Supralaryngeal Articulatary Characteristics of Coronal Consonants /n, t, $t^h$, $t^*$/ in Korean

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The present study investigates supralaryngeal articulatory characteristics of denti-alveolar (coronal) stops /t, , / and /n/ in /aCa/ context in Seoul Korean. An Electromagnetic Articulograph (EMA, Carstens) was used to explore kinematics of the consonants by examining the kinematic data of the tongue tip (the primary articulator for the coronal consonants), along with some additional supplementary position data of the tongue body, the tongue dorsum and the jaw. The results showed that the constriction duration was the most robust articulatory correlates of the three-way stop contrast with a pattern of /t/

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... In loud speech, some speakers demonstrated lower jaw height for coronal sonorants (/n/, /l/) compared to obstruents (/t/, /d/, /s/, /ʃ/): a coronal nasal (/n/) exhibited lower jaw height for four speakers out of five, and a lateral (/l/) for two speakers (loud > comfortable). Likewise, lower jaw position was observed for coronal nasal /n/ in comparison with coronal stops with varying laryngeal contrast (/t/, /t h /, /t*/) in a homorganic low-vowel context (/a/-to-/a/) for Korean (Son et al., 2011). However, different speech rate effects were not empirically attested in Korean: lateral /l/ in homorganic intervocalic position (/...ala.../ and /...ili.../), from which flap /ɾ/ derives, exhibits similar jaw height in different speech rates (fast = comfortable) (Son, 2015a(Son, , 2015b). ...
... In articulatory phonology, the jaw has been assumed to serve a bifunctional purpose, namely consonantal constriction (more elevated) in contrast to vocalic constriction (more open) (Browman & Goldstein, 1990;Satzman & Munhall, 1986). Previous literature has shown that jaw height moves upwards, varying with place of articulation, manner of articulation, or speech style (Keating et al., 1994;Mooshammer et al., 2007;Son, 2015aSon, , 2015bSon et al., 2011). Although results vary across studies, relatively higher jaw position was observed for coronal obstruents in a consistent way across studies (e.g., /t/, /d/, /s/, /ʃ/) while relatively lower jaw position was observed for non-coronal obstruents (e.g., /b/, /k/, /h/) (Keating et al., 1994). ...
... In other words, a coronal nasal /n/ is most likely to be influenced by surrounding vocalic articulation, being more sensitive to intergestural coarticulation. Coronal nasal /n/ also manifested lower jaw position in Seoul Korean, compared to its aspirated /t h /, fortis /t*/, and lenis /t/ counterparts (/n/</t h /; /n/≤/t*/=/t/ in Son et al., 2011), but different speech rates did not perturb jaw movements during the production of an intervocalic flap /ɾ/ derived from lateral approximant /l/ (Son, 2018a(Son, , 2018b. Since there have not been any studies which have rigorously explored whether a single segment systematically demonstrates different jaw height in terms of a linguistic (across-word vs. within-word) and/or paralinguistic (fast vs. comfortable) factor, we focus, in this paper, on the intervocalic bilabial stop /p/ in Seoul Korean. ...
... context. Looking at a C1 dorsal coda segment in C1C2 sequences, the lingual-lingual Keating, 1991;Keating et al. 1994;Mooshammer et al. 2007;Son et al. 2011). Due to gestural overlap between the tongue dorsum gesture for /k/ in coda and the tongue tip gesture for /t/ in onset, this can give rise to higher jaw position for the adjacent tongue dorsum gesture in C1, which in turn results in greater constriction degree (r s =0.40, p<0.0001). ...
Consonants are speech sounds produced with a closure or near complete constriction of the vocal tract. All languages systematically exploit place of articulation to differentiate consonants. Eight other phonetically independent parameters are used to create consonant contrast: airstream, constriction degree, laryngeal setting, nasality, laterality, length, articulator stiffness, and respiratory strength. Aspiration, affrication, pre-stopping, secondary articulations, and other properties of ‘complex’ consonants are best described as patterns of coordination in the underlying gestures.
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It is well-accepted that the jaw plays an active role in influencing vowel height. The general aim of the current study is to further investigate the extent to which the jaw is active in producing consonantal distinctions, with specific focus on coronal consonants. Therefore, tongue tip and jaw positions are compared for the German coronal consonants /s, f, t, d, n, l/, that is, consonants having the same active articulators (apical/laminal) but differing in manner of articulation. In order to test the stability of articulatory positions for each of these coronal consonants, a natural perturbation paradigm was introduced by recording two levels of vocal effort: comfortable, and loud without shouting. Tongue and jaw movements of five speakers of German were recorded by means of EMMA during /aCa/ sequences. By analyzing the tongue tip and jaw positions and their spatial variability we found that (1) the jaw's contribution to these consonants varies with manner of articulation, and (2) for all coronal consonants the positions are stable across loudness conditions except for those of the nasal. Results are discussed with respect to the tasks of the jaw, and the possible articulatory adjustments that may accompany louder speech.
Investigation is made of the character of the covariance matrix which will result in exact F-distributions for the treatments and interaction variance ratios in repeated measurements designs. It is shown, assuming multivariate normality, that the matrix may exhibit a more general character than is typically implied to be essential. Equality of variances and equality of covariances, with identical matrices for all levels of a second treatment factor, are sufficient but not necessary conditions. The necessary and sufficient condition is the equality of variances of differences for all pairs of treatment measures assumed to be correlated. An alternative statement is that the Box-Geisser-Greenhouse parameter ε = 1.0. A test is described which bears on the tenability of this condition.
In word-initial position, Korean voiceless tense, lax, and aspirated stops differ in acoustic properties that fall within the conventional “consonant” portion, as well as properties falling within the “vowel” portion beginning at voicing onset. Experiment 1 investigated the relative importance of these properties to stop identification by testing Korean listeners' perception of cross-spliced stimuli whose initial consonant portion specified one phonation type and whose vowel portion specified another type. Experiment 2 tested whether the voiced vowel portion alone could cue the phonation type of a deleted initial consonant. The results of both experiments showed that vowel portions from syllables with lax onsets were necessary and largely sufficient to cue lax stops. For vowel portions from syllables with aspirated or tense onsets, the role of vocalic information in stop identification depended on the particular combination of cross-spliced portions (Experiment 1); in the absence of any consonant portion (Experiment 2), both tense and aspirated vowel portions were usually heard as having had tense onsets. The perceptual patterns are interpreted in terms of the acoustic properties of the stimuli. Low vocalicf0 provided the most salient information for lax stops; tense and aspirated stop identification depended on a combination of VOT, f0, and H 1−H 2 characteristics. The perceptual dominance off0 over VOT for lax stops is consistent with the size of the f0 differences in word- (and phrase-) initial position, as well as the prominent role of the resulting tonal patterns in Korean intonational phonology.
This study examines the effect of prosodic position on segmental properties of Korean consonants /n, t, th, t*/ along the articulatory parameters peak linguopalatal contact and stop seal duration, and several acoustic parameters. These parameters were compared in initial position in different domains of the Korean prosodic hierarchy. The first result is that consonants initial in higher prosodic domains are articulatorily stronger than those in lower domains, in the sense of having more linguopalatal contact. Second, there is a strong correlation between linguopalatal contact and duration (both articulatory and acoustic), suggesting that “strengthening” and “lengthening” is a single effect in Korean. We interpret this relation as one of undershoot: in weaker positions, consonants are shorter and undershoot contact targets. The different consonant manners of Korean can be characterized as varying in both duration and contact in this way. Third, there is another, less consistent, kind of lengthening and strengthening specific to Korean, namely that tense and aspirated consonant oral articulations can be longer and stronger word-medially than word-initially. Fourth, the acoustic properties VOT, total voiceless interval, %voicing during closure, nasal energy minimum, and to a lesser extent stop burst energy and voicing into closure, were found to vary with prosodic position and, in some cases, to correlate with linguopalatal contact. They could thus potentially provide cues to listeners about prosodic structure.
Voice onset time (VOT) is known to vary with place of articulation. For any given place of articulation there are differences from one language to another. Using data from multiple speakers of 18 languages, all of which were recorded and analyzed in the same way, we show that most, but not all, of the within language place of articulation variation can be described by universally applicable phonetic rules (although the physiological bases for these rules are not entirely clear). The between language variation is also largely (but not entirely) predictable by assuming that languages choose one of the three possibilities for the degree of aspiration of voiceless stops. Some languages, however, have VOTs that are markedly different from the generally observed values. The phonetic output of a grammar has to contain language specific components to account for these results.
This study examines acoustic and aerodynamic characteristics of consonants in standard Korean and in Cheju, an endangered Korean language. The focus is on the well-known three-way distinction among voiceless stops (i.e., lenis, fortis, aspirated) and the two-way distinction between the voiceless fricatives /s/ and /s*/. While such a typologically unusual contrast among voiceless stops has long drawn the attention of phoneticians and phonologists, there is no single work in the literature that discusses a body of data representing a relatively large number of speakers. This study reports a variety of acoustic and aerodynamic measures obtained from 12 Korean speakers (four speakers of Seoul Korean and eight speakers of Cheju). Results show that, in addition to findings similar to those reported by others, there are three crucial points worth noting. Firstly, lenis, fortis, and aspirated stops are systematically differentiated from each other by the voice quality of the following vowel. Secondly, these stops are also differentiated by aerodynamic mechanisms. The aspirated and fortis stops are similar in supralaryngeal articulation, but employ a different relation between intraoral pressure and flow. Thirdly, our study suggests that the fricative /s/ is better categorized as “lenis” rather than “aspirated”. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of Korean data for theories of the voicing contrast and their phonological representations.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Cornell University. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references. Photocopy.
Measurements were made of intraoral air pressure and oral flow of ten native speakers uttering word pairs contrasting Korean fortis and lenis voiceless stop consonants in initial position. The production of fortis stops was found to be characterized by a higher intraoral pressure before release, yet a lower oral flow after release, than corresponding lenis stops. Possible reasons for this difference were explored with the use of a computer implemented aerodynamic model, giving an output of air pressure and flow. Input parameters were adjusted in accordance with known or hypothesized variations in glottal area function, vocal tract wall tension, respiratory muscle force, and supraglottal cavity volume, as given in the literature. In addition to the previously known differences in glottal area, it is inferred from the results of the modeling experiment that fortis stops are produced with greater vocal tract wall tension than lenis stops. Speaker-specific production strategies such as larynx lowering and heightened subglottal pressure during fortis stops and differences noted between word pairs are also discussed.
Contemporary investigators in the areas of speech, language, and hearing rely heavily on inferential statistical procedures to answer both basic and applied research questions. Such statistical procedures typically involve a number of assumptions that need to be fulfilled in order for the procedure to be appropriate for a specific data set. Unfortunately, a review of recent publications in the Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research indicated that some pivotal issues related to those underlying assumptions, although widely discussed and emphasized in the statistical literature, often appear to be neglected in these fields of research. This tutorial therefore addresses two issues that are particularly important for an appropriate and accurate use of some of the most commonly used statistical procedures. The first issue concerns the importance of addressing the sphericity assumption in studies with a repeated measures design. The second issue concerns the definition of the experimental units in a statistical analysis and applies to both completely randomized and repeated measures designs. Theoretical aspects associated with each issue are discussed, and appropriate strategies for data entry and analysis are presented.
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