Social Movements: An Introduction
... Della Porta e Diani (2006) também se valem de um experimento brasileiro, o orçamento participativo de Porto Alegre, para tentar ilustrar os limites e as possibilidades de pesquisas sobre caracterização dos resultados alcançados por movimentos sociais. Na visão desses autores, o deslocamento das relações entre movimentos sociais e estado para espaços participativos mistos incorre em mais riscos do que vantagens. ...
... Por serem mais permeáveis do que a esfera política tradicional, os espaços participativos possibilitam que o movimento social exerça maior influência sobre a política pública. Por fim, a ampliação de arenas participativas traz consigo a realização de um dos principais objetivos de muitos movimentos sociais: o desenvolvimento e a expansão de novos conceitos de democracia (DELLA PORTA;DIANI, 2006). Dryzek (1996), por seu turno, afirma ser necessário distinguir entre inclusão na vida política e inclusão no estado. ...
... Por serem mais permeáveis do que a esfera política tradicional, os espaços participativos possibilitam que o movimento social exerça maior influência sobre a política pública. Por fim, a ampliação de arenas participativas traz consigo a realização de um dos principais objetivos de muitos movimentos sociais: o desenvolvimento e a expansão de novos conceitos de democracia (DELLA PORTA;DIANI, 2006). Dryzek (1996), por seu turno, afirma ser necessário distinguir entre inclusão na vida política e inclusão no estado. ...
Afro-latinos em Movimento: Protesto Negro e Ativismo Institucional no Brasil e na Colômbia, de Cristiano Rodrigues, é um livro inestimável para muitas agendas de pesquisa. Resulta de uma pesquisa original, extensa e de qualidade, utilizando análise documental e entrevistas, feita com rigor e qualidade exigida numa tese de doutorado, defendida em 2014, no prestigiado Iesp-Uerj. O livro traz uma enorme contribuição para os estudos sobre raça e política no Brasil, um campo que carece de reflexões; mobiliza o campo da Sociologia Política pela via dos movimentos sociais lembrando a importância do movimento negro, por vezes esquecida nesta agenda e, por fim, investe na comparação dentro da América Latina inserindo-se na linha dos estudos afro-latino-americanos ao comparar Brasil e Colômbia. Este estudo comparativo é muito bem recebido pelos estudiosos da área, principalmente em virtude do período analisado. Brasil e Colômbia partilham algumas características políticas comuns no tocante à participação dos negros nas suas respectivas sociedades. Dentre elas, a construção de uma identidade nacional mestiça e a sistemática negação do racismo como elemento constituinte das desigualdades raciais. Em sua análise, o autor reconstitui as importantes mudanças ocorridas na agenda política estatal sobre a temática racial de ambos os países demonstrando como as transformações no contexto político propiciaram a abertura de oportunidades políticas para a ação dos movimentos negros e a construção da demanda por políticas públicas. O autor destaca também as diferenças nas trajetórias dos países no processo de institucionalização da agenda de ações afirmativas junto ao estado, o que permite ao leitor um conhecimento mais adequado desse processo em ambos os países. A leitura deste livro é agradável, estimulante e principalmente desafiadora. Faz-nos pensar sobre o país que queremos e principalmente sobre os retrocessos que não queremos viver.
... In addition to the dimension of the purpose of social movements, there are several types of social movement organizational movements from Donatella D. Porta & Mario Diani (2006) in their book "Social Movements: An Introduction". There are 2 types of social movement organizations that will be used as a comparison between Team 9 in Tengsin and SPRI in Kampung Gege. ...
... 20). The second type is grassroots movement organization, described by Porta & Diani (2006) as a model that "combines a strong participatory orientation with a low level of formal structuring". The grassroots model of organization relies on the volunteerism of members to join this model movement based on solidarity incentives, and most importantly, often grassroots organizations are concerned with local issues (pp. ...
... Team 9 in the theoretical lens of Porta & Diani (2006) is a grassroots organization that "combines a strong participatory orientation with a low level of formal structuring" (pp. 149). ...
The city is a complex reality that reflects the struggle for political, economic, and cultural spaces and resources amidst limitations and contingencies in achieving justice for all city residents. The concepts of the Right to the City and Urban Social Movements, as explored in urban political literature, serve as an exploratory framework for this qualitative-descriptive research. They help to understand the struggles for the right to the city through urban social movements in Karet Tengsin and Kampung Guji Baru, Jakarta. This study employs both primary and secondary data collection methods. Primary data were gathered through interviews with three key informants: two activists from Tim 9 in Karet Tengsin and one activist from Serikat Perjuangan Rakyat Indonesia (SPRI) in Kampung Guji Baru. These interviews were further supported by direct observation conducted over approximately one month in both areas. Secondary data, including literature from books, scientific journals, and media reports, complement the analysis and provide insights into the empirical realities of urban social movements by slum residents in Jakarta. The findings demonstrate distinct differences in the models, types, and demands of struggles for the right to the city as exhibited by Tim 9 in Karet Tengsin and SPRI in Kampung Guji Baru. Moreover, the empirical evidence descriptively concludes that the Jakarta government has yet to fully realize the right to the city, particularly in providing access to adequate housing and sustainable livelihoods (collective consumption).
... With that, there is a lot of greenwashing and white protagonists, without addressing the structural social problems." (Participant 11) This relates to the stages of social movements, emergence: agglutination, institutionalization, success, failure, co-optation, repression, popularization, and decline (Christiansen, 2011;Della Porta;Diani, 2006), and the participant above sees co-optation happening in climate justice. ...
... With that, there is a lot of greenwashing and white protagonists, without addressing the structural social problems." (Participant 11) This relates to the stages of social movements, emergence: agglutination, institutionalization, success, failure, co-optation, repression, popularization, and decline (Christiansen, 2011;Della Porta;Diani, 2006), and the participant above sees co-optation happening in climate justice. ...
This study explores the key characteristics and strategies of young climate justice activists in Brazil. Climate justice is a contested issue shaped by various disciplines and ideological perspectives. This research addresses the lack of characterization of these activists, particularly their demographic profile (race, gender, age, nationality), motivations, strategies, and demands. Using primary and secondary data, the study investigates what is the profile of young activists fighting for climate justice in Brazil. It hypothesizes that they form a diverse group, their motivations highlight the intersections of race and gender, and they advocate for historical reparations from nations and systems responsible for climate change. Additionally, the hypothesis is that many are already engaged in climate justice organizations. A literature review and primary data collection through the Q Method (questionnaire design, administration, and analysis) was used, framed by critical climate justice theory. Findings reveal an emerging youth-led climate justice movement in Brazil, with Black women playing a central role. Their motivations are shaped by lived experiences, and there is strong consensus on prioritizing colonialism, intersectionality, and climate marches. However, opinions diverge on adopting more disruptive tactics. In conclusion, climate justice in Brazil is expanding through multiple currents. For young activists, it represents more than a social movement—it is a broader struggle for systemic change.
... Identitas kolektif yang terbentuk melalui interaksi sosial juga memainkan peran krusial. Identitas kolektif dalam konteks gerakan sosial dapat dipahami sebagai sebuah proses di mana individu mengidentifikasi diri mereka sebagai bagian dari suatu kelompok atau komunitas yang lebih besar dengan tujuan yang sama (Porta dan Diani 2006). Identitas kolektif terbentuk melalui interaksi antaranggota kelompok, serta konstruksi sosial yang dikembangkan dalam gerakan tersebut. ...
Beberapa tahun terakhir ini, berbagai peristiwa yang terjadi di Palestina telah mengundang banyak perhatian dari aktor-aktor selain negara, salah satunya masyarakat global. Partisipasi masyarakat global lewat kampanye di media sosial menunjukkan bahwa kesadaran moral dan rasa solidaritas mereka terus mengalami peningkatan. Salah satu kampanye yang berhasil menarik perhatian dunia adalah tagar #FreePalestine yang telah digunakan lebih dari 5,2 juta kali pada 2023. Angka tersebut menandakan bahwa media memiliki peran yang sangat besar dalam membentuk perspektif dan mengatur sikap masyarakat. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini berusaha untuk menganalisis seberapa krusial peran media sosial dalam membentuk perspektif masyarakat global.
Penulis berargumen bahwa konstruktivisme, yang berfokus pada identitas, norma, dan narasi yang dibentuk melalui interaksi sosial, merupakan teori yang efektif untuk mengkaji peran media dalam upaya masyarakat global untuk perdamaian di Palestina. Melalui pendekatan yang komprehensif, masyarakat dapat memanfaatkan peran media yang signifikan dalam mempromosikan perdamaian bagi warga Palestina (Rawat 2014). Tulisan ini terbagi dalam tiga bagian, yaitu kerangka teoritis mengenai konstruktivisme, analisis peran media sosial dalam upaya masyarakat global sebagai bentuk dukungan untuk Palestina, dan kesimpulan sebagai penutup.
... Los repertorios de participación política cambian, ya sea en la forma en que se desarrollan las acciones específicas -por ejemplo, las herramientas, mecanismos o técnicas que se reconocen como válidas y se usan, la intensidad y las articulaciones entre diversas prácticas-, o bien en el estatuto legal, de legibilidad política y de legitimidad social que puedan tener cada una de ellas (Della Porta & Diani, 2006;Gøtzsche-Astrup & Gøtzsche-Astrup, 2022;Tarrow, 1994;Wada, 2016). Dialogan con el contexto y con las miradas analíticas que las abordan, las cuales han ido ampliando cuantitativa y cualitativamente las acciones consideradas para el abordaje de la PP. ...
Este trabajo evalúa las propiedades psicométricas de una escala multidimensional de participación política (PP), que reúne comportamientos políticos efectivamente realizados y nivel de compromiso personal percibido de cada acción. Para ello, se trabajó con una muestra probabilística de personas de Argentina (18 a 65 años, N = 1 335), y se testearon las propiedades psicométricas mediante un análisis factorial confirmatorio, evidencia de validez concurrente y de fiabilidad. Los resultados confirman una estructura de cinco dimensiones y ajuste del modelo satisfactorio. La propuesta constituye un aporte significativo por la escasez de instrumentos de evaluación de la PP, que la comprendan de forma multidimensional y articulada a nivel de compromiso personal con la acción.
... Rather than defining them solely as expressions of extremism, violence, and deprivation, scholars-and public opinion-began interpreting social movements in new and positive ways. Their "new" formation, which emerged from the social struggles at the end of the 1960s, focused on "new" issues of feminism, queer identities, race, and the environment in addition to the "old" issues of class, ethnicity, and nationality (Chari & Donner, 2010;Della Porta & Diani, 1999;Tilly, 2004). ...
... Moreover, complementing our theoretical perspective with analytical tools from pragmatic sociology (Boltanski and Thévenot 2006) and social psychology (Batel and Castro 2018), we show how these critiques are shaped by self-other relations, the deployment of 'orders of worth', and objectified in critical concepts such as 'sacrifice zone'. We therefore also add to the literature on framing and discursive strategies in social and environmental movements (Caiani 2023;Centemeri 2022;Della Porta and Diani 2020). More importantly, we show how rather than a selfinterested 'NIMBY' (Not in My Backyard) argument or one based on an attachment to place, citizens are reflexive and creative actors who can discursively engage with political discourses of the common good in response to the hegemonic discourses deployed by institutions (Avila 2018;Batel and Rudolph 2021). ...
The transition to renewable energy is being pursued within neoliberal frameworks that prioritize market competition and industrial development, increasingly resulting in significant negative socio-ecological consequences and environmental injustices. As a result, scholars and activists are increasingly taking up more radical discursive strategies, adopting critical terms like ‘sacrifice zone,’ to describe marginalized places. In short, critiques of fossil fuel regimes are increasingly accompanied by an emerging critique of hegemonic renewable energy regimes. Through a case study of community resistance to a large-scale solar PV project in Alentejo, Portugal, this article aims to further understand this critique by analysing the arguments and discursive strategies that local movements are utilizing against business-as-usual renewable energy transitions and how they are received by powerful actors. Findings reveal that opposition is not solely driven by self-interest or place-attachment, but is deeply rooted in critiques of procedural and distributive injustices, framed through the critical and constructive discourse of ‘sacrifice zone’ which not only enabled residents to make sense of what was happening, but also allowed them to build new forms of territorial commonality and critique. This study highlights how the concept of the ‘sacrifice zone’ functions as a means of co-producing new knowledge and as a tool for explaining and coping with change. From the perspective of pragmatic sociology, it can also be viewed as a critical strategy of self-vulnerabilization—one that resists change, demands recognition, challenges state authority, and attempts to foster new territorial movements.
... The ObCD framework operates as an enabler to strengthen community actions in the identification of solutions to problems that are neglected in society. The process of identification of solutions is facilitated through participation in meaningful and intentional occupations that promote health and well-being by addressing the outcomes of the occupational injustice discussed above 13 . This commentary contributes to the existing knowledge of occupational justice by responding to Hammell's invitation that "it is time for occupational therapists to address occupational injustices" 5:215 . ...
Background: The Occupational justice framework is significant in enabling communities to collaborate with occupational therapists to strengthen social vision and to enhance the occupational potential. It has been highlighted that the occupational justice framework could be used in conjunction with Occupation-based Community Development programmes to enrich social transformation through engagement in community-led occupations. However, little is known about the applicability of both occupational justice and Occupation-based Community Development frameworks in designing programmes for communities that experienced collective trauma after the Marikana event. Purpose: This commentary explores and describes the Marikana event in terms of the occupational justice framework and its outcomes of occupational injustice. It further unpacks the occupation of protest and the factors predicting protest using the Marikana event. Key Issues: Critical reflections of mineworkers' movements are used to enhance an understanding of the occupational lens of the protest in addressing conditions of social reproduction in communities. Conclusion: The applicability of the occupational justice and Occupation-based Community Development frameworks can help occupational therapy clinicians, educators, and students to collaborate with communities through a cycle of critical consciousness to achieve social vision, social transformation, and healing. Recommendations are provided in relation to community-centred occupational therapy practice, education, and future research within a South African context.
... Le bilan des questionnements méthodologiques met à jour la pertinence des approches et leur renouvellement, mais aussi les écueils ou les « silences », en dégageant ainsi des pans de la réflexion qui méritent d'être approfondis ou revisités. Les synthèses comparées sur les mobilisations sociales françaises (Combes, Garibay et Goirand, 2015 ;agrikolianski et al., 2010 ;Goirand, 2010a ;2010b), anglo-saxonnes ou européennes (Jasper et Duyvendak, 2014 ;Stekelenburg et Klandermans, 2013 ;Staggenborg, 2011 ;tilly, 2008 ;Della Porta et Diani, 2006 ;aminzade, Goldstone et Macadam, 2001 ;Macadam, tarrow et tilly, 2001 ;Mcadam, McCarthy et Zald, 1996) et latino-américaines (almeida et Cordero, 2017Combes, tamayo et Voetgli, 2015 ;rebón et Modonesi, 2011 ;López, Carrera et Calveiro, 2008), parmi d'autres, permettent de se repérer dans cette littérature foisonnante. Nous retiendrons les synthèses internationales, même si elles ne concernent pas toujours des contextes latino-américains, lorsque les réflexions théoriques et méthodologiques qu'elles proposent s'avèrent utiles à la compréhension des enjeux scientifiques dans lesquels s'insère la réflexion sur les mouvements latino-américains. ...
This a sinthesis of litterature in french, spanish and english languages on the study of social movements in Latin America since the eighties until 2020.
I explain the main theoretical and methodological debates in the sociology of Latinamerican protestas and social actors, the main issues and debates around them, and a description of the major social and political transformations in Latin American countries in this period.
key words: Social movements; Latin America ; review of litterature; theories on social movilization
... The ObCD framework operates as an enabler to strengthen community actions in the identification of solutions to problems that are neglected in society. The process of identification of solutions is facilitated through participation in meaningful and intentional occupations that promote health and well-being by addressing the outcomes of the occupational injustice discussed above 13 . This commentary contributes to the existing knowledge of occupational justice by responding to Hammell's invitation that "it is time for occupational therapists to address occupational injustices" 5:215 . ...
Background: The Occupational justice framework is significant in enabling communities to collaborate with occupational therapists to strengthen social vision and to enhance the occupational potential. It has been highlighted that the occupational justice framework could be used in conjunction with Occupation-based Community Development programmes to enrich social transformation through engagement in community-led occupations. However, little is known about the applicability of both occupational justice and Occupation-based Community Development frameworks in designing programmes for communities that experienced collective trauma after the Marikana event. Purpose: This commentary explores and describes the Marikana event in terms of the occupational justice framework and its outcomes of occupational injustice. It further unpacks the occupation of protest and the factors predicting protest using the Marikana event. Key Issues: Critical reflections of mineworkers' movements are used to enhance an understanding of the occupational lens of the protest in addressing conditions of social reproduction in communities. Conclusion: The applicability of the occupational justice and Occupation-based Community Development frameworks can help occupational therapy clinicians, educators, and students to collaborate with communities through a cycle of critical consciousness to achieve social vision, social transformation, and healing. Recommendations are provided in relation to community-centred occupational therapy practice, education, and future research within a South African context. Â
... Another factor that mediates the link between SM and SP is the strategy deployed by movements. A common topic in social movements is to analyze how the preference for insider or outsider strategies might affect the impacts of movement on policy and politics (della Porta and Diani 2006;Tarrow 2011). Outsider strategies can help movements gain leverage, strengthen their constituency, and shape the public agenda due to disruption. ...
This article examines the strategies and outcomes of the Chilean student movement during the higher education reform of 2018. Following the waves of protest in 2011 and 2013, students successfully pressured the enactment of free education policy in 2016 and a new higher education law in 2018. However, why did activists persist in opposing the reform, in what ways did they oppose it, and what outcomes did they achieve? The study shows that students opposed the reform due to significant policy disagreements and omissions between government proposals and activist demands. It further details how students employed insider strategies to enhance their access and representation within policy‐making processes. Nonetheless, these strategies did not yield improved outcomes; activists encountered political and institutional constraints that limited their impact on the reform. The article concludes by reflecting on how the movement's constrained impacts illustrate the resilience of neoliberal policies and the ongoing challenges in democratizing educational policy.
... Such an objective is made even more difficult by the spread of multiple belongings and multiple affiliations (Della Porta 2005b; Della Porta and Diani 2006;Diani 2009;Della Porta and Mattoni 2014). ...
The process of individualization and the proliferation of multiple memberships have long undermined the classical model of the “synthesis structures” in which the multiple styles of engagement of activists and militants used to be embedded. Even if they do not mark their demise or the tout court disappearance of collective identities, they do impose changes in order to make possible the creation of collective actors (in the most proper sense) capable of embracing an increasing heterogeneity of their members. Within this scenario, the article focuses on how activists who are not resigned to the fact that individualization is an inevitable process attempt to preserve a collective dimension as the core of their political engagement. The need to address loose participation and the presence of multiple affiliations without being able to rely on past solutions implies first bringing the collective into play not as taken for granted, but rather as the stake of strategies that have to be elaborated: not so much a means, but rather increasingly an end of political action. Besides exploring the strategies put in place to achieve this goal, the article focuses on the difficulty and the fatigue of handling this challenge. Such a fatigue will is defined in terms of «active disaffection», to signify as much the disillusionment that even at a young age seems to unify the trajectories of militancy, as the commitment to find alternative paths toward a goal that is considered imperative.
... SML is a distinctive research area in adult education centered on various reactive and proactive social actions confronting pressing issues of concern. Social movements are a social process in which actors come together in (1) informal interactive networks, (2) shared beliefs and solidarity, (3) collective action focused on conflict, and (4) the use of protest (Porta & Diani, 2006). The theorization of SML undertaken by adult educators have forged productive connections between adult learning theories and social movement studies. ...
Despite the success of critical race theory (CRT) in bringing about an intellectual movement that profoundly influenced the setting of a racial justice agenda in educational research since its inception 30 years ago, the material racial inequity still prevails and continues to subordinate people from racialized communities in and beyond the classroom. As such, it is time that we re-examine the way CRT has been interpreted and applied in educational research to better fulfill CRT’s promise of racial justice. The rise of the current wave of anti-racism movements presents a critical moment for such re-examination. This article therefore examines the current and potential engagement with CRT in educational research by analyzing and theorizing CRT-informed social movement learning to illustrate how we can fully realize the anti-racism potential of CRT in educational research. What we learn from the various forms of learning in the anti-racism movements suggest that a combination of anti-racism voices and practices is vital to mobilize learning as enactment of multiple forms of agency to combat racism through critical creative anti-racism struggles. Future CRT educational research can further recognize CRT as an integrated and evolving framework in which the centering of race and racism to illuminate multiple nexus of subordination serves as a starting point to develop anti-racism strategies and that CRT educational research can embrace a form of criticality against racism as practices of critique and creation of alternatives.
... The integration of metacognitive processes with social movement participation finds theoretical support in Eyerman & Jamison's (1991) cognitive praxis framework, which conceptualizes social movements as knowledge-producing enterprises. The transition from member to activist through strengthened group positioning aligns with what della Porta & Diani (2006) term 'activist identity construction' -a process whereby individuals develop deeper commitment through positive movement experiences. Furthermore, the model's emphasis on the relationship between individual transformation and collective action is theoretically grounded in Holford's (1995) analysis of how social movements serve as sites of both personal and social transformation. ...
This study investigates transformative learning within the Soulaliyine Social Movement in Morocco, exploring how learning processes catalyze activism and social change. While existing research on social movements predominantly focuses on resistance and power dynamics, this research addresses a critical gap by examining the learning dimensions that drive individual and collective transformation. Employing a qualitative narrative case study approach, the research utilizes in-depth interviews with two prominent activists, analyzed through Mezirow’s Transformative Learning Theory framework. The study centers on a land rights movement primarily initiated by women seeking compensation and recognition of their rights to collective lands. It provides a rich context for understanding how marginalized groups develop agency and challenge existing sociocultural structures. The research reveals three key findings: First, transformative learning leads to irreversible personal transformation, fundamentally altering activists’ perceptions and frames of reference. Second, positive reinforcement from movement members significantly increases the likelihood of transitioning from passive members to active participants. Third, learning processes are crucial in challenging and reconstructing existing power structures. By exploring the intricate mechanisms of personal knowledge acquisition and identity reconstruction, this study provides innovative insights into how individuals transform from passive observers to active agents of social change. The research demonstrates that learning is not merely an intellectual process but a dynamic pathway to collective empowerment and social justice.
... Traditionally, social movements in 1960s had focused mainly on issues of labour and national while since then we have witnessed not only an increase in new forms of political participation which changed the quantity and quality of protests and prompted significant innovations in social scientists' approach to these questions (Jeroense, Luimers, Jacobs et al. 2022;Porta and Diani 2006;Aleksanyan 2021). To describe and interpret women's social movements that fought against social stratification, which meant a vertical cross-section of the social structure, revealing the place of women's specific social groups in the system of social hierarchy. ...
The article analyzes the origins of women’s social movements in the transit Armenian NGO network, which are closely linked to the emergence of modernity, where capitalism, state-building, urbanization and other factors created conditions for collective action. The results of women's civic initiatives are divided into direct results, such as changes in public policy, and indirect results, such as shifts in public opinion. The article draws attention to the fact that women's movements in Armenia are distinguished by the fact that they are future-oriented, ideologically driven and more inclusive than other civic initiatives. These new movements are often devoid of hierarchical structures, advocate for horizontal cooperation and are often marginalized by the media and public opinion. In this sense, the aim of this article is to analyze the resilience of women's movements in Armenia using the theory of civil society and political transformation of post-Soviet countries, focusing on the quality of political institutions and regimes, mobilizing social networks and protest cycles. The theoretical and practical position of this article reveals the peculiarities of the development and effective political adaptation of the women's community in the context of European integration of Armenian society. The main provisions of this article contribute to further research into the problems of women’s political adaptation in a transitional economy, identifying the main directions for establishing gender equality as one of the priorities of public policy, as well as strengthening the political activism of women in Armenia.
The Far Right is generally considered to be a significant phenomenon of the first two decades of the twenty first century, and it perhaps also represents the defining academic publishing phenomenon in political science and sociology over the same period. But what do we know about the transnationalization of the Far Right? While processes of transnationalization are well known and have long been studied in relation to left-wing, progressive actors, there is still a need for research to be carried out on how the Far Right responds to the challenges of transnationalization. This is true for both political parties and movements in an era such as the fourth wave of the Far Right, which has seen the emergence of increasingly hybrid actors on this side of the political spectrum. This chapter addresses these issues by using a number of concepts from the scholarship on social movement contention to look at the trasnationalization of different types of actors on the Right (including both political parties and non-party organizations).
In response to the multiple global crises and current challenges facing European societies, new practices of solidarity and citizenship have emerged at the local scale, deeply rooted in experiences of social struggle. Arguing that research addressing the local scale and its multiscalar entanglements can be useful in addressing the pressing challenges of our time, this book analyses how social movement organizations and civil society initiatives across ten European cities (in Denmark, Germany, Italy, Slovenia, and Switzerland) reimagine and transform solidarities in three contentious social fields that have been particularly impacted by these crises: migrant rights, housing, and care. The debate in this book is focused on contemporary movements’ framing of social issues in the context of multiple, intersecting crises, thus intervening in the fields of social movement studies, urban studies, political communication, and frame analysis, as well as broader theoretical and public debates on concepts of solidarity and citizenship. Featuring an international group of scholars working on social movements, solidarity, and citizenship, this book investigates how dynamics of the polycrisis not only generate new forms of inequality and social exclusion, but also new forms of solidarity, political activism, and citizenship.
In recent years, a series of social and political crises has sparked social movements across Europe. Solidarity emerged as a central concept in these movements, driving their reimagination and transformation. Building on Agustin and Jørgensen’s typology of autonomous, civic, and institutional solidarity, this chapter examines the degrees of institutionalisation in these transformative processes. The chapter presents an extended typology of social movements (SM) and social movement organisations (SMO) in the fields of housing and migrant rights. This typology encompasses five SM and SMO located in Copenhagen, Aarhus, and Aalborg, with two housing and three migrant rights movements. The theoretical analysis considers the interrelational nature of these fields within the broader context of care. A total of 25 documents produced by these movements were analysed—like public statements, calls to action, self-representations, antagonistic statements, press releases, and media representations. The chapter sheds light on the prognosis, diagnosis, and affectual frames of each SM and SMO. The interrelationships of the movements are demonstrated, with the state identified as a main problem actor within both fields. Against this backdrop, the chapter explores how the (re)framing of solidarities through SM and SMO during times of crises can foster new forms of collective political subjectivation.
Social movements are catalysts for crucial institutional changes. To succeed, they must coordinate members’ views (consensus building) and actions (mobilization). We study union leaders within Myanmar’s burgeoning labor movement. Union leaders are positively selected on both ability and personality traits that enable them to influence others, yet they earn lower wages. In group discussions about workers’ views on an upcoming national minimum wage negotiation, randomly embedded leaders build consensus around the union’s preferred policy. In an experiment that mimics individual decision-making in a collective action setup, leaders increase mobilization through coordination. (JEL D91, J38, J51, O15)
This thesis addresses the question of how political narratives are configured as aesthetic issues in selected images from apartheid, #AmINext and #FeesMustFall. The research questions are explored through iconological and hermeneutical interpretation. Sixty documents were collected for interpretation, thirty documentary photographs from the apartheid-era, fifteen images from #AmINext, and fifteen images from #FeesMustFall. The images were coded using the qualitative analysis software ATLAS.ti, and thematically curated using the online whiteboard platform Miro. Additional examples of what I refer to as "politically charged images" (PCI) were added to the Miro whiteboard to illustrate an aesthetics of politically charged imagery. The study addresses three main objectives. Firstly, through a Rancièrian theoretical framework, I explore how an anti-apartheid narrative is configured in apartheid-era documentary photographs, primarily through interpreting selected photographs by David Goldblatt and Ernest Cole. Second, I examine how political images can communicate similar political, social and cultural issues despite distances in time and space. Third, I interrogate the movement of past political images to online platforms and their interactions with more recent politically charged images on online platforms. I put forward the idea that politically charged imagery are constructing imagic conversations on shared social issues through time and space. I offer a renewed perspective on iconicity as a category for interpreting the political messages read in images. In my determination of the word, iconicity refers to the underlying qualities of images that inspires a sense of likeness, resonance, recognition and memory-recall. Whereas previous uses of iconicity have focussed on the word as a category to interrogate the material basis of icons as culturally impactive, my determination of the word stresses the immaterial aspects of image communication. Using Jacques Rancière's concept of the aesthetic image, I position the selected apartheid-era photographs as constructing the politics of apartheid. The affective images of apartheid-era documentary photography contribute to an archive of virtual imagery that speak both to the local issue of apartheid and related universal issues connected to racial injustice, police brutality, and social inequalities. The images of #AmINext and #FeesMustFall are also argued to be affective images that have the potential to speak to other related social movements. In both networked social movements, the activists engage in body politics that make otherwise hidden violences visible. Lastly, I argue that the iconologies of #AmINext and #FeesMustFall consist of several perspectives of the movement formed through machinic interventions, images from the past and images that point to an empowered future for the activists.
This study examined the network agenda setting (NAS) influence of mainstream and partisan media on the public during the 2018 #NeverAgain social movement on X. Using a unique theoretical and methodological approach, it also investigated the NAS impact of social movement leaders. Results showed that the news media as a whole and the mainstream, liberal, and conservative media, respectively, had varying NAS effects at the micro-attribute level. Findings also indicated that social movement leaders were able to influence public opinion independently.
Read-only link:
https://journals.sagepub.com/share/BGUI5XQICUISRXUUIGMB?target=10.1177/10776990251338846
In 2018 and 2020, the new governments of the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) in Mexico and the Movement towards Socialism in Bolivia (MAS) were inaugurated. Founded as social movements, one could expect that these two political parties should be the most focused on addressing the needs emanating from the population and social movements. This article studies the relations between the two political parties and feminist and indigenous social groups. The research was based on a mixed methodology, analyzing official data and conducting stateoftheart research on the change in relations between MORENA and MAS with the aforementioned social mobilizations. The research shows that the relationship between political parties and selected social movements has been negatively affected. Leading us to suggest that the very essence of MORENA or MAS was not respected, regardless of their origins and the social groups that supported them in reaching the Presidency.
En la literatura académica, la conceptualización de los movimientos sociales y del desarrollo local refleja una dinámica de interconexión. Las transformaciones sociales, económicas y políticas constituyen una oportunidad para explorar en detalle cómo la interacción entre ambos elementos puede moldear la configuración de la sociedad.
Los movimientos sociales emergen como voces críticas y agentes de cambio que pretenden transformar estructuras sociales, cuestionan desigualdades y luchan por la justicia en diversas áreas (Roncagliolo Benítez, 2004), mientras que el desarrollo local se centra en el empoderamiento de las comunidades y la mejora de la calidad de vida a nivel subnacional (Juárez Alonso, 2013, p. 13) con el fin de crear entornos sostenibles y prósperos. Esta convergencia plantea preguntas fundamentales sobre cómo se intersectan, cómo se apoyan o desafían mutuamente y cuál es el impacto resultante en las políticas y prácticas locales.
Este capítulo tiene como objetivo explorar la compleja relación entre el desarrollo local y los movimientos sociales, desentrañando las interacciones, las tensiones y las posibles sinergias entre ambas esferas. A través de un enfoque de análisis temático basado en unainvestigación documental, se examina el modo en que los procesos de desarrollo local se entrelazan con las dinámicas de los movimientos sociales y cómo estas interacciones inciden en las estrategias de cambio social y las políticas de desarrollo. Este análisis ofrece, por tanto, una visión integral y contextualizada de esta relación, y destaca sus matices e implicaciones en la toma de decisiones y en la construcción de sociedades más inclusivas y equitativas.
El trabajo está dividido en tres secciones. En primer término, se presenta una revisión teórica de ambas conceptualizaciones. Posteriormente, se describe la metodología utilizada para realizar un análisis temático. Finalmente, se presentan los patrones emergentes identificados. A través de esta exploración, se busca arrojar luz sobre la dinámica interrelacional entre el desarrollo local y los movimientos sociales a fin de lograr una comprensión más amplia del modo en que ambas instancias dan forma al futuro de las comunidades y las sociedades en contextos caracterizados por procesos de constante transformación.
This study applies social movement theory to examine how young Italian activists embody and reconfigure global narratives within their specific contexts. Over 6 months in 2024, we conducted three in‐depth interviews with each of 10 activists and analysed their online activities on social media. During the interviews, participants reflected on their social media posts related to their activism. Using a thematic analysis of the interview transcripts and their online posts, we illustrate how these activists strategically frame their agendas as both local and specific, while effectively employing the language of global justice campaigns. The study further investigates how their activities and perceptions are closely linked with their interactions with diverse actors (organisations and individuals), and how these young activists cultivate a range of connections to amplify their messages and engage with local audiences. The various modes of communication used by these activists show how local agendas resonate with global movements, ultimately fostering sustained collective action, particularly around environmental and gender issues.
This study aims to analyze the social action of Komunitas Sahabat Difabel (KSD) in advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities in Semarang. This research uses qualitative method. Data collection was conducted through interviews with disabled KSD members, KSD leaders, and the Semarang City Social Service. In addition, researchers also traced secondary data through the Semarang City BPS. The results of the research show that the social action carried out by Komunitas Sahabat Difabel (KSD) is a new social movement, because it carries humanitarian issues. In addition, in carrying out social actions, KSD uses the social media in providing education and disability awareness to the community. KSD also uses social networks in advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities in Semarang. The conclusion of this study is that KSD's social action in advocating the rights of persons with disabilities uses a strategy of mobilizing resources that are both tangible and intangible. It is hoped that this research can have a significant impact on increasing disability awareness and eliminating discrimination against disabilities.
La communauté LGBTI salvadorienne est parvenu au cours des deux dernières décennies à faire émerger ses revendications, sortant de la marginalité où elle était confinée pour inscrire dans l’espace public sa présence et réclamer des droits. Comment se sont articulées ces revendications dans un pays marqué par une forte présence du religieux ? Entre une approche par le droit, typique de celle proposée par les ‘legal consciousness studies’, et une lecture plus traditionnelle des mouvements sociaux, suivant le modèle proposé par Tilly, il y a place pour d’autres analyses,
s’appuyant par exemple sur la théorie de la conversion proposée par Moscovici. On peut alors mieux saisir les débats et les choix qui ont permis quelques avancées, tout en relevant les points qui posent encore problème, en particulier lorsque le lesbianisme radical affronte une forme de discours homonormatisé sur fonds de références religieuses plus ou moins assumée.
This article proposes the Kingdon-Khan Model (KKM) as an extension of John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Model (MSM) of agenda setting. While the MSM is comprehensively used to explain how issues reach policymakers’ agendas, it underrepresents the influence of media, public opinion, and social movements on agenda setting. To address this limitation, the KKM introduces a fourth “social stream” encompassing these interrelated societal forces. Drawing on empirical research on media, public opinion, social movements, and public policy, the authors conceptualize components of social stream and its interactions with the problem, policy, and political streams. The authors illustrate the KKM’s utility through examples of the Black Lives Matter and Pro-Palestinian movements. The KKM enhances the MSM’s explanatory power by accounting for the complex, multidirectional forces influencing contemporary agenda setting.
In contrast to earlier forms of vanguardism, particularly during the first half of the twentieth century, some types of vanguardists in contemporary politics appear to operate within-and indeed, with explicit support from-established centers of power within a given society. In the case of BLM, as one example, the observer can see how an "intersectional" vanguardist group can garner significant support from large government bureaucracies as well as financial/corporate institutions organized along neoliberal (or "managerial") structures. This paper provides initial deliberation upon how this symbiotic interaction has shifted vanguardist organizational structure and tactics in recent decades. Focusing on the rise and role of NGOs as providing a structural and personnel internetworking between vanguardist and managerial systems, this paper will note shared elements within both of these structures, particularly regarding totalistic aims, the imperative drive for compliance, and the use of social pressure as means of achieving preferred goals. This investigation will consider how these two systems modify each other (at the ideational and organizational levels), possible friction-points between these systems, and possible future directions for research into the symbiotic relation between the two.
Social movements aim to influence their reality, qualifying as mediators of change by creating, disrupting, and reshaping the relational patterns of societies. Isolating their effects has always been a challenge, even more complex at times when societal struggles become increasingly wicked. Building on this assumption, the present contribution advocates for a shift in perspective, moving away from success or outcome perspectives, in favor of an influence framework of the consequences of collective action. The article builds on existing literature to show how studies in the field have already reflected on the ways in which collective actors intervene in transforming the relational preconditions of social change, even when refraining from defining their approach as relational. The review revolves around the concept of influence, as already defined in the existent literature, to advocate for a shift in perspective that will allow scholars to (i) investigate the strategies through which collective actors secure positions of influence in the broader relational structure, (ii) understand the indirect influence that actors may exert by changing the structure of relations in society, (iii) map the joint influence exerted by collective actors, understanding social transactions as primary resources to co‐participate in processes of change.
This chapter looks at several larger protests between 2014 marked with the offspring of the student protests and the mobilisation against the so-called French Proposal in 2022, i.e. the country’s framework for starting negotiations with the European Union. Following a theoretical approach mostly based on Political Opportunity Structure (POS), this work looks into the complex relations between social movements, political parties and state institutions, and how social movement outcomes in Macedonia are largely dependent on this entangled relationship. Combining social movement literature (Bieber, 2018; della Porta & Diani in Social movements: An introduction. Wiley, 2020; Tilly and Tarrow in Contentious politics, 2015, etc.) with works on (de)democratisation (Huntington in Journal of Democracy 2:12, 1991; Levitsky and Way in Journal of Democracy 13:51–65, 2002; Zakaria in Foreign Affairs 76:22–43, 1997, etc.), this work analyses the oscillation of democratic processes and the plead for a better society for all. At the core of this analysis lay the interactions between contentious actors and their friends and foes. The central part of this work provides a holistic presentation of the key actors and events from several protest waves between 2014 and 2022, looking at critical junctures which triggered and/or shaped the outcomes of these mobilisations. All crucial actors, relationships, main grievances, developments and outcomes will be traced, analysed in detail and analytically explained. The common denominator of all analysed mobilisations is their anti-governmental character, amid their profound ideological differences.
This concluding chapter provides an in-depth analysis of the role of social movements in and after the democratisation processes of Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights how traditional social movement theories, primarily developed in Western contexts, can be adapted to understand the dynamics in these regions. It highlights the contribution of the individual chapters to theoretical discussions on political process theory and resource mobilisation frameworks, on the impact of political opportunities on the repertoire of actions, collective framing, and organisational structures of social movements. The chapter discusses the effects of hybrid regimes and democratic backsliding on contentious politics, emphasising the persistent low quality of democracy and the role of pro-regime counter-mobilisations. It highlights the historical and socio-economic challenges faced during the transitions to democracy, such as market reforms and neoliberal policies, which have often sparked protests. The chapter insists on the importance of civil society and grassroots mobilisations in resisting democratic backsliding and promoting inclusive democratic participation. Della Porta concludes that despite varying degrees of democratic quality, social movements remain pivotal in advocating for accountability, democracy, and social justice across the region, demonstrating the resilience of civic activism even in the face of increasing authoritarianism.
Russia is an exemplary case of strengthening authoritarianism with increasing repression of civil society and restrictions of political freedoms. Drawing on social movement theories, the chapter will examine how the changing political environment and availability of resources have affected protest dynamics in Russia. The chapter will focus on political street protests that oppose the regime and demand democratic changes. The chapter intends to show that, despite Putin’s intentions to stifle citizen activism, there is still a mobilising potential among the Russians, which can be utilised in case of the opening of political opportunity structures and available resources to do so.
Questo contributo si propone di rileggere l'esperienza dei disoccupati organizzati di Napoli alla luce del concetto di "posta in gioco" di Touraine. Ci siamo dunque chiesti: qual è la posta in gioco per la quale si mobilitano i disoccupati organizzati? E inoltre è lecito definirlo "nuovo movimento sociale" nel senso attribuitogli da Touraine? Dopo aver descritto l'evoluzione del ciclo di lotte dei disoccupati organizzati, che comincia a metà degli anni Settanta del secolo scorso, passiamo a individuare la posta in gioco delle mobilitazioni dei disoccupati organizzati in una diversa rappresentazione di sé come componente del proletariato marginale, non in quanto "lazzari", e nella conseguente ricerca di forme di riconoscimento non solo sul piano identitario e culturale ma anche politico e sindacale.
Çoklu örnek olay olarak tasarlanan bu araştırmada toplumsal hareketleri açıklama
amacı güden kaynak hareketliliği, politik fırsatlar, çerçeveleme, yeni toplumsal
hareketler ve toplumsal hareket ağları kuramları bir arada kullanılmıştır.
Son yıllarda, toplumsal hareketlerin bir dalı olan yerel ekolojik hareketlerin sıkça
görüldüğü Çanakkale ilinde gerçekleştirilen araştırma, Türkiye’de yerel ekolojik
hareketlerin neden örgütlendiğini ve başarıya nasıl ulaştıklarını analiz etmektedir.
Bu bağlamda araştırma sonuçları, Türkiye’de yerel ekolojik hareketleri, ağırlıklı
olarak ekonomik kayıp tehdidi algısının tetiklediğini göstermektedir. Hareketlerin
başarıya ulaşmasında yerel yöneticiler (muhtarlar) ve ulusal/uluslararası STK’ların
desteğinin önemli olduğu görülmüştür. Öte yandan, yerel ekolojik hareketlere
destek sağlamada basın ve sosyal medya da etkin olarak kullanılmaktadır. Son
olarak, yerel ekolojik hareketleri başlatan aktörlerin, Türkiye’deki iki kutuplu politik
yapıyı stratejik bir şekilde kullanarak hareketlerini başarıya ulaştırmaya çalıştıkları
anlaşılmaktadır.
The presence of neoliberal developmentalism is insidious and ubiquitous, and it has naturalized displacement. Odisha, a resource-rich state, has also experienced developmental discontent in the form of displacement, everyday tyranny, resistance, and dispossession. Displacement causes widespread multiple discontent among the local affected people, and it is being resisted in local place-based struggles in Odisha. These kinds of local place-based struggles give birth to many political societies, where they play multiple roles in the struggle. Besides, the resistance has sought the support and solidarity of civil society. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in the Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex in Odisha, followed by interviews and group discussions with affected and displaced people, civil and political society members, government and industry officials, and other members involved in the movement. Secondary sources of data were collected from newspaper reports, government documents, movement letters, leaflets, pamphlets, booklets, leaders’ affidavits, police FIRs, and personal diaries of leaders. Drawing from Partha Chatterjee’s concepts of political society and civil society, the article locates the roles of political and civil societies in the resistance movement. The article discusses the emergence of political clientelism as an essential element in political society, which also delimited the space of civil society in the resistance movement.
Architectural metamaterials that span different length scales and are either self-similar or dissimilar to one another make up hierarchical lattices. Comparing hierarchical lattices to traditional ones reveals that they offer superior and customizable properties, which allows for a wide variety of material property manipulation and optimization. Each computer network can be represented as a graph, where nodes alternate as vertices and links are edges. The recent advanced topic of resolvability parameters of a graph involves shaping the entire structure to obtain each nodes' specific position. In this article, we computed the metric, fault metric, and partition dimension of the hierarchal lattic tube. The application of the metric dimension is also covered in this paper.
Following the post-2008 crisis period, many new progressive left movements emerged in the countries of Southern and Southeastern Europe (such as Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece, Levica in Slovenia, and the Možemo! platform in Croatia). They were formed as a result of discontent with the political elites of the old left at both local and central level, who were not able to block the neo-liberal reforms of governing parties, or sometimes even advocated these reforms. These groupings mostly began as urban or social movements calling for more redistribution and more representative democracy. Later, however, many of them tried to become parliamentary parties as they grew aware of the difficulty of achieving their goals while operating exclusively outside political institutions. It is important to stress that their entry into the electoral arena often brought stark changes to the previous patterns of party competition. Some scholars see these new progressive movement parties as the nucleus of new democratic ideas, because of their promotion of a new way of doing politics. New movement parties are a kind of hybrid party type. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyse their origins and innovations in terms of organisational structure, as well as to shed light on their innovative policy practices. On the one hand, new movement parties extensively use various bottom-up tools and democratic digital innovations (DDIs) to involve members and try to maintain strategic practices of social movements in the arena of party competition. On the other, they often suffer from an unexpectedly high level of organisational centralisation and personalisation, as well as a tendency for their leadership to employ plebiscite practices.
The edited volume, Roma in Central and Southeastern Europe: Navigating Muslim Identities, Challenges, and Activism, addresses a complex
and underexplored intersection of ethnic, religious, and activist identities.
It focuses on the experiences of Roma communities with Muslim identities, situating their struggles within broader frameworks of discrimination,
resilience, and ideas about societal transformation. By examining the
nexus of antigypsyism and anti-Muslim hate, as well as the activism
emerging from these intersecting oppressions, the volume fills a critical
gap in the existing academic literature. It sheds light on a range of issues,
including the effects of multiple discrimination on specific groups, such
as Roma women and the diverse strategies of resistance and community
engagement within these marginalized populations.
V članku obravnavamo pojav antigenderskega gibanja v Sloveniji. Na podlagi analize vsebine študij o antigenderskem gibanju v Sloveniji tematiziramo glavne akterje gibanja, njihove argumente, diskurze, strategije delovanja, transnacionalne povezave z ideološko sorodnimi tujimi gibanji in razloge za njihovo uspešno mobilizacijo. Pregled navedenih tem uokvirjamo prek teze o dvojni »dediščini« antigenderskega gibanja, po kateri je dejavnost gibanja na eni strani posredno ustvarila politično priložnost za uzakonjenje enakosti isto- in raznospolnih partnerskih razmerij, na drugi strani pa je z uspešnim lansiranjem mobilizacijskega koncepta »teorije spola« preoblikovala strukturo javne razprave na področju spolnih in seksualnih pravic. Preko opisane teze izpostavimo kompleksnost družbenih učinkov antigenderskega gibanja, ki predstavlja sodobno neokonservativno opozicijo na področju politik enakosti.
Student activism in the Indian subcontinent has always been contingent upon traditional forms of mass mobilization through rallies, Dharnas, and other means of protests that would require the physical presence of the activists. The literature available on student activism also focuses on these aspects of mobilization and negotiations in analyzing student activism. With the advent of social media, solidarity activist networks started playing a decisive role in mass mobilization and information circulation which forced student organizations and individual student activists to rethink the medium of protests and adapt to the changing and evolving demands and contours in the digital world and the changing premises of higher education. Student activism is becoming more congruent to mass/parliamentary politics and there is definite shit in the ideological bases and actions of student activists while connecting with parliamentary politics. In looking at the question of how this turn toward education and the new digital era has impacted student activism and how organizations are trying to adapt to this new normal while maintaining earlier functioning we look toward Jawaharlal Nehru University, acclaimed for its student activism and overwhelming politically charged up the atmosphere which witnessed a very high rate of protest calls in the past decade. In the case of JNU, particular long-practiced methods of mass mobilization such as rallies, sit-ins, dhaba, and mess campaigns that have helped sustain its political nature have come to a halt and many students are not present on the campus owing to personal as well as administrative delays that have a definite impact on the kind of negotiations student leaders can initiate in absence of mass. The culture of this educational space is also enriched through its informal nature of education through debates and discussions where student organizations held talks and seminars which have reduced vastly owing to this digital divide. The paper chooses to look at the experience of student leaders on campus, the changing nature of protests and information circulation, and the consequences of such to determine how student activism is undergoing a massive change in premier educational institutions, determined by both a radically changed social situation and in absence of physical interactive spaces. It argues that we need to re-evaluate earlier theoretical frameworks available for analyzing student politics and look toward a more progressive blend of theories on micro aspects of student activism in movements (personal ambition, political socialization, organizational structure, etc.) to understand the changing contours of student activism in India.
This paper assesses the repercussions of the Podemos party’s institutionalisation as a horizontal and participatory organisation, as well as the ramifications of its rapid institutionalisation on the party’s internal organisation. Accordingly, it outlines the particularities of movement parties and revisits the effects of party institutionalisation and external shocks on changes within political parties. The article underlines the way in which Podemos gradually lost its initial ‘democratic’grassroots and gave way to a more classical organisation, similar to most other institutionalised parties. Horizontality and a lay membership are no longer characteristics of Podemos. In conclusion, the article maintains that even if, following the process of institutionalisation and the effect of external shocks, some characteristics of movement party ideals can still be detected, Podemos’ internal organisation is no longer related to that of a movement …
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.