not in Brazil? Results from the World Values Survey and the International Social Survey Programme show that Blacks and Coloureds in South Africa and Blacks in the United States participate more than Whites in activities that demand prior organization and mobilization, whereas group differences are negligible in Brazil. I argue that (1) race as a driver of political mobilization is conditional on the existence of politicized racial identities; (2) members of groups that share a strong collective identity participate in direct political action more than predicted by their socioeconomic background; (3) politicization of identities is the product of racial projects that deploy the state apparatus to enforce group boundaries for the implementation of segregationist policies as well as the reactions against them; and (4) by enforcing group boundaries, those systems unintentionally create the conditions for the formation of politicized group identities. In the absence of such requisites, political mobilization along racial lines would be weak or nonexistent.
... In a similar vein revisionist historians of education have tended to favour political economy approaches that employ both race and class analysis to investigate historical and structural inequalities in relation to South Africa's system of racially differentiated mass schooling and its exclusionary consequences (see, for example, various chapters in Kallaway 1984, for contributions during the Apartheid era and chapters in; Chisholm 2004 for post-Apartheid contributions). In literature more related to TVET, the utilisation of race and class as analytical variables have centred mostly around the racial division of labour, the changing structure of the workforce, skills and skills shortages (see, for instance, Davies 1979;Kraak 1989;Lundall and Kimmie 1992;Crankshaw 1997). Where the analysis of the formal apprenticeship system put forward here differs, is that neither race nor class is explicitly foregrounded for analytical attention even though both play considerable roles in the narrative presented. ...
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In many countries, the contours of skills formation systems are traced back to early struggles over control of apprenticeship. This paper uses a curriculum lens to examine two distinctive policy moments in the history of formal apprenticeships in South Africa and to trace the legacy imprint of direct and indirect race-based exclusion as well as the imprint of educational deprivation in social class terms. The policy trajectory shows how an apprenticeship curriculum that had to cater for White working-class youth with low educational credentials led to a steady erosion of the formal knowledge component of the curriculum in favour of practical workplace experience. Alongside race-based exclusion, a neglect of science-based knowledge emerges as a lasting curriculum legacy of apprenticeship trajectories under conditions of segregation, Apartheid and their colonial precursors.
... The resurgence of the economic power of women in the urban sphere after apartheid is well documented (Casale & Posel 2005;Crankshaw 2002). Posel and Rogan (2009) note that women have been the primary winners in the economic restructuring of the labour market after apartheid, with the service sector growing relative to the industrial economy. ...
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The chapter picks-up on seminal points from the Migrant Labour after Apartheid volume, both in the way in which the former homelands are currently viewed and constructed in South Africa and in the social relations and infrastructures that have been used to reconnect town and country after apartheid. I start by re-asserting the prevalence of double-rootedness in South Africa today, looking at rural areas not only as a destination to which urbanising families return but also as an imaginative trope for the reconstruction of nationalism and identity. The discussion then moves to the crisis of xenophobia and the role of male migrants and hostel dwellers in recent episodes of violence against African nationals. I argue that male violence against ‘foreigners’ is aimed in part at protecting the matricentral or matrifocal social networks that are entangled in patriarchal power in both urban and rural areas. I highlight the role of women in these spaces and how translocal matrifocality within and beyond families creates the foundation on which urban and rural interaction is maintained. In the end, I return to the theme of building, dwelling and belonging, and reflect on the negative consequences on families, children and individuals of the perpetuation of such geographically elongated process of home-making and social reproduction.
... This said, Wolpe (1977) considers between 1960 and 1970 there occurred "an enormous growth in African middle class". Crankshaw (1996Crankshaw ( , 2002 also observes that despite disagreement on its precise size there is evidence at this time of the emergence of an African middle class linked to the erosion of traditional 'racial divisions of labour' in South Africa. As a result of growing skills shortages in the white population there occurred a lowering of the 'colour bar' in the workplace with the consequence of the substantial and increasing penetration of Coloureds, Asians and Africans into clerical, white collar technical and manual jobs (Crankshaw, 1996). ...
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Tourism studies, including by geographers, give only minor attention to historically-informed research. This article contributes to the limited scholarship on tourism development in South Africa occurring during the turbulent years of apartheid (1948 to 1994). It examines the building of racialized landscapes of tourism with separate (but unequal) facilities for ‘non-Whites’ as compared to Whites. The methodological approach is archival research. Applying a range of archival sources tourism linked to the expanded mobilities of South Africa's ‘non-White’ communities, namely of African, Coloureds (mixed race) and Asians (Indians) is investigated. Under apartheid the growth of ‘non-White’ tourism generated several policy challenges in relation to national government's commitments towards racial segregation. Arguably, the segregated tourism spaces created for ‘non-Whites’ under apartheid exhibit certain parallels with those that emerged in the USA during the Jim Crow era.
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This chapter revisits the analysis of Johannesburg’s segregated history by Parnell and Pirie published three decades ago, in the year that the 1950 Group Areas Act was repealed (1991). For much of the twentieth century, Johannesburg was formally divided into an inner-city for white occupation, suburbs for white occupation mainly to the north and south east of the city centre and townships for black, Indian and coloured residents mainly to the south of the city. From the 1980s, a number of processes have disrupted these configurations: the inner city and some of the more affordable suburbs have become primarily black; middle class and elite former white suburbs have become more racially mixed; some government housing programmes have introduced low-cost housing to well-located areas and some informal settlements have been established close to middle-class suburbs. Alongside these disruptions, many ongoing spatial processes reinforce inherited patterns: most informal settlements have been established far away from affluent areas and often near to townships, townships have become denser through backyard rental accommodation, and many government housing programmes have extended apartheid-era townships. Crucially, the relative position of areas with more expensive properties has not changed over time—they remain relatively more expensive. Johannesburg’s large population of working class residents, who are overwhelmingly black, are financially excluded from middle-class and elite suburbs, a process which reproduces some of apartheid’s spatial patterns even in the absence of formal segregation.
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This chapter analyses income inequality and socio-economic segregation in South Africa’s most populous city, Johannesburg. The end of apartheid’s segregation in 1991 has been followed by both continuity and change of urban spatial patterns. There is a considerable literature on the transformation of inner-city areas from white to black, and of the steady diffusion of black middle-class residents into once ‘white’ suburbs. There has been less analysis on the nature and pace of socio-economic mixing. Four key findings from this chapter are as follows. First, dissimilarity indices show that bottom occupation categories and the unemployed are highly segregated from top occupation categories, but that the degree of segregation has decreased slightly between the censuses of 2001 and 2011. Second, the data quantifies the way in which Johannesburg’s large population of unemployed people are more segregated from top occupations than any of the other employment categories, although unemployed people are less segregated from bottom occupations. Third, over the same period, residents employed in bottom occupations are less likely to be represented in affluent former white suburbs. This seemingly paradoxical finding is likely to have resulted from fewer affluent households accommodating their domestic workers on their properties. Fourth, although most post-apartheid public housing projects have not disrupted patterns of socio-economic segregation, some important exceptions do show the enormous capacity of public housing to transform the spatial structure of the city.
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As the future seems to recede, not in time but as an epoch – the democratic period or post-apartheid – South Africa is no longer the avant-garde. In Jonny Steinberg’s term, ‘South Africa’ has come more and more to stand for an African present – of failure and of potential ruin (Steinberg, 2012). Canwe be satisfied with such a restricted understanding of the present; where the measure of things is reduced to selected quanta (Gross Domestic Product, Gini-coefficient, demographic change) and limited localities – informal settlements, rural areas and places of the poor? All of which, implicitly or not, are deemed measures of the effectiveness of the State. Therein lies the dilemma of the contemporary political scene: the State is thought to be ill-equipped to deliver modernity. This is an unequivocally vertical topology, however. If we change perspective then another future is already opening up before us. We will see that it is both familiar and strange, that is, uncanny
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This book showcases new research by emerging and established scholars on white workers and the white poor in Southern Africa. Rethinking White Societies in Southern Africa challenges the geographical and chronological limitations of existing scholarship by presenting case studies from Angola, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe that track the fortunes of nonhegemonic whites during the era of white minority rule. Arguing against prevalent understandings of white society as uniformly wealthy or culturally homogeneous during this period, it demonstrates that social class remained a salient element throughout the twentieth century, how Southern Africa’s white societies were often divided and riven with tension and how the resulting social, political and economic complexities animated white minority regimes in the region. Addressing themes such as the class-based disruption of racial norms and practices, state surveillance and interventions – and their failures – towards nonhegemonic whites, and the opportunities and limitations of physical and social mobility, the book mounts a forceful argument for the regional consideration of white societies in this historical context. Centrally, it extends the path-breaking insights emanating from scholarship on racialized class identities from North America to the African context to argue that race and class cannot be considered independently in Southern Africa. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of southern African studies, African history, and the history of race.
Article
In the South African Labour Statistics publication of the Central Statistical Services, Standardised Employment Series are published for the major economic divisions and population groups. These series represent an attempt to cover comprehensively employment in the formal economy of South Africa (RSA) and include the independent national states (TBVC countries) The series are based on an earlier investigation by Roukens de Lange and Van Eeghen (1984) which has been adjusted and kept up to date by the National Manpower Commission (NMC). These adaptations have been found to be unsatisfactory in some circumstances, in particular where they relate to the TBVC countries. Adjusted values to substitute for the officially published values are presented in this paper. Overall employment growth rates calculated using the new series show that employment levels have been at a virtual standstill since 1982.
Article
Explores the interaction of racial policies and economic interests in South Africa. The main emphasis is on the years since 1960, but it covers the whole period from the Union of South Africa in 1910 to the introduction of the 'tricarneral' constitution in 1984, and it also assesses the prospects for the future. Examines the pressures for and against apartheid, and the changing interests and power of industrialists, farmers, mine workers and white workers. Analyses the conflict between Afrikaner nationalists and the English and more broadly, the relationship between class and race in South Africa. Since the late 1960s, the costs of apartheid have risen, and capitalists who oppose at least some aspects of it have become more influential. Attempts to adhere rigidly to apartheid induced economic contradictions and threatened the living standards of white South Africans, shows that no major interest group has persisted in pressing for apartheid when it became clear that it would have to pay the costs itself rather than passing them on to others. Looks at the strengthening of black opposition to white rule as levels of skill and education have risen and as external support for that oppostion has grown. -from Publisher
Chapter
This chapter discusses a study in the dual labor market of a South African plant. The legal and customary racial barriers affecting employment patterns prevent South African companies from optimizing labor input relationships. The great variety of discriminatory practices makes the quantification and measurement of imperfections in the internal labor market a difficult undertaking. Genuine discriminatory practices can best be observed and measured where occupations held by whites and blacks actually overlap. While the competitive labor market is merely an ideal, both the internal and the external labor markets are observable, and the behavior of their parameters can be measured. The one fact that emerges with clarity from the foregoing analysis is the lack of equilibrium in the South African labor market. Define a microeconomic equilibrium as a situation where no person's welfare can be improved unless the welfare of some other person is diminished. The compensation principle could profitably be applied to remove part of the imbalance of South Africa's labor market. This is so because there exists unused skill potential of black operators. If allowed vertical mobility, properly selected and trained blacks would aspire to more demanding positions.