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DrStevenBradbury
SeniorResearchAssociateandLecturerinYoungPeopleandSport
InstituteofYouthSport
SchoolofSport,ExerciseandHealthSciences
LoughboroughUniversity
s.bradbury@lboro.ac.uk
Title:
Institutionalracism,whitenessandtheunder‐representationofminoritiesinleadership
positionsinfootballinEurope
Abstract:
Thisarticleseekstocriticallyexaminetherelationshipbetweenprocessesandpracticesof
institutionalracismandthecontinuedunder‐representationofminoritiesinleadership
positionsinfootballinEurope.Indoingso,thearticlewillbeginbyprovidingamarkerforlevels
ofminorityrepresentationinsenioradministrativeandgovernancepositionswithin
professionalfootballclubsandnationalgoverningbodiesoffootball.Thearticlewillthendraw
oninterviewswithtwentykeystakeholdersdrawnfromthirteendifferentcountriestoexamine
theextentandwaysinwhichpracticesofinstitutionalracismhaveimpacteddisproportionately
onlimitingminorityaccessto‐andinvolvementin‐theseniororganisationaltiersofthegame.
Thearticlewillarguethatthesepracticesofinstitutionalracismareunderpinnedbypatternsof
whitehegemonicprivilegeembeddedwithinthepre‐existingcorestructuresofdecisionmaking
bodiesatthehighestlevelsoffootball.Finally,thearticlewillsuggestwaysthroughwhichto
challengeanddismantlethesepracticesofraciallyinflectedinstitutionalclosureandpatternsof
whitehegemonicprivilegeandimprovethelegitimacyandfunctioningofthesportacrossthe
continent.
Introduction:
Thesocialandculturalarenaofelitelevelfootball(andsportsmorebroadly)isoftenheldupin
popularpublicandmediateddiscourseasanincreasinglypost‐racial,meritocraticand
egalitarianspacewhere‘race’nolongermattersandwhereracialinequalitiesareathingofthe
past.Suchassumptionsdrawheavilyontheachievementsofhighprofileminorityfootballersas
evidenceoftheinclusivityofthesportanditscapacitytoofferopportunitiesforpersonal
advancementandsocialmobilityforminoritiesinwayswhichmightbedeniedinotherareasof
publiclife.However,suchassumptionslargelyoverplaytheextenttowhichaccesstoand
involvementinfootballatthehighestlevelisfreefromwidersocial,economic,cultural,and
organizationallimitsandpressures(Carrington2010).ThisisespeciallythecaseinEurope,
wherewiderpoliticalnarrativesaroundnationalidentityandcitizenshipandthepractical
implementationofpoliciesofmulticulturalism,integration,assimilationornon‐intervention
impactstronglyontheeverydaylivedexperiencesofminoritypopulationsindifferentways
acrossdifferentnation‐states.Tothisend,itcanbearguedthatthedevelopment,organisation
andpracticeofelitelevelfootballdoesnottakeplaceinasocial,culturalorpoliticalvacuum,
but,rather,itisreflectiveofandreflectsbackuponaseriesofhistoricallyinscribedanddeeply
racialisedpowerrelationsembeddedwithinthesocietiesinwhichittakesplace.Further,the
sportremainsasiteinwhichthecomplexconfigurationofovert,culturallycodedandmore
institutionalformsofracismanddiscriminationimpingeuponandaregeneratedinandthrough
itspracticeandencounters.Itisalsothecasethatthereremainsignificantinconsistenciesin
levelsofinvolvementinplayingthegamebetweendifferentethnic,culturalandreligious
minorities,andamoregeneralunder‐representationofallminoritiesascoachesandin
leadershippositionswithinthesport.Theseskewedpatternsofminorityrepresentationin
footballhavearguablypositionedminoritiesas‘fitfordoing’butnot‘fitfororganizing’the
sportandsupporttheassertionthat‘theassimilationofblackpeoplewithinthenational
imaginationassportsheroesneednotinanywaybeincongruentwithaccesstothecentresof
decisionmakingandinstitutionalpower’(Backetal2001:4).
Inexaminingtherelationshipbetweenminorityunder‐representation,institutionalracism,and
hegemonicwhiteprivilegeinleadershippositionsinfootball,thisarticlewilldrawonoriginal
empiricaldatacollectedaspartofaUEFAfundedresearchstudyexaminingissuesofstructural
discriminationinfootballinEurope(Bradburyetal2011).Inparticular,thearticlewilldrawon
extensivesemi‐structuredinterviewsconductedwithtwentysportsacademics,fanactivists,
NGO’s,policymakersandsenioradministrativestaffatnationalfootballfederationsandat
UEFAdrawnfromthirteencountriesacrossEurope.Thesecountriesinclude;England,Northern
Ireland,RepublicofIreland,France,Norway,Poland,Hungary,Germany,Austria,Switzerland,
Spain,Malta,andtheNetherlands.Allinterviewswereconductedbytheauthorand
intervieweeswereidentifiedinconsultationwithUEFAandtheFootballAgainstRacismin
Europe(FARE)network:anon‐governmentalorganizationwhichaimstotacklediscrimination
infootballandtousethesportasavehicletopromoteintegrationandempowermarginalized
groups.Eachinterviewlastedforbetweensixtyandninetyminutesandaffordedopportunities
forintervieweestodrawontheirownextensiveexperiencesoffootballandequalityissues,and
todefineanddiscussissuesrelatingtoinstitutionalracismandminorityunder‐representation
inleadershippositionsinfootballwithintheirowntermsofreference.
Further,itisimportanttonotethatgiventhebroadgeographicalfocusofthisresearch,the
term‘minority’isusedhereasabroaddescriptivemarkertorefertoethnically,culturally,
religiouslyandsub‐nationallydistinctpopulation’sresidentwithinnationstateboundariesof
Europe.Thisbroadconceptualizationofminoritiesincludesbothsecondandthirdgenerational
‘settled’minoritycommunitiesandmorerecenteconomicmigrantsandasylumandrefugee
groupsdrawnfromarangeofEuropeanandnon‐Europeanbackgroundswhopresentlyreside
incountriesinwhichtheymakeupanumericalminority.Thisdefinitionofminoritiesisalso
premisedontherecognitionthatminoritystatusisbothobjectivelyascribed(bythedominant
society)andsubjectivelyapplied(byminoritygroups)asameansmarkingoutethnic,cultural,
religiousandsub‐nationaldifference.Whilstthesedifferencescanbeappliedpositivelyasa
markerofculturalidentityandgroupsolidarity,theyaremuchmoreoftenappliednegativelyas
abasisforabuse,hostilityanddiscrimination.Thisisespeciallythecasewithinfootballwhere
patternsofovertandmoreinstitutionalformsofracismanddiscriminationcontinuetoshape
theexperiencesofminoritiesandlimittheparametersofminorityinvolvementinthegame.
Previousresearchoninstitutionalracismandfootball:
Whilstoverthelastthirtyyearstherehasdevelopedasteadilygrowingbodyofacademicand
policybasedresearchexaminingissuesofovertracisminfootballinEurope,therehasuntil
relativelyrecentlybeenamuchmorelimitedfocusonexaminingissuesofinstitutionalracism
inthesport.Wheresuchfocusexists,ithaslargelysoughttoexaminethewaysinwhich
processesandpracticesofinstitutionalracismhaveimpactednegativelyinlimitingthe
participationofminoritiesinthegameasplayers.Forexample,anumberofUKbasedstudies
havealludedtoaseriesofrelatively‘closed’operationalapproachestoyouthtalent
identificationatprofessionalclubswhichhavehistoricallyfailedtoincorporatearangeofsites
andlocalsettingsinwhichyoungminorityplayersarepresent(BainsandPatel1996,Bains
2005,FootballTaskForce1998,CRE2004).Tothisend,theworkofBurdsey(2004,2007)is
especiallyinstructiveinillustratingthewaysinwhichthesepracticesofinstitutionalclosureare
underpinnedbyaseriesofculturalmisconceptionswhichportraySouthAsianculturesasstatic,
falselyhomogeneousandculturallydisinterestedinfootball.Similarprocessesofcultural
stereotypingwhichhaveconstructedyoungblackplayersas‘difficult’,‘badtempered’and
‘lackinginsocialetiquette’havebeenevidencedwithinprofessionalclubyouthacademiesin
Denmark(AgergaardandSorenson2009).Thesestudiesalsosuggestthatwithinsuch‘limited
conditionsofequality’youngminorityplayersareexpectedtoexercisemuchgreater
adaptationtothesocialandculturalmoresofdominantmajoritypopulationsatclubsandto
‘leavetheirculturalidentityatthedoor’.ThesefindingschimestronglywiththeworkofKing
(2004a,2004b)whoassertsthattheupwardlymobilecareertrajectoriesofminorityplayers
andtheirtransitionfromplayingintocoachingarepremisedonthesuccessfulnegotiationof
dialogic,non‐verbalandritualizedprocessesthroughwhichtheattainmentof‘cultural
passports’andcontingentinclusionsaregrantedorwithheldwithinthenormativewhitespaces
thatdefinethefootballworkplace.
Theseprocessesandpracticesofinstitutionalracismarenotrestrictedtotheprofessional
game.Anumberofstudieshaveidentifiedformalandinformalprocessesofinstitutionalracism
inamateurfootballinEurope.Forexample,tworecentlypublishedreportshaveeach
referencedexamplesofinstitutionalracismembeddedwithintheconjunctiverelationship
betweenrestrictivenationalpoliticalmodelsofcitizenshipandorganizationalpracticesenacted
bynationalgoverningbodiesoffootballandsportsinEurope(ECRI2008,EU/FRA2011).Inboth
cases,thesereportsalludetoadministrativeandlegislativerestrictionswhichlimitparticipation
inorganizedfootball(andothersports)amongst‘non‐citizens’drawnfromnewandestablished
minoritybackgroundsinone‐thirdofEUcountries.TheEUFRAreportalsocitesexamplesof
discriminatorytreatmentintheallocationoftrainingandmatch‐dayfacilitiesforminority
footballclubsincountriessuchasAustria,Germany,FinlandandLuxembourg.AnumberofUK
basedstudieshavealsoalludedtorelativelyhiddenformsofinstitutionalracismembedded
withintheeverydayoperationsofamateurfootballclubs,andatregionalandnationalfootball
federations.Forexample,theethnographicstudiesofBurdsey(2006,2009),Bradbury(2010,
2011a)andCampbell(2011)allidentifysubtlyenactedpatternsofracialclosureatpre‐existing
(white)amateurclubswhichlimitedtheinitialinvolvementoffirstandsecondgeneration
minorityplayersinEnglandinthe1960s,1970sand1980s.Thesefindingshavebeenechoedby
researchstudiesintheNetherlandsandDenmarkwhichhaveexaminedthelackofthroughput
ofminorityplayersfromrecreational‘streetfootball’tomorestructuredparticipationin
organizedamateurfootballsettings,andwithregardtotheexclusionofmarginalizedRoma
populationsfrommainstreamamateurclubsinCentralandEasternEurope(Halm2005,
AgergaardandSorenson2009,Bradburyetal2011).ResearchstudiesintheUKandSweden
havealsodrawnattentiontounequaldisciplinaryproceduresenactedagainstminorityfootball
clubsinorganizedamateurfootballleaguesandcompetitions,andanapparentreluctanceof
footballauthoritiestoacknowledgeanddealswiftlyandeffectivelywithincidentsofracist
abusetargetingminorityplayers(Burdsey2009,Andersson2009,andBradbury2011).
Muchlessacademicattentionhasbeenpaidtotherelationshipbetweenpracticesof
institutionalracismandminorityunder‐representationincoachingandleadershippositionsin
football.Wherestudiesdoexisttheyhavedrawnattentiontothe‘opensecret’oftheunder‐
representationofminoritiesandidentifiedaseriesofstructuralandculturalfilterswhichhave
impactednegativelyonlimitingminorityaccesstothesetiersofthesport.Forexample,
researchundertakenbyBradburyetal(2011)hasarguedthatfootballclubownershave
internalizedaseriesofhistoricallyinscribedanddeeplyracialisedstereotypeswhichequate
minoritycoacheswith‘physicalityoverintellect’,‘emotional’and‘attitudinal’deficienciesand
‘uncertainty’and‘risk’.Further,itisarguedthatclubownershavetraditionallyexhibitedlittle
awarenessofthequalifications,experience,andcompetenceofminoritycoachesandtendto
recruitcoachesfromalimited‘knowledgebank’ofalreadyknownapplicantsfromwithinthe
dominant(white)socialandculturalnetworksofthefootballindustry.UKbasedstudiesalso
suggestsomesignificantparitybetweenprocessesofcoachingandmanagerialrecruitmentand
therecruitmentofsenioradministrativestaffatprofessionalfootballclubs.Forexample,
researchinEnglandhasreportedthatonly36%ofprofessionalfootballclubsalwayspublicly
advertiseforsenioradministrationpositions,andthat79%ofprofessionalclubscontinueto
recruitsenioradministratorsthroughrelativelyinformalmechanisms,includingby‘personal
recommendation’andthrough‘wordofmouth’networks(Bradbury2001,CRE2004).Bradbury
etal(2011)alsosuggestsimilarpatternsofpatronageandsponsoredmobilityareevident
withinthehierarchicalpyramidstructuresoffootballfederationstaskedwithgovernanceof
footballattheregional,nationalandinternationallevel.Whilstthesepracticesofrecruitment
andrewardareoftenpresentedasbeingrelativelybenignandmightbeunconsciousand
unintentional,theynonethelessgravitateagainsttheinclusionofminoritieswhoarepositioned
outsideofthedominant(white)insidernetworksoffootball.Forsomeauthors,theconcept,
practicesandoutcomesofinstitutionalracisminfootball(andinsportmorebroadly)are
underpinnedbythe‘invisiblecentralityofwhiteness’embeddedwithinthesenior
organizationaltiersofthegame.Fromthesemorecriticalperspectives,thepowerofwhiteness
asaprocessisinitsabilitytoframewhiteprivilegeandrelatedsocialandeconomicadvantages
astheculturalnormandprecludeanyrecognitionofthebeneficialmembershipofdominant
socialandculturalnetworksandtheprofitsofmutualacquaintance.Further,itisarguedthatit
istheunremarked,everydaytakenforgranted‐nessofwhitenesswhichhasenabledthegames
keypower‐brokerstomaintaintheirpowerfulpositionas‘inside’and‘included’,whilst
minoritiesremain‘outside’and‘excluded’fromkeydecisionmakingpositionswithinpowerful
administrativeandlegislativebodieswithinthesport.Tothisend,Hyltonhasarguedthatthese
deeplyracialisedpowerrelationsandpatternsofwhiteprivilegeenableracismtobe
effortlesslyreproducedandperpetuatedandforthedominantwhitehegemonicstructuresof
thesporttoremainunchallengedandunchanged(Hylton2009).
Thefindings:
Theopensecretofminorityunder‐representationinleadershipinfootball:
Sincethe1950sand1960stherehavebeenasteadyincreaseandmorerecentaccelerationof
theethnic,cultural,andreligiousdiversitywithinthenationalpopulationsofmanyEuropean
countries.ThisisespeciallycaseinmanyWesternEuropeancountrieswherein‐migration
trajectorieshavebeenunderscoredbythesettlementofnon‐Europeanpopulationsdrawn
fromformercolonies,suchasSouthAsianandAfrican‐CaribbeanpopulationsintheUK,and
sub‐SaharanandNorthAfricanpopulationsinFrance,PortugalandtheNetherlands.Whilstthe
paceofin‐migrationfromformercolonialterritorieshasslowedovertime,processesoffamily
re‐unionandthehigherfertilityratesofmanyfamiliesofnon‐Europeanbackgroundshas
meantthatthereisnowafirmlyestablishedcohortofsecondandthirdgenerationminority
populationsinmanyWesternEuropeancountries.Sincethe1990s,non‐Europeanin‐migration
trajectoriestocountriessuchastheUK,France,NetherlandsandSwedenhavebeenmore
stronglylinkedtothegrowthinasylumseekersandrefugeesfleeingpoliticalpersecutionand
armedconflictsintheMiddleEast,AsiaandAfrica(BlochandLevy1999,Pillaietal2006).
FollowingtheincorporationoftheSchengenagreementintoEuropeanUnionlawin1997and
theexpansionofEUmemberstatesfromthemid‐2000sonwards,thecontinenthasalso
experiencedsignificantpopulationmovementsacrossnationalbordersamongstcohortsdrawn
fromEuropeanorigin.Conversely,manypost‐communistcountriesinCentralandEastern
Europeappearrelativelyculturallyhomogeneouswithfew‘visible’ethnicminorities,although
thepresenceofnationalandreligiousminoritiesarguablycutsacrosseast‐westregionaldivides
andthepoliticalconstructionofnationstateboundaries.
Overthepasttwentyyearsthehigherechelonsofmen’sprofessionalfootballinEuropehas
alsobecomecharacterizedbytheincreasingethnic,culturalandreligiousdiversityofitsplaying
staff.Thisisespeciallythecasewithreferencetoplayersdrawnfromsecondandthird
generationestablishedBlackCaribbeanandBlackAfricanpopulationsatclubsinWestern
Europeancountrieswithformercolonialhistories.Forexample,researchstudiessuggestthat
‘home‐grown’blackplayershaveconsistentlyaccountedforaround15%ofallplayersinthe
EnglishandDutchleaguessincethemid1990’s(Bradbury2001,Hermes2005).Thereisalsoa
reported(albeit,highlylocalized)over‐representationof,mainly,black,minoritiesat
professionalclubyouthacademiesinEngland,France,BelgiumandPortugal(Bradburyetal
2011).TheincreasingculturaldiversityofplayerswithinprofessionalfootballinEuropehasalso
beeninformedbythetendencyofeliteprofessionalclubstohavebroadenedplayer
recruitmentprocessesinrecentyearstoincludenewglobalmarkets.Thishasledtoanincrease
intheglobalmigrationflowsof‘foreign’or‘expatriatemigrant’footballersacrossnationaland
continentalborders(LanfranchiandTaylor2001,Poli2006,Darby2007).Forexample,during
the2008‐2009footballseason32.7%ofplayersatclubsinEurope’sPremierLeagueswere
‘expatriatemigrant’players,includingmorethan50%ofplayersinPortugal,Belgium,Greece
andEngland.Inthelattercase,EnglishPremierLeagueclubsfeaturedplayersfrommorethan
fiftydifferentnationalitiesdrawnfromsixdifferentcontinents(Bessonetal2010).
Thegrowingvisibilityof‘homegrown’minorityplayerscoupledwithincreasedglobalmigratory
flowsofplayershasundoubtedlycontributedtotherichculturalmixofplayersinthetop
domesticleaguesinEurope.However,thefocusonhighprofileminorityfootballplayerstends
toprovideaskewedpictureofeventsandisnotavalidindicatorofminorityrepresentation
acrossdifferenttiersofthegameinEurope.Forexample,anumberofUKbasedstudieshave
alludedtotheconsistentlylowlevelsofsecondandthirdgenerationSouthAsianheritage
playersatprofessionalclubyouthacademiesandasadultprofessionalplayers(BainsandPatel
1996,Bains2005,Burdsey2004,2007).Similarly,studiesintheNetherlandsandDenmarkhave
referencedthemarkedabsenceofTurkish,MoroccanandSomaliheritageplayersatclubsin
contrasttotheirstronglevelsofactiveparticipationwithintheorganizedamateurgameand
theirsignificantnumericalpresencewithinwidernationalpopulations(VanSterkenburgetal
2005,AgergaardandSorenson2009).
Further,despitetheirlongstandinginvolvementinthegameinmanyWesternEuropean
countries,thereremainsaminimalthroughputofminorityplayersintocoachingandteam
managementpositionsatmen’sprofessionalclubsthroughoutEurope.Forexample,therehave
beenonlyahandfulofblackmanagersatprofessionalclubsinEnglandandatthetimeof
writingonlythreeofthe92professionalclubmanagersinEnglandisblack.Further,few
minoritycoachesareemployedin‘behindthescenes’coachingsupportinfrastructuresat
professionalclubsoratnationalorregionalfootballfederationsacrossEurope(Bradbury2011
etal).Wheresmallbreakthroughsintocoachingandmanagementhaveoccurredincountries
suchasEngland,FranceandtheNetherlands,minoritycoachestendtohavehadastrongprior
playingconnectionwithspecificclubsortohavebeenhighprofileinternationalplayers.Itis
alsothecasethattheincreasingtendencyamongsttopclubstorecruit‘foreign’managershas
donelittletodisruptthedemographichomogeneityoftheexistingfootballworkforce:these
newcoachingandmanagerialimportsremainalmostexclusivelywhite.
Relativelyfewsportspolicybodies,nationalsportsfederationsoracademicresearchstudies
havefocusedonexaminingthelevelsofminorityrepresentationinleadershippositionsin
sports.Thisisespeciallythecaseinfootballwherethereislittleavailableempiricaldata
collectedbyUEFA,nationalfederations,leaguesorclubstothisend.Itisprobablythecasethat
datacollectionproceduresofthiskindhavebeenaffordedlittleprioritybythosechargedwith
theadministrationandgovernanceofthegamethroughoutEurope.Itislikelytoo,thatinsome
cases,thelackofempiricalevidenceonthisscorereflectsageneralapathyandmarked
defensivenesstocollectingdataofthiskind.Thisistheprobablythecaseincountriesinwhich
thedemographicmake‐upofnationalpopulationsisperceivedtobeculturallyhomogeneous
and/orwhereissuesofracialequalityfeaturerelativelylowonthepoliticalagenda.Itis,of
course,alsothecase,thatsomenationalfootballfederationsinEuropehavefewfinancial
resourcesandlimitedinfrastructurewithinwhichtoobtaindataofthiskind.Wherestudiesdo
existtheyindicateabroadconsensusofopinionwhichsuggeststhemarkedabsenceof
minoritiesinleadershippositionsinfootballacrossarangeofnationalcontexts(Longetal
2009,EU/FRA2011,andBradburyetal2011).Thisseemsespeciallymarkedamongstthesenior
administrativetiersandexecutivecommitteelevelofnationalfootballfederations.For
example,UKbasedstudieshaveindicatedthatlessthan1%ofseniorofficialsatnationaland
regionalfootballassociationsarefromminoritybackgrounds(Bradbury2001,CRE2004,and
Lusted2009).ThesewiderracialisedinequitiesseemfairlyconsistentacrossEurope.For
example,alltwentyintervieweeswithinthisstudyintimatedthatfiguresforminority
representationinthesenioradministrativeandgovernancetiersofnationalfederationswere
unlikelytoexceed1%intotal.Theyalsosuggestedthatthedemographicmake‐upofexecutive
committeesandexpertpanelsatUEFAwerepredominantlydrawnfrommajoritypopulations
withintheirrespectivecountries.ThisisunsurprisinggiventhepyramidalstructureofEurope’s
footballgoverningbodyandtheprocessesofpatronage,nominationandselectionforUEFA
executivecommitteelevelrepresentationenactedatdemographically‘closed’national
federations.Similarly,intervieweesreportedestimatedfiguresforminorityrepresentationin
leadershippositionsatprofessionalclubsinEuropeofbetween0%and3%:figuresborneout
bysimilarresearchundertakenbytheEuropeanUnionFederalRightsAgency(EU/FRA2011).
Thesefiguresseemespeciallylowgiventheculturaldiversityofmanynationalpopulationsin
WesternEurope,wherebetween10%and20%ofcitizensarefromminoritybackgroundsand
whereminoritieshavealongstandingconnectionwiththesportasplayers.Thisisespeciallythe
caseinEnglandwherestudieshaveindicatedthatlessthanone‐thirdofprofessionalclubs
employanyminority‘whitecollar’staffandwhereonly1%ofallsenioradministrativestaffare
drawnfromminoritybackgrounds(FootballTaskForce1998,Bradbury2001,CRE2004).Tothis
end,availableempiricaldataandthecommentsofkeystakeholderssuggestsomeconsensusin
identifyingthe‘opensecret’ofminorityunder‐representationinkeydecisionmakingpositions
infootballacrossthecontinent.
Institutionalracismandwhiteness:It’snotwhatyouknow,it’swhoyouknow
Inthissection,thearticlewilldrawonextensiveinterviewdataandwideracademicanalysisto
identifyandexaminethewaysinwhichpracticesofinstitutionalracismhavelimitedminority
accesstoandinvolvementintheseniororganizationaltiersoffootball.Inthefirstinstance,a
numberofintervieweessoughttoexplaintheabsenceofminoritiesinleadershippositionsin
thegamewithreferencetowidersocietalinequalitieswhichhavelimitedopportunitiesforthe
socialmobilityofminoritypopulationsmorebroadly.Theseassertionsaresupportedtosome
extentbyasignificantbodyofacademicandpolicybasedresearchwhichhashighlightedthe
moregeneralunder‐representationofminoritiesinkeydecisionmakingpositionsacrossa
rangeofsocial,cultural,economicandpoliticalinstitutionsatthenationallevelacrossEurope.
Whilstresearchofthiskindhasdifferedinitsfocus,scopeandcontent,therehasbeenabroad
analyticalconsensuswhichequatespatternsofminorityunder‐representationwithinequalities
ofaccesstosocial,economic,andculturalresourcesandpracticesofovertandinstitutionalized
formsofracismanddiscrimination(Coussey2002,Armstrongetal,2005,COE/ECRI2006,2010,
EC2008,BermanandParadies2010).Thesestudiessuggestthatsuchunequalpatternsof
socialrelationsareexacerbatedbykeyfactorssuchasthesocio‐historicalspecificitiesofin‐
migrationtrajectories,theculturalandreligiousdistinctivenessofsomeminoritygroups,and
thelimitededucationalandlanguageskillsofmanyfirstgenerationmigrants(Niesson2000,
Anthias2001,Miles2003,Modood2005,andECRI2006).However,theyalsosuggestthateven
incountrieswhichfeaturearangeofmoreestablishedandrelativelyintegratedsecondand
thirdgenerationminoritypopulations,thereisevidencedexamplesofcontinuedstructural
discrimination,sustainedsocialandeconomicdisadvantage,andsharedexperiencesofsocial
exclusionandmarginalizationbetweendifferentminoritygroups.Thishasledtotheuneven
residentialspreadofminoritypopulationsindeprivedurbanlocales,or,asinthecaseofRoma,
inruralareasexperiencinghighlevelsofterritorialandinfrastructuralisolation.
Foranumberofinterviewees,thesebroadersocietalinequalitieswereperceivedtohavehada
significantknock‐oneffectinlimitingthepotentialofminoritiestoaccesskey‘whitecollar’
positionsinarangeofpublicandprivatesectororganizations,includingfootballclubs.Further,
theseintervieweessuggestedthatformanyprofessionalclubsbasedinpredominantly‘white’
locales,especiallymoreruralclubsatthelowerendoftheprofessionalspectrum,theremaybe
alimited‘diversitypool’ofsuitablyqualifiedlocalminorityworkersforsenioradministrative
employmentpositions.Thiswasconsideredbyintervieweestobeespeciallythecasewhere
mediumsizedandsmallerprofessionalclubsweresituatedincitiesandtownscharacterizedby
theirculturalhomogeneityandwheretherewerefewestablishedornewminoritypopulations
withrelevanteducationalqualificationscommensuratewiththerequirementsofworkofthis
kind.
Relatedly,anumberofintervieweesalsodrewattentiontotheintersectionalitybetween
ethnicityandthegenerationaldistributionofleadershippositionsatprofessionalfootballclubs
andinfootballgovernance.Thatis,someintervieweessuggestedthatthesepositionstendedto
bereservedforolderapplicantsandthatthiswaslikelytofavourwhiteapplicantsbyvirtueof
thestatisticallyolderagedistributionofmajoritypopulationsinsomecountriesincontrastto
generallyyoungerminoritypopulations.Similarly,intervieweessuggestedthesegenerational
andracialiseddistributionalpatternsofsenioradministrativeandgovernanceemploymentin
footballwerecomparablewithsimilarlytieredoccupationalrealmsinthewiderbusiness
sector.Forexample:
‘It’spartlythesamereasonthatthemembersofthegovernmentorthemembersof
theboardsofPLC’sareinthesamewaygenerallyolderandgenerallywhite.It’s
moreethnicminoritiesslowly,butitstilldoesn’trepresentatallsocietyatlarge.This
isnotajustification,it’sanexplanation,thatfootballissimplyreflectingsocietyat
large’(Interviewee,England)
‘Ithinkthatthere'sanaccelerationoftheintegrationofmalesfromethnic
minoritiesinsociety,andinfootball.ThisisespeciallythecaseinWesternEurope.So
Iwouldnotbesurprisedif20yearsfromnowyouwillseealotofdifferentcultures
inadministration,inplaceslikeEngland,France,Germany,whohavecomefrom
ethnicminorities’(Interviewee,France)
Itis,ofcourse,thecase,thatanalysisofissuesofminorityunder‐representationinleadership
positionsinfootballcannotbedivorcedfromwiderstructural,culturalanddemographicfactors
whichpositionminority’sdisadvantageouslyinlocalsocietalrelationsandwithinlocallabour
markets.Itisprobablyalsothecasethattheincreasingvisibilityand(partial)socialmobilityof
minoritiesinsocietyandinprofessionalfootballasplayersisinpartreflectiveofthegradual
societalandsportingintegrationofsomeminoritygroupsinsomemoreculturallydiverse
countriesinEurope.However,the‘inevitablyofsocialchange’and‘gradualmarchtowards
integration’narrativesfeaturedinthecommentsabovearguablyoverplayandidealizethe
meritocraticandinclusivepotentialoffootball.Further,theysimultaneouslypositionfootballas
beingbothsubjectto–andyetsimultaneouslyseparatefrom–thosepracticesofovert,
culturallycodedandmoreinstitutionalformsofracismanddiscriminationwhichimpact
negativelyontheeverydayexperiencesofminoritypopulations.Tothisend,andalittlemore
critically,anumberofintervieweessuggestedthatratherthanbeingaseparate,moreinclusive,
spaceinwhichthesocialmobilityofminoritieswaslikelytogathermomentumovertime,
footballwasconsideredtofaremuchlessfavourablywithcomparablegovernmentalor
businesssectororganizationsinthisrespect.Thiswasconsideredtobeespeciallythecaseina
numberofmoreculturallydiversecountriesinWesternEuropeinwhichsomegenerationally
establishedminoritypopulationshaveengenderedanincreasingvisibilityinotherechelonsof
social,economicandpoliticallife:
‘Nowobviouslyit’sevenworseinfootballthaninsocietyatlargebecausethereare
evenfewerethnicminoritiesintoppositionsthaninbusinessorinpoliticsingeneral.
Thatsuggeststhatit’sevenharderforethnicminoritiestosucceedinfootball’
(Interviewee,Germany)
Inexplainingtheseracialiseddisparitieswithinleadershippositionsinfootball,anumberof
intervieweesreferredtoaseriesofrelatively‘closed’practicesofrecruitmentwithinthesenior
administrativetiersofprofessionalfootballclubsacrossEurope.Thesenarrativesfeatured
somesignificantcomparabilitywithpriorsurveybasedresearchundertakeninEnglandwhich
alludedtothelackofpublicadvertisingofsenioradministrativepositionsandthetendency
towardsrecruitingthroughinformalwordofmouthnetworksandpersonalrecommendation
(Bradbury2001,CRE2004).IntervieweesintheNetherlandsandEnglandcommentfurtherin
thisrespect:
‘Whyarewenotseeingminoritiescomingintoadministration?I'msureagainthe
recruitmentprocessesarelimited,intermsofthewaythatpeopleactuallygetjobs.
Arejobsadvertisedinwhatyouwouldexpecttobeanopenandtransparentway?
Notalways,probably’(Interviewee:Netherlands)
‘Thereasonissimple.Howcanminoritiesgetthesejobs,orevenapplyforthese
jobs,iftheydon’tevenknowthattheyexist,orthatthereisnotaproperprocessfor
themtogothroughtoevenbeconsideredforthesejobs’(Interviewee:Germany)
Thecommentsabovesuggestsomesignificantparitybetweentheprocessesofrecruitmentof
senioradministratorsandtherecruitmentofteammanagers,coachesandplayersat
professionalclubs.Inparticular,thattheyareoftentargetedor‘headhunted’fromapre‐
existing(albeitdemographicallylimited)‘knowledgebank’ofpotentialcandidates.Thebroader
inferencehereisthatthesemechanismsof‘whitecollar’recruitmentgravitateagainstthe
inclusionofpotentialapplicantsdrawnfromminoritypopulationswhoareoutsideofthe
dominant(white)socialandculturalnetworksofwhichtypifythefootballindustry.Further,itis
arguablythecasethatdespitethebroadlyrhetoricalsupportofmanyprofessionalclubsfor
nationalandinternationalanti‐discriminationcampaignsinfootball,thereislittleevidenceto
suggestthepracticalimplementationofpracticesofequalityintermsofrecruitmenttothe
seniororganizationaltiersofclubinfrastructures.Forexample,researchundertakenintheUK
hasindicatedthatdespite‘signingup’toofficiallyendorsedequalityprogrammesinfootball,
fewprofessionalclubshaveadheredtoorhavefullyoperationalizedthestatedcommitments
ofequalandfairtreatmentenshrinedinofficialequalopportunitiespolicies,wheresuchpolicy
documentsexistinanyrealsenseatall(BradburyandWilliams2006,Bradbury2011b).
Anumberofintervieweessuggestedthatsimilarpatternsofracialclosureareevidentwithin
thehierarchicalpyramidstructuresoffootballfederationstaskedwithgovernanceoffootballat
aregional,nationalandEuropeanlevel.Initialaccesstoexecutivedecisionmakingcommittees
atfederationlevelareoftenpremisedonthesponsoredmobility,patronageandpersonal
recommendationofmoreseniorfigureswithinthesegoverningbodies.These‘promotions’are
commonlyperceivedasarewardforindividualswhohaveexhibitedlongstandingpaidand/or
voluntaryservicestofootballintheirregionsoratanationallevel.Giventhehistorically
inscribedpowerrelationsembeddedwithinthegameandtheculturallyhomogeneous
demographicofolderwhitemaleswithinexistingfootballgovernanceinfrastructures,itis
hardlyunsurprisingthatminoritypopulationscontinuetobemarginalizedfromaccessingthese
insidernetworks.Theseassertionswerestronglyechoedbyintervieweeswhodrewclearand
specificlinkagesbetweentheseembeddedpracticesofinstitutionalracismandthecontinued
under‐representationofminoritiesfromleadershippositionswithinthesport.Forexample:
‘Ifitwerebasedonpeoplebeingappointedfortheirskills,youwouldseealotmore
minorities.Butwiththepyramidordemocraticwayinwhichthoseinstancesare
designated,there'snochance’.(Interviewee:Austria)
‘ThestructuralandorganizationalcultureofsomethingliketheEnglishFAinterms
ofourconstitutionandprocesses,that'sarealblocker,becauseourparticipation
basehasbeentraditionallywhiteandmaleandthat'snotreallychanginginthe
governanceaspectofthegame’.(Interviewee:England)
‘Oneofthereasonsfortheunder‐representationofminoritiesisitisafirstpastthe
postsystemforgettingoninorganizationslikefootballassociationsandsoon.You
canhavetenortwentypeopleandtheonewho’smorelikelytogetthepositionas
presidentorchairmanorthesecretaryorwhateveritis,istheonewhoislikethe
medianofthegroup,which,inmostcases,islikelytobeanolderwhitemale’.
(Interviewee:Switzerland)
Theprocessesandpracticesofinstitutionalracismreferredtoabovearearguablyunderpinned
bypatternsofwhitehegemonicprivilegeembeddedwithinthepre‐existingcorestructuresand
decisionmakingbodiesatprofessionalfootballclubsandwithinfootballgovernance.Giroux
hasarguedthat:
‘Analyzingwhitenessasacentralelementofracialpoliticsbecomesusefulin
exploringhowwhitenessasaculturalpracticepromotesracebasedhierarchies,and
howwhiteracialidentitystructuresthestruggleoverculturalandpolitical
resources’(Giroux1997:295).
Thisconceptualizationprovidesausefulstartingpointfromwhichtoexaminethewaysin
whichtheinvisibility,normativityandcentralityofwhitenesshasshapedandmaintainedthe
statusquoofracialisedpowerrelationsandwhiteprivilegewithintheseniororganizational
tiersoffootballatthehighestlevel.Thiscanbeevidencedthroughthoseinstitutionallyclosed
practicesofrecruitment,selectionandpromotionwhichfavourindividualsdrawnfrom
recognizablebackgroundswithsimilar(white)culturalnorms,valuesandbehaviourstothe
gameskeypowerbrokers.Theintervieweesbelowarticulatethesethemesfurther:
‘Well,theyarethesamegroupastheonewhichrecruit’snewmembers.They
recruiteachother.It’sreallytheoldwhitemen’snetwork.Whentheylookfor
newmembers,theymakethelistwithcriteriaandtheyalwaysmakethecriteria
whichtheyfitthemselves,sothat’sthewayitworks.Theythinkthatit’sgood,
becausetheyalllookalikeandtheyallthinkalikeandthereforemostofthetime
theyagreewitheachotherveryquickly’(Interviewee:Malta)
‘Ithinkit’s‘likeforlike’people.Peopledothatbecausetheythinkthey’regoing
torecruitsomeonewhowillhelpthemachievetheirobjectivesmore’
(Interviewee:Hungary)
It’sanoldboysclub.Becausetheclubs,theleagues,thenationalassociations,
theregionalassociations,thelocalassociations,arefullofolderwhitemales.It’s
aclosedsystem.Youelectpeoplewhobasically,youknow,youtrust.Whoshare
thesamevaluesasyoudo,whocomefromthesamebackground’.(Interviewee:
Germany)
Whilstthecommentsabovereflecttosomeextenttheunintentionalandindirectnatureof
institutionalracismandtheinevitabilityofitsinequitableoutcomes,alittlemorecriticallya
numberofintervieweessuggestedsomemoredeeplyembedded‘culturesofresistance’to
moreequitablechangeamongstthegameskeypowerbrokers.Forexample:
‘We'veseenalotofresistancebyalotoffootballadministrators.Theydon'tliketo
talkabouttheissue.Theydon'tlikepeopletoexaminetheproblem.Becausethey
understandthatiftheissuecomestothefore,thenitmayhavetobeaddressedand
alotofthemdon’twantthat’(Interviewee,France)
Thefactis,I'msureyou'llfindthatineverybusinessgroup,ifyouhavepower,why
shouldyouwelcomeotherindividuals.Thereisthatbasicsolidaritythatwestay
amongstourselves,it'smuchmorecomfortable.Idon'tknowmanygroupsthat
openupinthisspontaneousway.Unlesstheyfeelthattheywillgetsomethingout
ofit.Andcertainlythat'snotthefeelingrightnow’(Interviewee,Switzerland)
‘Whatyoufindinfootballisaveryconservativementalityandchangeisaverybig
word.Peoplelikethestatusquo.Changeisaverydifficultthingtoimplementand
forcedchangeisprobablymoresobecauseit’salwaysgoingtoberesistedatthe
top,wheretheyfeellikethey’regoingtolosesomethingalongtheway’
(Interviewee,NorthernIreland)
Thecommentsabovechimestronglywiththeassertionsofanumberofacademicauthorswho
havesoughtto‘unpack’thereasonsfortheapparentslowpaceofchangeandlimitedresponse
ofgoverningbodiesoffootball(andsportsmorebroadly)toengagewithandimplementa
rangeofinitiativesdesignedtoencouragebestracialequalitypracticeatanorganizationallevel
(Long2000,LongandHylton2002,Longetal2005,LongandSpracklen2011,Bradburyand
Williams2006,Lusted2009,2011).Inthecontextofthisstudy,itcanbearguedthatthe
apparentresistanceto‘openingup’thestructuresatfootballclubsandwithinfootball
governancearetosomeextentreflectiveofthedominantpoliticalparadigmsincertainnation
states.Thisisarguablyespeciallythecaseincountrieswhichexhibitrigidmodelsofnational
identityandcitizenshipandwherethereisamarkeddefensivenessandageneralde‐
prioritizationofgovernmentalorsportspolicyinterventionsdesignedtoaddressofminority
discrimination.Tothisend,inmanyethnicallyandculturallypolarizednationstatesacross
Europewhereattitudesto‘race’havebeenmuchlessmalleableovertimeandwherethere
existsadeeplyembeddedculturalresistancetotheinclusionofminoritiesinlocalsocial
relations,thelikelihoodofsuccessinenablingmoreequitableaccesstotheorganizationaltiers
offootballseemsmarkedlylessened.Itisprobablyalsothecasethatthe‘culturesofresistance’
describedabovemightalsoindicateamoregenerallackof‘problemawareness’ornon‐
acknowledgementoftheconcept,practice,andoutcomesofinstitutionalracismandother
formsofdiscriminationandrepresentareactionaryresponsetoperceivedpersonalcriticisms
onthisscore.Thislatterassertionissupportedbytworecentreportsexaminingracial
discriminationinsportinEurope,bothofwhichdrawattentiontotheapparentlackof
awarenessanddenialoftheexistenceofinstitutionalracismandidentifyamarkedlackof
commitmentamongstsportsfederationstoaddressthisphenomenon(ECRI2008,EU/FRA
2011).Onamuchsmallerscale,theworkofLustedintheUK(2009,2011)issimilarly
instructiveinidentifyingthetraditionalmodusoperandiofregionalfootballgovernanceand
thedistinctlyconservativeandcolonialistideologiesoflargelyolderwhitemaleswhooccupy
powerfulpositionswithinthisvoluntaryandrelativelyautonomousgovernanceinfrastructure.
Lustedarguesthatthedeeplyembeddedhegemonicwhitenessandracialisedpower‐base
withinamateurfootballgovernanceenablesaseriesofculturallydefensiveandprotectionist
ratherthanprogressiveandreformistphilosophiesandpracticestobesustainedovertime.
Itisarguedherethattheapparentnormativityandprivilegeofwhitenessinherentwithinthe
seniororganizationaltiersoffootballaffordsopportunitiesforkeypowerbrokerswithinthe
gametodefinesocialproblemssuchasracialdiscriminationfromaculturallyhegemonic
positionofpoweranddominancewhichnegateanysenseofinwardgazeorcriticalself‐
reflection.Fromthisempoweredposition,minorityunder‐representationinleadership
positionsinfootballbecomesconceptualizedasresultingfromwidersocietalexclusionsoras
beinginformedbythenegativelyperceivedculturalpropertiesofminoritygroups,ratherthan
beingshapedandmaintainedbytheeverydaypracticesembeddedwithintheorganizations
withinwhichdominantgroupshaveprospered.Finally,itisalsolikelythatinsomecasesthis
resistancetomoreequitablechangeissimplyreflectiveofageneralreluctancetosurrender
accruedrewardsanddecisionmakingpowersatthepersonallevel.AsHyltonhasargued
‘racismisinescapablyrelatedtopowerandthosewithpowerarereluctanttogiveitup’(Hylton
2009:10).
Challenginginstitutionalracismandwhiteness:positiveactionsandequalityofoutcomes
Inthisfinalsection,thearticlewilldrawonintervieweenarrativesandwideracademicanalysis
tooutlinethereasoningforandwaysinwhichtochallengepracticesofinstitutionalracismand
patternsofwhitehegemonicprivilegewhichhavesustainedthestatusquoofracialisedpower
relationsinleadershippositionsinfootballinEurope.Thesedebateshavegatheredmomentum
inrecentyearsandhavehelpedtoraiseawarenessandforceissuesrelatingtominorityunder‐
representationinthewiderfootballworkplaceontothepoliticalagendaatthehighestlevelsof
thegovernanceofthesport.Forexample,in2001theFIFABuenosAiresResolutionagainst
Racismofficiallyendorsedactiontoaddressinequalitieswithintheorganizationoffootball,and
explicitlyencouraged:
‘Allfootballbodiesatalllevelstoensureracialequalityintheemployment,
appointmentandelectionofindividualsinallareasofactivityandtoworkwith
ethnicgroupstoinvolvethemmorecloselyinfootballactivities’
Similarly,theUEFAguideto‘tacklingracisminclubfootball’(2006)referstothe‘lackofequal
representationofminoritiesinthegame’andoffersabroaddefinitionofracisminfootball
whichdrawsparallelswiththecommonlyciteddefinitionofinstitutionalracismasoutlinedin
theUKMacPhersonreport(1999).Itstatesthatracism:
‘Canoccurintentionally,orthroughalackofunderstandingandignorance,itmay
manifestitselfopenlyorcovertly.Itoccursatalllevelsofanindustryor
organization.Withinfootballitmayrangefromfanshurlingracialabuseorto
exclusionarypracticesbygoverningbodiesatalllevels,clubsorotherpartnersof
thegame’
Further,inJanuary2011,UEFAhostedthefirsteverseminaroninstitutionaldiscriminationin
footballinAmsterdamwhichwasattendedbyaround80delegatesincludingseniorofficials
fromUEFAandninedifferentnationalfootballfederationsaswellassportsacademics,NGO’s
andfanactivistsfromtheFAREnetwork.Theseminarprovidedopportunitiesforawareness
raising,dialogue,andsharingofmodelsofbestpractice,however,theextenttowhich
federationbasedattendeesfullyunderstood,acceptedandhavesinceexpressedanysustained
commitmenttotacklingtheissuesofinstitutionaldiscriminationremainsamootpoint.
Nonetheless,centraltoongoingeffortstochallengeinstitutionalracismandpromotethemore
equitableparticipationofminoritiesinleadershippositionsinfootballisthebeliefthatcultural
diversityisapositiveresourcewhichshouldberecognized,developedandutilizedtothe
benefitsofindividualsandorganizations.Thesemodelsofthoughtaremoststronglyaligned
withcountriesinEuropewhichhavesuccessfullypursuedmulticulturalistandintegrationist
approachesto‘managingdiversity’andwhichseektopromoteinterculturalexchangeandthe
levelingofbarriersofassociation.Foranumberofinterviewees,increasedculturaldiversity
withintheseniororganizationaltiersofprofessionalclubsandfootballgoverningbodieswas
consideredtohavesignificantpotentialbenefitsforminoritiesandforthesport.Forexample,
intermsofharnessingthepreviouslyunused,under‐valuedandunder‐developedtalentsof
minorities,and‘fresheningup’andaligningmorestronglythestylesandoutlookofleadership
withtheincreasinglycorporateimpulsesofthemoderngame.Further,intervieweessuggested
thatincreasedculturaldiversitywouldaddvaluetofootballorganizationsinbetterenabling
themtoconnectwiththeincreasinglyheterogeneouspopulationsofthesocietiesinwhichthey
aresituated.Forexample:
‘It’saboutrecognizingpeoplefromdiversebackgrounds,there’safairpossibility
thatalotofthemhavealotofreallygoodskills.Inadditiontheymayhaveinsights
andknowledgeofhowthingscouldbeimproved,soit’savaluablesourcethatwe
shouldbetappinginto’(Interviewee,Norway)
‘Well,theonlywaythatIthinkyou’regoingtoaddresstheseissuesisthebusiness
model.It’stheaspectsof,“Howdoyourunafootballclubefficiently,asabusiness,
ifyoudon’tdoitinthecontextofenablingyourselftoaccessthebestofpeoplefrom
allbackgrounds?’(Interviewee,Switzerland)
‘Ithinktherearemanyextremelygoodexamplesinthecorporateworldwhere
diversityoftheworkforcegeneratesexcellentresults.Itisthereanditis
performancebased.Iamconvincedthatdiversityisavalue’(Interviewee,France)
Akeycomponentofestablishingmoreculturallydiverseorganizationshasbeenthroughthe
implementationofpracticesof‘positiveaction’,incorporatingmethodssuchastargetsetting,
co‐optionandquotas.Thisapproachanditsmethodshasgatheredpaceinrecentyearsacross
arangeofnationstatesinEurope,especiallythosecharacterizedbymoremulticulturalistand
integrationistmodelsofpoliticalthought.Broadlyspeaking,positiveactionapproachesattempt
toaddresstheapparentdisjuncturebetweenequalityofopportunitiesand(in)equalityof
outcomesexperiencedbyminoritypopulationsinallareasofsocial,economicandpoliticallife.
Indoingso,theyseektomovebeyondthose‘colourblind’neutralcriteriaapproachesto
recruitmentwhichareperceivedtocontributeto,ratherthansufficientlyredress,patternsof
minorityunder‐representation.Further,theyexplicitlyrecognizeandattempttocountera
seriesofinstitutionallyembeddedprocessesandpracticesofracialdiscriminationand
challengethosewhitehegemonicpowerrelationswhichcontributetothestatusquoof
inequitablesocialrelations.Tothisend,anumberofintervieweessuggestedthatpositive
actionapproachesmighthaveaparticularresonanceasmechanismthroughwhichtoaddress
someresidualpatternsofinstitutionalclosureevidencedwithintheeliteechelonsoffootball
governance.Forexample:
‘Wemightarguethatthereareprocessesofstructuraldiscriminationintheneutral
criteriaideaoffootballgovernance,whichdoesn’tlookbeyondpeoplerecruitinglike
themselves.Ithinkyoucanchangethis,ifyouchangetherecruitmentsystemalittle
bit.Peoplehavetoseethatyoumisssometalentwhichcanbeveryusefulforyour
organization’(Interviewee,Austria)
‘Sometimesyouhavetotreatpeopledifferentlytomakethemmoreequal,tocreate
anequalsituationforthem.Thisisthecaseinfootballatthehighestlevel.Theonly
thingthatcanreallyworkisquotas.Youhavetoforceopenthestructuresifitisnot
goingtoopenuponavoluntarybasisofitsownaccord’(Interviewee,Germany)
Further,anumberofintervieweesarguedthattheimplementationofthepracticeofpositive
actionanditsmethodsmightaddsignificantpracticalandculturalvaluetothefunctioningand
legitimacyofnationalfootballfederationsandatUEFA,andencourageamoreprogressiveand
inclusionaryvisionofthegamethanhasbeenthecaseinthepast.Theintervieweebelow
commentsfurtherinthisrespectandoutlinesthecollaborativeprocessthroughwhichsuch
actionsmightbeenacted:
‘Themorethatwecanhavepeoplebeingbraveinpositionsofleadershipandpower
andinfluence,actuallyopeninguptheseopportunities,thenthemorethe
conversationswilltakeplace.Thenbelowthat,obviouslythat'satthatkindoflevel
whichisabitvisionaryandinspirational,butyou'vegottohavepositiveactionsin
place,haven'tyou?You'vegottoactuallydosomethingthatmakesadifferenceso
thatwe'renotintenyears'timehavingthatsameconversation.Youcan'tdothat
unlessyougetallthepartiesroundthetableandworkingcollaborativelyonit’
(Interviewee,Switzerland)
Whilstthepositiveactionapproachesreferredtoaboveofferaverydirectandimmediate
solutiontoincreasingtherepresentationofminoritiesinleadershippositionsinfootball,the
implementationandsuccessofsuchapproachesislikelytobegreatlyenhancedifitisdelivered
aspartofamoreholisticpackageofeducational,policyorientatedandlegislativeaction.This
moreintegrativeapproachmightinthefirstinstanceincludeastrongemphasisondeveloping
anddeliveringanindustrystandardprogrammeofculturalawarenessandanti‐discrimination
trainingwhichspecificallytargetssenioradministrators,directorsandexecutivecommittee
membersatprofessionalclubsandinfootballgovernance.Whilsttrainingofthiskindmight
seektopromotethevalueandbenefitsofculturaldiversityinfootball,itshouldalsofeaturea
strongemphasisonencouraging,enablingandenforcingprofessionalclubsandthegames
rulingbodiestoadheretonationalandEuropeanequalitieslegislationwithparticularregardto
employmentpractice.AsHyltonhasarguedwheretheadherencetosuchlegislationhasbeen
enforcedbygovernmentdepartmentsintheUK,therehasbeenatleastsomeprogressin
pushingsportsgoverningbodiestowardsembeddingandevidencingcommitmenttotackle
racismandpromoteracialequalityatalltiersoftheirrespectivesports(Hylton2009).Further,
UEFAasEurope’sgoverningbodyoffootballshouldplayacentralroleintheco‐ordinationand
implementationofsuchmeasuresandworkincloselyincollaborationwithkeypartner
organizationssuchastheFAREnetworkandrelevantbodieswithintheEuropeanUnionandthe
CouncilofEuropetothisend.Finally,itcanbearguedthatthelegitimacyofUEFAinleading
workofthiskindwouldbegreatlyenhancedbyengaginginmeaningfulandconcertedefforts
toreviewandamendaseriesofinherentlydiscriminatorypracticesembeddedwithinitsown
organizationalinfrastructure.Notleastofall,withreferencetotheinstitutionallyclosedsystem
ofpatronage,sponsoredmobilityandrewardwhichunderpinsselectiontodecisionmaking
committeesatUEFAandwhichhashelpedmaintainthestructuralandculturaldominanceof
whitemeninthemostpowerfulpositionsinfootballinEurope.Heretheimplementationof
positiveactionmeasuressuchastargetsetting,co‐optionandquotaswouldsignificantlyhelp
to‘openup’accesstosuitablyqualifiedcandidatesfromminoritybackgroundsandother
traditionallyunder‐representedgroupssuchaswomen.Indoingso,UEFAwouldalsosetaclear
exampleofgoodequalitypracticetothefootballnationsofEuropewhichcouldencourage
nationalfederationstofollowsuitandhavepositiveandfar‐reachingramificationsfortheway
inwhichthesportisgovernedandbywhomacrossthecontinent.Weconcludeherewiththe
wordsofoneintervieweewhoseanalogousdescriptionoftheimpactofsuchatopdown
approachtoenablingsocialchangehasparticularresonancehere.Hecommented‘it’smuch
easiertobreakaglassceilingbystampingdownonitfromabove,thanitistopunchitthrough
frombelow’.Wewouldsimplyadd,isUEFAwillingtotakethatstep?
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