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Understanding employers’ hiring intention in relation to qualified workers with disabilities

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The present study focused on the intentions of employers to reach out toward qualified workers with disabilities as part of their hiring pool recruitment activity. An employer survey was developed in accord with the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 2005). According to the tenets of the model, it was hypothesized that through multiple regression, it would be demonstrated that employer attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived control variables predict the intention to engage in hiring behavior toward qualified workers with disabilities in the next six months. Overall, the model accounted for 67% of the variance in the survey of Northwest employers (n = 92) in relation to hiring intentions with normative influences (CEOs, CFOs, etc.) accounting for the greater proportion of the variance, beta coefficient 0.48, p < 0.01. Attitudes toward the hiring behavior and perceived control had lesser beta weights, 0.24 and 0.22, p < 0.05. Implications of these findings and those from the focus groups used to develop the survey are reviewed in detail relative to more effective vocational rehabilitation marketing efforts.
Content may be subject to copyright.
Leisure Sciences, 23:165178, 2001
Copyright C
°2001 Taylor & Francis
0149-0400/01 $12.00 + .00
Predicting Hunting Intentions and Behavior:
An Application of the Theory of Planned Behavior
DANIEL HRUBES
ICEK AJZEN
Department of Psychology
University of Massachusetts
Amherst, MA, USA
JOHN DAIGLE
University of Maine
Using a mail survey (nD395)of outdoor recreationists, the theory of planned be-
havior (Ajzen, 1991)was applied to the prediction and explanation of hunting. In a
series of hierarchical regression analyses, it was found that hunting intentions, but not
perceptions of behavioral control, contributed to the prediction of self-reported hunting
frequency. Hunting intentions, in turn, were strongly in uenced by attitudes, subjective
norms, and perceptions of behavioral control, and these predictors correlated highly
with theoretically derived sets of underlying beliefs. Broad values related to wildlife and
to life in general correlated weakly with hunting behavior, and their effects were largely
mediated by the components of the theory of planned behavior.
Keywords attitudes, beliefs, outdoor recreation, values, wildlife
Over the past 25 years, research has furnished a great deal of descriptive information about
the advantages of hunting and other wildlife-related activities. It has become clear that
hunting is not merely a means to harvest game; it also affords opportunities to actualize a
variety of social, psychological, emotional, and physical bene ts (Hautaluoma & Brown,
1979; Hendee, 1974; Kellert, 1978; More, 1973; Potter, Hendee, & Clark, 1973; Stankey,
Lucas, & Ream, 1973). This work has provided a detailed account of the major outcomes
associated with hunting, of the disparate bene ts derived by different types of individuals,
and of people’s beliefs and attitudes regarding this behavior.
Going beyond a description of beliefs and attitudes, investigators have also attempted
to identify broad values related to hunting and other wildlife-related activities. A number
of studies have demonstrated that values can in uence behavior through their impact on
lower-order beliefs and attitudes (see Homer & Kahle, 1988). A value-attitude-behavior
model has been suggested to delineate more clearly the effect of values on attitudes, be-
havioral intentions, and actual recreation and environmental behaviors (Fulton, Manfredo,
& Lipscomb, 1996; Tarrant, Bright, & Cordell, 1997; Vaske & Donnelly, 1999; Zinn,
Received 11 October 2000; accepted 9 January 2001.
We are grateful to Shalom Schwartz for his comments on an earlier draft of this article. The research reported
in this article was supported by Cooperative Research Agreement 23-265 with the U.S. Department of Agriculture
Forest Service’s Northeastern Research Station.
Address correspondence to Icek Ajzen, Department of Psychology, Tobin Hall, Box 37710, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, MA 01003-7710. E-mail: aizen@psych.umass.ed u
165
166 D. Hrubes et al.
Manfredo, Vaske, & Wittmann, 1998). The cognitive hierarchy investigations related to
recreation and environmental behaviors have focused on relatively speci c value orienta-
tions rather than more fundamental values to life (e.g., universalism, achievement, power).
Value orientations, in contrast to fundamental values, are composed of patterns of beliefs
relative to a particular topic (e.g., wildlife rights, wildland preservation). Fulton, Manfredo,
and Lipscomb (1996)identi ed eight basic wildlife beliefs that comprised two distinct
wildlife orientation domains, one consumptive in orientation and one appreciative. These
two value orientations toward wildlife explained a considerable proportion of variability in
respondents’ attitudes toward wildlife-related recreation activities. The discovery of parsi-
monious, well-de ned, and cross-culturally stable structures of broad, fundamental values
to life (Schwartz, 1992, 1994; Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987)may help further these efforts by
facilitating theoretical links between general values on one hand and more speci c value
orientations, attitudes, beliefs, and behavior on the other.
Although we now have detailed descriptions of beliefs, attitudes, and values associated
with such wildlife-related activities as hunting, the effort to build a cumulative body of
knowledge has been hampered by lack of a sound theoretical foundation (Manfredo, Vaske,
& Decker, 1995). Such a foundation is needed to help integrate the diverse research  ndings
and to provide a framework for the prediction and explanation of wildlife-related and other
outdoor activities (see Decker, Brown, Driver, & Brown, 1987; Driver, Brown, & Peterson,
1991; Hammit, McDonald, & Patterson, 1990; Manfredo & Larson, 1993; Vaske, Fedler,
& Graefe, 1986). The present study tried to meet this need in the context of the theory
of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991), a theory that has been used extensively to model the
determinants of human social behavior (see Ajzen, 2001; Armitage & Conner, 1999; C onner
& Sparks, 1996; Sutton, 1998 for reviews), including such outdoor recreational activities
as mountain climbing, boating, and biking (Ajzen & Driver, 1991; Ajzen & Driver, 1992)
as well as hunting (Rossi & Armstrong, 1999).
A schematic representation of the theory is shown in Figure 1. Brie y, according to the
theory of planned behavior, human action is guided by three kinds of considerations: beliefs
about the likely consequences of the behavior (behavioral beliefs), beliefs about the norma-
tive expectations of others (normative beliefs), and beliefs about the presence of factors that
may further or hinder performance of the behavior (control beliefs). In their respective ag-
gregates, behavioral beliefs produce a favorable or unfavorable at titude toward the be havior;
normative beliefs result in perceived social pressure or subjective norm; and control beliefs
give rise to perceived behavioral control, the perceived ease or dif culty of performing the
behavior. In combination, attitude toward the behavior, subjective norm, and perception of
FIGURE 1 The theory of planned behavior.
Hunting Attitudes and Behavior 167
behavioral control lead to the formation of a behavioral intention. As a general rule, the
more favorable the attitude and subjective norm, and the greater the perceived control, the
stronger should be the person’s intention to perform the behavior in question. Finally, given
a suf cient degree of actual control over the behavior, people are expected to carry out
their intentions when the opportunity arises. Intention is thus assumed to be the immediate
antecedent of behavior. However, because many behaviors pose dif culties of execution
that may limit volitional control, it is useful to consider perceived behavioral control in ad-
dition to intention. To the extent that people are realistic in their judgments of a behavior’s
dif culty, a measure of perceived behavioral control can serve as a proxy for actual control
and can contribute to the prediction of the behavior in question (see Ajzen, 1991).
The theory of planned behavior also speci es the nature of the relations between be-
liefs and attitudes, relying on an expectancy-value model. According to this model, people’s
evaluations of, or attitudes toward, a behavior are determined by their accessible beliefs
about the behavior, where a belief is de ned as the subjective probability that the behavior
will produce a certain outcome (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). According to the expectancy-
value model, a person’s overall attitude toward a behavior is determined by the subjective
values of the outcomes associated with the behavior and by the strength of these associations
(Fishbein, 1963; 1967; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Speci cally, the evaluation of each out-
come contributes to the attitude in direct proportion to the person’s subjective probability
that the behavior produces the outcome in question. The basic structure of the model is
shown in the following equation (Feather, 1959; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975):
ABD6biei;
where ABis the attitude toward behavior B, biis the strength of the belief (the subjective
probability)that the behavior will produce outcome i,eiis the evaluation of outcome i, and
the sum is taken over all accessible outcomes.
The present a rticle reports the results of a survey t hat used the theory of pla nned behavio r
in an attempt to predict and explain hunting behavior. The survey contained items assessing
the main components of the theory, as well as questions designed to assess wildlife-related
value orientations and fundamental life values. According to the theory of planned behavior,
values—whether relatively speci c to wildlife or global values to life—are background fac-
tors that should in uence behavior indirectly by guiding a person’s beliefs and attitudes with
respect to hunting. One objective of the investigation, therefore, was to examine the extent
to which the theory affords prediction of hunting behavior, and whether the effect of values
on behavior is indeed mediated by the theory’s more immediate determinants (attitudes,
subjective norms, perceptions of control, and intentions). In addition, the theory proposes
that attitudes, subjective norms, and perceptions of control are derived from the relevant
information, or belief systems, associated with engaging in hunting. A second objective,
therefore, was to investigate the strength of the associations between direct measures of
attitude, subjective norm, and perceived control, and belief systems related to behavioral
consequences, normative pressures, and performance dif culties, respectively.
Method
Sampling Procedure
In order to ensure that both hunters and nonhunters were well represented among the
participants, two sampling methods were employed. The  rst method used a random sample
of 388 individuals from the population who purchased hunting licenses in Vermont in 1997.
168 D. Hrubes et al.
The sample of licensees was provided by the State of Vermont Department of Fish and
Wildlife. The second sampling method obtained volunteers by means of direct contact with
visitors to the Green Mountain National Forest (GMNF)in Vermont. Sampling took place
at a wide variety of recreational settings in the forest including trail heads, campgrounds,
waterfalls, summits, and information stations.1A total of 339 GMNF visitors agreed to
participate. In all, 727 individuals were recruited to participate in the study.
Questionnaire
The questionnaire assessed variables associated with three outdoor recreational activities:
hunting, wildlife viewing, and outdoor recreation unrelated to wildlife. Only items re-
lated to hunting are described here. The questionnaire contained several separate sections.
Items assessing attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, and intentions
with respect to hunting were grouped together. Similarly, items designed to assess behav-
ioral beliefs, normative beliefs, and control beliefs were also each grouped together. For
all of these items, the target behavior was hunting over the next 12 months. In addition,
there were separate sections dealing with wildlife-related values and fundamenta l values
to life.
Behavior. One open-ended item asked participants to indicate how frequently they
had hunted over the previous year. Although, strictly speaking, this measure refers to past
behavior, it is assumed that participation in hunting is an activity that is relatively stable
over time (Bissell, Duda, & Young, 1998; Mannell & Kleiber, 1997)and that reports of past
behavior can serve as an indication of likely future behavior. Similar questions were also
asked with respect to the number of times respondents had engaged in wildlife viewing and
in outdoor recreation unrelated to wildlife.
Intentions. Two 7-point bipolar adjective scales were used to assess participants’ inte n-
tions to engage in hunting. On the  rst scale, respondents indicated whether they intended
to engage in hunting (extremely unlikelyextremely likely). The second scale asked them
whether they were planning to engage in hunting (de nitely node nitely yes ).
Attitudes. Attitudes toward the behavior were assessed directly by asking respondents
to evaluate hunting on two 7-point scales with endpoints labeled extremely badextremely
good and extremely pleasantextremely unpleasant.
Subjective norms. Two 7-point scales were also used to measure subjective norms
concerning hunting. The  rst scales required participants to rate the truth of the statement
that most people important to them think that they should hunt (not at all truecompletely
true). On the second scale, respondents indicated whether most people who are important
to me would (disapproveapprove)of their engaging in hunting.
Perceived behavioral control. Two 7-point scales were used to measure perceived be-
havioral control by asking respondent s to rate the dif culty of engaging in hunting (extremely
dif cultextremely easy)and the truth of the statement, “If I wanted to, I could easily go
hunting in the next twelve months.” (de nitely false de nitely true).
Behavioral beliefs. In order to assess participants’ beliefs about the bene ts (or costs)
resulting from hunting, that is, their behavioral beliefs, a list of 12 potential outcomes was
compiled. These included important outcomes associated with wildlife-related activities
identi ed in previous research pertaining to the goals of achievement, af liation, and ap-
preciation (Decker, Brown, Driver, & Brown, 1987)as well as some negative outcomes
(Enck & Decker, 1991). Among these outcomes were observing and learning about wildlife
Hunting Attitudes and Behavior 169
behavior, feeling tired and exhausted, and feeling a sense of competence. Participants rated
the likelihood that hunting would produce each of the 12 outcomes on an 11-point scale
ranging from 0 (extremely unlikely)to 10 (extremely likely). After completing the likelihood
ratings, participants indicated their evaluations of the 12 outcomes by rating the desirability
of each on a 7-point scale (extremely undesirableextremely desirable).
Normative beliefs. In addition to the direct measure of normative beliefs regarding the
expectations of important others, two survey questions assessed normative beliefs regarding
two speci c referents: friends and family. Respondents were asked to indicate the extent
to which they thought that their friends and their families encouraged them to engage in
hunting, using the same 11-point scale (0Dextremely unlikely, 10 Dextremely likely).
Control beliefs. Four items were included to assess speci c control beliefs, in addition
to the two items that assessed perceived behavioral control directly. Employing the same
11-point scale that was used to assess behavioral and normative beliefs, respondents rated
how likely it was that they were too busy to go hunting, that they had the knowledge and
skills, that they could afford the cost, and that it takes a great effort for them to engage in
hunting.
Wildlife value orientations. Wildlife-related value orientations were assessed by hav-
ing participants indicate their agreement with eight statements regarding enjoyment and
management of wildlife. These value statements were selected to represent the orientation
domains of wildlife enjoyment and animal rights/management reported in the literature
(Fulton, Manfredo, & Lipscomb, 1996; see Table 1 for a list of value statements). Agree-
ment with the statements was expressed on 7-point scales ranging from 1 (strongly disagree)
to 7 (strongly agree).
TABLE 1 Principal Components Factor Analysis of Wildlife Values
Factor loadings
Items Factor 1 Factor 2
It is important to manage the populations ¡:13 .62¤
of wildlife for bene t of humans.a
I enjoy watching wildlife when I take a trip. .77¤¡:04
It is important to protect wildlife for .58¤.08
future generations.
Hunting and  shing are cruel and inhumane ¡:19 .77¤
to the animals.
I notice birds and wildlife around me every day. .76¤¡:13
People should not cause pain and suffering to wildlife, .05 .71¤
regardless of how much we may bene t.
It is important that we learn all we can about wildlife. .80¤.00
Animals should have rights similar to the rights of humans. .24 .75¤
Eigenvalue 2.30 2.05
% explained variance 28.80 25.60
Note: Wildlife values were rated on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree)to 7 (strongly agree).
aThis item was reverse coded.
¤Indicates factor assignments.
170 D. Hrubes et al.
Fundamental life values. The Schwartz Value Survey (Schwartz, 1992; Schwartz &
Bilsky, 1987)was used to assess participants’ fundamental values to life. This survey
asks respondents to rate the importance of 56 motivational goals using a 9-point scale
that ranges from ¡1(is opposed to my values)to 7 (is of supreme importance). These
motivational goals correspond to 10 value dimensions that are located in a two-dimensional
space described by two higher-order bipolar value dimensions of self-transcendence versus
self-enhancement and openness versus conservation. The  rst dimension contrasts self-
transcendence, which values the acceptance of others and the concern for the welfare of
others, to self-enhancement, which values personal success and the domination of others.
Scores on this dimension can range from 8 (high self-transcendence)to ¡8(high self-
enhancement). The second dimensi on contrasts openness, which values independent t hought
and change, to conservation, which values self-restriction and tradition. Scores on this
dimension can range from 8 (high openness)to ¡8(high conservation). The validity of
the structure and content of these values has been demonstrated across 97 samples in
44 countries (Schwartz, 1994).
Results
Response Rates and Demographic s
Of the 727 individuals who were mailed a survey, 395 ultimately responded. This repre-
sents a  nal overall response rate of 54%. Of the hunters who received a questionnaire,
41% responded; of visitors who received a questionnaire, 74% responded. The rather large
difference in response rates could be due to the verbal commitment to complete the survey
that was obtained from the visitors during the initial contact. The hunting sample was not
contacted prior to the mailing, and these individuals made no verbal commitment prior
to receiving the questionnaire. The length and scope of the questionnaire may have also
contributed to the low response rates from hunters. Visitors were informed that the ques-
tionnaire would take 20 to 30 minutes when they were contacted so they may have been
more willing to expend the time required.
The respondents were predominantly male (73%)and white (79%)with a mean age of
40.5 years. Forty-seven percent of the respondents reported annual family incomes between
$20,000 and $61,000, 35% reported incomes above $61,000 and 11% reported incomes
below $20,000. Over half of the sample (53%)graduated from college, 16% attended at
least some college, and 29% achieved a high school education or less.
Preliminary Analyses
Theory of planned behavior measures. As an indication of reliability, the internal
consistency of item pairs that assessed the different components of the theory of planned
behavior directly was tested by calculating Pearson correlations. Overall, the correlations
were of acceptable magnitude (rs D.99, .96, .84, and .85, for intention, attitude, subjective
norm, and perceived control, respectively). The item pairs for each of the components were
therefore averaged to form aggregate indices.
Wildlife value orientations. The eight individual wildlife value measures were submit-
ted to a principal components factor analysis which con rmed the two-dimensional factor
structure previously identi ed in the literature (see Fulton, Manfredo, & Lipscomb, 1996).
The two dimensions involve values that have to do with bene ts or enjoyment derived from
wildlife on one hand, and wildlife rights on the other (see Table 1). The individual beliefs
that loaded highest on each factor were averaged to create measures of the correspondin g
value orientations.
Hunting Attitudes and Behavior 171
Fundamental life values. Before the Schwarz value scale is submitted to analysis,
it is common practice to eliminate participants who do not discriminate between values
(Schwartz, personal communication). Therefore, respondent s who used the highest rating
more than 21 times were dropped as were respondents who used any single response more
than 35 times. Using these criteria, 63 participants were eliminated from the life values
analyses.
As is the usual practice, a smallest space analysis (Borg & Lingoes, 1987)was con-
ducted on the 56 individual value measures, yielding a structural solution very similar to the
solutions obtained in previous research (see Schwartz, 1992).2The values were therefore
collapsed to create measures of the 10 superordinat e values. The appropriate subsets of
these 10 superordinate values were then combined into the two higher-order bipolar dimen-
sions corresponding to self-transcendence versus self-enhancement and openness versus
conservation.
Descriptive Data
Based on their self-reports of behavior in the previous year, participants were divided into
three groups. The  rst group consisted of individuals who reported engaging in wildlife
viewing but not hunting (wildlife viewers; ND101). The second group consisted of indi-
viduals who reported engaging in hunting but not wildlife viewing (hunters; ND69). The
third group consisted of individuals who reported participating in outdoor recreation unre-
lated to wildlife but not wildlife viewing or hunting (outdoor recreationists; ND110 ). The
three groups were similar in mean age and marital status, and wildlife viewers and outdoor
recreationists also were much alike in other demographic characteristics. However, hunters
differed from the other two groups in that they were almost exclusively male and, compared
to the other two groups, somewhat less educated and of lower income levels. In addition,
the sample of hunters also contained fewer Caucasians and more Native Americans and
people of mixed ethnicity.
Components of the theory of planned behavior. The means and standard deviations
of the main components in the theory of planned behavior are shown in the upper part of
Table 2. It can be seen that hunters reported extremely positive mean attitudes, subjective
norms, perceptions of behavioral control, and intentions with respect to hunting. The dif-
ferences between the mean scores for hunters on these variables and those for the other
two groups were quite large and signi cant. Wildlife viewers and outdoor recreationists
reported similar and quite negative mean scores on perceptions of behavioral control and
intentions with respect to hunting. Their attitudes and subjective norms regarding hunting
were also unfavorable, although outdoor recreationists reported somewhat more negative
attitudes and subjective norms than did wildlife viewers.
Value scales. The middle part of Table 2 shows the means and standard deviations for
the two wildlife value scales. The pattern of means on the wildlife enjoyment dimension
indicates that the three groups were very similar in their high valuation of the enjoyment
of wildlife, although wildlife viewers and hunters displayed somewhat higher scores than
did outdoor recreationists. The groups differed, however, in their valuation of animal rights.
Wildlife viewers and outdoor recreationists had similar mean animal rights scores near the
midpoint of the scale. By contrast, hunters’ mean animal rights scores were substantially
below the scale midpoint which indicates a general disagreement with the idea that animal
rights should be equal to human rights.
The mean group scores on the higher-order bipolar value dimensions of self-
transcendence versus self-enhancement and openness versus conservation are shown in
172 D. Hrubes et al.
TABLE 2 Means and Standard Deviations for Wildlife Viewers, Hunters, and Other
Outdoor Recreationists
Outdoor
Wildlife viewers Hunters recreationists
(ND101) ( ND69) (ND110)
Theory of planned behavior
Attitudes 2:35a(1.76)6:72b(0.91)1:92c(1.36)
Perceived control 3:12a(1.95)6:69b(0.63)2:92a(2.17)
Intentions 1:25a(0.94)6:91b(0.41)1:09a(0.42)
Past behavior frequency 0.00 26.75 (27.61)0.00
Wildlife value scales
Wildlife enjoyment 6:68a(0.41)6:64a(0.60)6:27b(0.69)
Wildlife rights 4:04a(1.46)2:20b(1.04)4:02a(1.39)
General life values
Self-transcendence vs.
Self-enhancement 1:81a(1.06)0:58b(1.12)1:22c(0.95)
Openness vs. conservation 0:94a(1.37)¡:02b(0.98)0:63a(1.38)
Note: Standard deviations in parentheses. Attitudes, subjective norms, perceived control, and
intentions measured on a scale from 1 to 7 with higher numbers indicating more positive attitudes
and norms, higher per ceptions of control and intentions. Score s could range from 1 to 7 for wi ldlife
values and from from ¡8 to 8 for general life values. For each variable, different superscripts
indicate a signi cant difference at p< :01.
the lower part of Table 2. Hunters were somewhat less concerned with others and somewhat
less open to change than wildlife viewers, with outdoor recreationists falling between these
two groups. Hunters tended to place relatively more weight on the self-enhancement values
of power and achievement, while also showing somewhat less concern for others and greater
conservatism.
Main Analyses
In the following sections we examine the  ndings relevant to our major hypotheses. In a
series of hierarchical regression analyses, we tested the predictive validity of the theory
of planned behavior, as well as the extent to which values related to wildlife and to life
in general can account for additional variance in intentions and behavior. These analyses
are followed by an examination of the relations between the direct measures of attitudes,
subjective norms, and perceptions of control and their respective belief-based counter-
parts.
Prediction of intenti on and behavior. Table 3 displays the results of hierarchical regres-
sion analyses that examined the effectiveness of the theory of planned behavior in predicting
hunting intentions and behavior. In the  rst set of analyses presented in the upper half of
Table 3, behavior was the dependent variable. The relevant components of the theory—
intentions and perceptions of behavioral control—were entered in the  rst step, followed
by the two wildlife values in the second step, and the fundamental life values in the last
step.
The multiple correlati on in the  rst step was of relatively high magnitude (RD:62). It is
worth noting that only intention contributed signi cantly to the prediction of behavior while
perceived behavioral control failed to explain additional variance. A likely explanation for
Hunting Attitudes and Behavior 173
TABLE 3 Multiple Regressions of Hunting Behavior and Intentions on Components
of the Theory of Planned Behavior, Wildlife Value Orientations, and Fundamental
Values to Life
Dependent variable r b R R2
Behavior (ND301)
Step 1: Intention .62¤¤ .58¤¤
Perceived control .48¤¤ .05 .62¤¤ :38a
Step 2: Intention .57¤¤
Perceived control .04
Wildlife enjoyment .16¤¤ .02
Wildlife rights ¡:36¤¤ ¡:03 .62¤¤ .00
Step 3: Intention .53¤¤
Perceived control .03
Wildlife enjoyment .06
Wildlife rights ¡:01
Self-transcendence ¡:33¤¤ ¡:14
Openness ¡:14¤.00 .63¤¤ :02a
Intention (ND311)
Step 1: Attitude .91¤¤ .58¤¤
Subjective norm .89¤¤ .37¤¤
Perceived control .75¤¤ .07¤.93¤¤ :86a
Step 2: Attitude .56¤¤
Subjective norm .39¤¤
Perceived control .07
Wildlife enjoyment .25¤¤ .01
Wildlife rights ¡:54¤¤ .08¤.93¤¤ .00
Step 3: Attitude .55¤¤
Subjective norm .36¤¤
Perceived control .07¤
Wildlife enjoyment .03
Wildlife rights .09¤¤
Self-transcendence ¡:37¤¤ ¡:06¤¤
Openness ¡:26¤¤ ¡:04 .94¤¤ :02a
Note: Sample s izes vary due to missing data. rDzer o-orderc orrelation, bDstandardized regres sion
coef cient, RDmultiple correlation.
asigni cant increase in R2(p< :05).
¤p< :05; ¤¤ p< :01.
this  nding is that hunting is largely under volitional control. The more volitional control
one has over a behavior, the less important perceived behavioral control should be (Madden,
Ellen, & Ajzen, 1992).
Turning now to the role of the two wildlife-related and the two fundamental life val-
ues, it is instructive to  rst examine their zero-order correlations with reported hunting
behavior (see the  rst column of Table 3). Reported behavior demonstrated signi cant
correlations with all four value dimensions. Hunting behavior was positively correlated
with values related to wildlife enjoyment and negatively correlated with values related
to wildlife rights. In addition, hunting behavior was negatively correlated with the fun-
damental life value dimensions of openness and self-transcendence. Generally speaking,
174 D. Hrubes et al.
however, these broad values showed rather modest correlations with hunting behavior,
a pattern similar to the usually reported low correlations between global attitudes to-
ward an object and speci c behaviors directed at that object (see Ajzen & Fishbein,
1977).
As can be seen in Table 3, addition of the wildlife values in step two of the hierar-
chical regression analysis did not lead to a signi cant increase in explained variance for
hunting behavior. The addition of fundamental life values in step three, however, did lead
to a small though statistically signi cant increase in the explained variance for hunting
(R2change D.02). Examination of the regression coef cients indicated that it was the self-
transcendence versus self-enhancement dimension that made a signi cant contribution to
behavioral prediction.
To summarize, of all the me asures included in the analyses, intentions proved to be mos t
closely related to reported hunting behavior. Consistent with the theory of planned behavior,
the effects of wildlife -related values as well as fundamental values to life appeared to be
largely mediated by intentions. However, the fundamental life value of self-transcendence
derived from Schwartz’s value scale afforded a small but signi cant improvement in the
prediction of reported hunting.
Similar, though considerably stronger results emerged in the regression of hunting
intentions on the relevant components of the theory of planned behavior (attitudes, sub-
jective norms, and perceptions of behavioral control), on wildlife value orientations, and
on fundamental life values. Inspection of the lower part of Table 3 shows that the multiple
correlation for the  rst step based on the theory of planned behavior was signi cant and
quite high (RD:93). Attitude, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control all made
signi cant contributions to the prediction of hunting intentions.
The zero-order correlations between intentions and the four value measures (two
wildlife and two fundamental life values)were very similar and of small magnitude, similar
to the correlations with respect to behavior. When added to the equation in the second step
of the hierarchical regression analysis, the increase in explained variance due to the two
wildlife value orientations was small but statistically signi cant (R2change D.02). Of the
two wildlife value orientations, only wildlife rights scores made a signi cant contribution
to predicting intentions to hunt.
The addition of fundamental life values in step three of the analysis signi cantly in-
creased the explained variance in hunting intentions as well but, as was the case with be-
havior, the magnitude of this increase was very small. The dimension of self-transcendence
versus self-enhancement was again responsible for the signi cant contribution to the pre-
diction. In sum, the addition of wildlife values and fundamental values to life did increase
the amount of variance in intentions accounted for by the model, but this increase was small
in comparison to the amount of variance accounted for by components of the theory of
planned behavior.
Informational foundation. According to the theory of planned behavior, in their re-
spective aggregates, behavioral beliefs provide the basis for attitudes, normative beliefs
for subjective norms, and control beliefs for perceived behavioral control.3To test these
predictions with respect to attitudes, the measures of behavioral belief strength were mul-
tiplied by the corresponding outcome evaluations and the resulting products were summed
over all 12 beliefs.4The sum was then correlated with the direct attitude measure, in accor-
dance with the expectancyvalue model of attitude. The procedure was easier for the norm-
ative and control beliefs: responses to the two normative belief items were averaged, as were
responses to the four control belief items, and the resulting means were correlated with the
direct measures of subjective norm and perceived behavioral control, respectively. All three
Hunting Attitudes and Behavior 175
correlations were signi cant and of high magnitude (.76, .74, .72, ps <.001, for attitude,
subjective norm, and perceived control, respectively), thus supporting the informational
foundations for attitude, subjective norm, and perceived control proposed by the theory.
Discussion and Conclusions
The theory of planned behavior was found to afford quite accurate prediction of hunting
intentions and behavior. In accordance with the theory, attitudes toward hunting, subjective
norms, and perceptions of behavioral control were signi cant determinants of intentions,
and intentions correlated strongly with self-reported behavior. Perceived behavioral control
did not account for additional variance in hunting behavior, suggesting that hunting-related
activities are largely under volitional control. The successful application of the theory of
planned behavior to hunting is consistent with other research in which the theory effectively
predicted participation in a variety of recreational activities (Ajzen & Driver, 1991; Ajzen
& Driver, 1992; Rossi & Armstrong, 1999). One caveat, noted in the method section, is
that our measure of hunting behavior referred to behavior performed in the past. Although
such measures are common in research with the theory of planned behavior (see Armitage
& Conner, 1999), this practice leaves open the possibility that participants provided biased
self-reports of behavior to be consistent with their expressed attitudes and intentions. It
would thus be important for future research to establish the theory’s predictive validity in
relation to subsequent hunting behavior.
The inclusion of wildlife value orientations and fundamental life values furthered our
understanding of the role these constructs play in determining behavior. Our  ndings pro-
vided evidence in support of a value-attitude-behavior cognitive hierarchy. Wildlife-related
value orientations and fundamental life values were modestly correlated with behavior, but
these relations were largely mediated by beliefs, att itudes, and intentions speci cally dealing
with the behavior of hunting. These  ndings are consistent with the results of other studies
which indicated that the in uence of wildlife-related value orientations on intentions is me-
diated by attitudes (Fulton, Manfredo, & Lipscomb, 1996). They are also consistent with the
theory of planned behavior, according to which broad values are background variables that
in uence behavior indirectly through their in uence on beliefs and attitudes (Ajzen, 1991).
In addition to replicating previous  ndings regarding the value-attitude-behavior relation-
ship, our  ndings add to the understanding of the relationship between values and behavior
by demonstrating that not only speci c value orientations, but also broad fundamental life
values may in uence intentions and behaviors indirectly through their in uence on beliefs
and attitudes.
Beyond demonstrating the effectiveness of the theory in predicting intentions and be-
havior, our  ndings also provide evidence supportin g the proposed informational foun-
dations of attitudes, subjective norms, and perceptions of control. The strong correlations
between the direct measures of these constructs and their respective belief-based aggregates
supports the assumption in the theory of planned behavior that attitudes toward a behav-
ior are derived from beliefs about the behavior’s consequences, that subjective norms are
derived from beliefs about the normative expectations of others, and that perceptions of
control are derived from beliefs about the presence of factors that may facilitate or impede
performance of the behavior.
Though the results of this investigation strongly support the effectiveness of the theory
of planned behavior as a conceptual framework for predicting and understanding wildlife-
related activities such as hunting, a limiting condition with respect to our measure of general
life values should be noted. A relatively large number of respondents (63)was dropped from
the value analyses due to missing or questionable Schwartz data. This number represented
176 D. Hrubes et al.
a considerable proportio n of our sample. It could be argued that these individuals differed
in some way that would affect the theory of planned behavior’s ability to predict their
participation in hunting activities. In order to rule out this possibility, we recomputed the
regression analyses without the fundamental life value data so that these individuals would
be included. The resulting multiple correlations and regression coef cients were nearly
identical to those in the original analyses. Therefore, it seems unlikely that those individuals
who were originally omitted differed in any way that would affect the predictive power of
the theory of planned behavior.
In sum, the present research demonstrated that the theory of planned behavior offers
considerable power in predicting and explaining participation in hunting intentions and
behavior. Further, it indicates that wildlife value orientations and fundamental life values
may help to account for some of the variance in wildlife related beliefs and attitudes that
ultimately determine the decision to engage or not to engage in hunting.
Notes
1. We are grateful to the managers of the Green Mountain National Forest for their help and
guidance in sampling visitors.
2. We greatly appreciate the assistance with the smallest space analysis provided by Olga Mazo.
3. For the purposes of this article, only the correlation between the aggregate belief measures
and their respective direct measures is reported. Data concerning the individual beliefs and outcome
evaluations will be published in a separate report.
4. An optimal scaling analysis (see Ajzen, 1991)was conducted to test whether the belief scales
should be scored in a bipolar or unipolar fashion. Based on the results of this analysis, bipolar scoring
was applied.
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