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Measuring the Europeanization of Everyday Life: Three New Indices and an Empirical Application
Abstract
This article seeks to conceptually clarify the measurement of Europeanization from a transactional perspective. Following Karl Deutsch, we regard cross-border practices and sense of community as constitutive for an emerging European society. But we critically reassess how this approach has been put into empirical practice by contemporary scholars. Typically, too much attention is paid to absolute Europeanization, and too little to relative Europeanization. In order to properly investigate the European society as situated between the nation-state and the world society, we argue that Europeanization involves both national openness (the salience of Europe compared to the nation-state) and external closure (the salience of Europe compared to the world). Three indices are suggested to capture relative Europeanization and its major components. Recent Eurobarometer and European Values Study data on practices and attitudes of EU citizens is used to illustrate our approach empirically. The results demonstrate that external closure adds a new layer of information for understanding everyday life Europeanization. We also find a bifurcation between practices for which Europe is the more relevant reference frame (as compared to the world) and attitudes for which it is not.
... Politics may fail, but social behaviour itself may not be so reversible; change is always happening amidst political reaction and rollback. Underneath the stalled politics, faltering economy and stagnant legal development lies another Europe -what others have also referred to as 'everyday Europe' (Delhey et al 2014;McNamara 2015) -in which many of the social consequences of an integrating continent may in fact be irrevocable. ...
... Savage and colleagues (2005), Favell (2008) and Andreotti and colleagues (2015) are ground-breaking examples: phenomenologies of globalisation, belonging, mobilities and social class in highly diverse, globalising European cities. An emergent research programme on 'horizontal Europeanisation' in Germany, meanwhile, has also thrown up methodological innovations: notably in projects led by Mau (2010) Nevertheless, among these authors and others, there has often been a fall-back to reliance on the thin measures of European Social Survey (ESS) and Eurobarometer (eg Mau and Mewes 2012;Delhey et al 2014;Kuhn 2015). We go into certain details of some of these contributions below and throughout the book. ...
... Relying on an original, representative survey of the German population, Mau (2010) first drew a nuanced 'cartography of transnational social relations', which showed that in the early 2000s almost one out of two persons in Germany maintained personal ties with at least a friend or a relative living abroad, and that six out of ten respondents' holidays were spent in a different country. On a broader scale, less precise cross-national indicators of social transnationalism were subsequently made available by Eurobarometer in 2006 and 2010 (Mau and Mewes 2012;Baglioni and Recchi 2013;Delhey et al 2014;Kuhn 2015). The EUCROSS survey expands the range of indicators of transnationalism to include 'virtual' transnational practices as well, including internet-based contacts, forms of international consumption, and 'imaginative' mobilities to distant places. ...
... Mau and Verwiebe (2010, p. 303) define this as "contacts, interactions and social relationships between different European countries, as well as various forms of pan-European mobility (exchanges and interaction between Member States)." Examples include the Europeanisation of everyday life (Delhey et al., 2014;Kuhn, 2015;Mau & Mewes, 2012) and also the willingness to show solidarity (Gerhards et al., 2019) and the Europeanisation of collective identifications (Checkel & Katzenstein, 2009;Delanty, 2005;Fligstein et al., 2012;Risse, 2014). While Mau and Verwiebe's (2010) definition refers to the microlevel, it makes sense to also include the transformation of social fields (mesolevel) and social spaces (macrolevel): "Thus, by 'horizontal' (or societal) Europeanisation, we refer to the increasing role of transnational practices, social relationships, interactions, attitudes and inequalities, and an increasing transnationalisation of social fields in Europe as a result of growing cross-border interdependencies and cross-border strategies of (sometimes EU-related) organisations and individuals." ...
... 40-41) for the concept of 'Vergesellschaftung'). Examples include stays abroad, cross-border communication and interaction, and foreign language skills (Delhey et al., 2014;Gerhards et al., 2017;Kuhn, 2015). The increasing cross-border interactions and linkages are favoured by the free movement of goods, services, capital and people and the creation of a common currency. ...
... In contrast to the third concept, this is not about the Europeanisation of attitudes and perceptions, but about the Europeanisation of social practices. According to Delhey et al. (2014), the Europeanisation of social practices is more relevant than the Europeanisation of attitudes. Sometimes, previously nationally regulated and limited fields of action have been Europeanised. ...
This theoretical chapter shows how the consolidation of nation-states was accompanied by the development of domestic forms of civic, political and social rights. Previously, social inequalities could be addressed only within the national framework, which explains the methodological nationalism of inequality research. This is changing as the level of political, economic and social integration intensifies in Europe. A Europeanisation of the determinants and perceptions of social inequalities in Europe can be expected, since disadvantages and advantages can be increasingly attributed to European decisions. This chapter outlines the four ways in which the Europeanisation of social inequalities is taking place: (a) international comparisons of national living conditions; (b) effects of EU policies on people’s living conditions; (c) evaluation of personal living conditions in a European and international context; (d) cross-border practices in Europeanised fields of action. It provides the foundation for the following chapters, which explore patterns and developments of social inequalities in Europe and pinpoint which groups and countries are among the winners and losers of Europeanisation.
... While the word "transnational" contains, per se, information about where such activity begins-namely when a national border is crossed-it does not comprise, in itself, any information about where it ends. To borrow from the terminology of Delhey et al. (2014a), the term "transnational" contains an opening dimension but lacks a closure dimension. ...
... To date, the Sociology of Eu rope constitutes the main exception to this rule. Here, researchers have, in fact, studied the structure of transnational activity in a whole world region and even broached the issue of demarcation of intra-European cross-border activity against the world outside Eu rope (Delhey et al. 2014a). Yet, this field has unfortunately focused exclusively on Eu rope and even trimmed its terminology to fit this exclusive focus. ...
... Our comparative analy sis thus constitutes an impor tant step toward a more balanced, complete picture. The added value of looking comparatively at absolute and relative regionalism to get the overall picture can also be seen exemplarily in the Eu ro pean case: while Eu rope is densely connected internally, it is also well-connected to the outside world, suggesting that the region is a case of low "external closure" (Delhey et al. 2014a), which mitigates its relative regionalism. Furthermore, our finding that regionalism is also quite strong in Latin Amer i ca mirrors insights from po litical science stating that "[o]utside Eu rope, nowhere but in Latin Amer i ca have integration attempts and thinking developed so extensively across space and so consistently over time" (Malamud 2010: 637). ...
Increasingly, people travel and communicate across borders. Yet, we still know little about the overall structure of this transnational world. Is it really a fully globalized world in which everything is linked, as popular catchphrases like “global village” suggest? Through a sweeping comparative analysis of eight types of mobility and communication among countries worldwide—from migration and tourism to Facebook friendships and phone calls—Mapping the Transnational World demonstrates that our behavior is actually regionalized, not globalized.
Emanuel Deutschmann shows that transnational activity within world regions is not so much the outcome of political, cultural, or economic factors, but is driven primarily by geographic distance. He explains that the spatial structure of transnational human activity follows a simple mathematical function, the power law, a pattern that also fits the movements of many other animal species on the planet. Moreover, this pattern remained extremely stable during the five decades studied—1960 to 2010. Unveiling proximity-induced regionalism as a major feature of planet-scale networks of transnational human activity, Deutschmann provides a crucial corrective to several fields of research.
Revealing why a truly global society is unlikely to emerge, Mapping the Transnational World highlights the essential role of interaction beyond borders on a planet that remains spatially fragmented.
"Mapping the Transnational World offers a large-scale look at various human connections spanning national borders. I appreciate the breadth of coverage: the description of regionalization and globalization across eight types of human activity over five decades is a big contribution all on its own. The use of network-analytic techniques to model these cross-border connections is impressive."—Jason Beckfield, Harvard University
"This spectacularly ambitious and potentially paradigm-shifting work builds what is indeed one of the first systematic attempts to document, analyze, and explain the totality of migrations on a planetary scale. Mapping the Transnational World is a big empirical step forward for the study of international migration and mobilities."—Adrian Favell, University of Leeds
... The EU plays a central role in the opening of national arenas ( Münch, 2001 ), in developing transnational forms of social security (cf. Ferrera, 2005 ;Heidenreich and Zeitlin, 2009 ), in transnationalising the lifeworlds of its citizens ( Beck and Grande, 2007 ;Delhey et al., 2014 ;Kuhn, 2015 ;Mau and Büttner, 2010 ;Mau and Verwiebe, 2010 ) in fostering transnational mobility and migration ( Favell, 2008 ;Gerhards et al., 2017 ;Recchi and Favell, 2009 ) and in developing transnational patterns of identifi cation ( Checkel and Katzenstein, 2009 ;Delanty, 2005 ;Risse, 2014 ) or solidarity ( Ciornei and Recchi, 2017 ;Gerhards and Lengfeld, 2015 ). At the same time, the EU has also contributed to the erosion of national patterns of identifi cation, solidarity and social security -for example during the eurozone crisis ( Streeck, 2014 ). ...
... A micro-sociological perspective on the European integration process draws attention to the increasing importance of cross-border interactions, practices and perceptions as a means of transnational 'community-building' ( Trenz, 2016 ). Examples of the European dimension of citizens' daily life are long-term or short-term stays abroad, cross-border interactions and communication, or foreign language skills ( Kuhn, 2015 ) besides other aspects of transnational attitudes and practices ( Delhey et al., 2014 ). Such analyses highlight the increasing range of social practices and frames of reference beyond national boundaries. ...
... The earlier-cited studies show that the process of European integration contributes to the transformation of daily practices as well as the attitudes and perception frames of European citizens. They highlight the cross-border range of citizens' activities, attitudes and identifi cations, which may be limited to the European space, but often transgress it ( Delhey et al., 2014 ;Roose, 2013 ;). These studies are important for better understanding the social dimension of Europeanisation processes. ...
In this chapter, the author presents the theoretical framework underpinning this volume. It starts with a review of the state of the art in the sociology of European integration, followed by the own approach which is based on the concepts of the social space and social fields to capture the dynamics and contested nature of horizontal Europeanisation. The process of European integration has fostered cross-border contacts among Europeans and thereby an increasing transnationalisation of social interactions, practices, interpretations and organisational strategies. Complementary to the ‘vertical’ political integration of the EU, this can be termed ‘horizontal Europeanisation’. This concept refers to the transnationalisation of both social fields (often as a result of EU policies and the related opportunities that are strategically exploited by individual and collective actors) and of the social space, as indicated by a transnationalisation of practices, attitudes and membership of social classes. This chapter proposes a set of conceptual tools for analysing the horizontal Europeanisation of social fields and the social space as the contested outcomes of bargaining processes and symbolic conflicts between domestic and cosmopolitan actors. It identifies four Europeanisation modes based on the usage of financial resources, power, norms and discourses. It furthermore highlights both commonalities and differences between the Europeanisation of social fields and of the social space. The chapter advocates a closer look at societal transformations induced by European integration, particularly cleavages and conflicts between the winners and losers of Europeanisation, multiple territorial frames of references and the Europeanisation of social inequalities.
... Such 'cross-border interactions between European countries in terms of communication, the exchange of ideas and meanings, collective mobilisation across borders as well as cross-border mobility and networks' have been termed 'horizontal Europeanisation' (Mau and Mewes 2012: 10). Previous studies of this phenomenon have shown the EU citizens' appreciation of cross-border relations and social practices (Díez Medrano et al. 2013;Favell 2008;Guiraudon 2011;Recchi et al. 2014), communication and mobility , as well as attitudes (Delhey et al. 2014;Gerhards and Lengfeld, 2015). Some studies have quantified these processes of horizontal Europeanization and compared them across nation states and social classes (Delhey et al. 2014). ...
... Previous studies of this phenomenon have shown the EU citizens' appreciation of cross-border relations and social practices (Díez Medrano et al. 2013;Favell 2008;Guiraudon 2011;Recchi et al. 2014), communication and mobility , as well as attitudes (Delhey et al. 2014;Gerhards and Lengfeld, 2015). Some studies have quantified these processes of horizontal Europeanization and compared them across nation states and social classes (Delhey et al. 2014). A major result is that horizontal Europeanization has a clear class and territorial bias: transnational attitudes and social practices can be found mostly in higher social classes in wealthier Member States (Fligstein 2008;Kuhn 2011Kuhn , 2015. ...
... Particularly important for economic integration is the first sub-index, which sheds light on the cross-border transactions of goods, services, capital and labour. While this index mainly focuses on the economic and institutional integration of the EU, the Europeanization of Everyday Life Index proposed by Delhey et al. (2014) captures the respective relevance of the national, European and global space for individual interactions such as travelling and shopping. Additionally, cognitive dimensions of Europeanization such as solidarity and transnational cultural interests are included in this index. ...
Europe has become a dominant frame for the generation, regulation and perception of social inequalities. This trend was solidified by the current economic crisis, which is characterized by increasing inequalities between central and peripheral countries and groups. By analysing the double polarization between winners and losers of the crisis, the segmentation of labour markets and the perceived quality of life in Europe, this book contributes to a better understanding of patterns and dynamics of inequality in an integrated Europe.
The contributions from experts in the field offer a multi-level perspective. They explore links between objective inequalities and subjective perceptions and frames of reference. They combine the analysis of growing inequalities between different social groups and between central and peripheral countries. Analysis of unemployment and income inequality is based on European-wide micro datasets and the editor argues for both European and national frames of reference for analysis of unemployment and income inequality.
Offering new insights on the increasing unemployment and income inequalities in Europe before and during the current financial and Eurozone crisis, this is a vital text. Anyone interested in the challenges of social cohesion in Europe will find this book a rich, innovative resource.
... Horizontal Europeanisation, a rather new focus of the Sociology of Europe, is concerned with exactly this: the day-to-day social and economic interactions of people, institutions and organisations within the EU area (Hanquinet and Savage 2013;Kriesi et al. 2008;Kuhn 2011). Among the various transnational interrelations, it is especially cross-border practices (Díez Medrano et al. 2013;Favell 2008;Guiraudon 2011), attitudes (Delhey et al. 2014;Gerhards and lengfeld 2013) and awareness of other European citizens (Delhey and Kohler 2007;Heidenreich and Härpfer 2010) that have been investigated within recent years. Qualitative studies on everyday practices such as travelling and purchasing in Europe have shown that the EU is a relevant reference point for individual and economic interaction (Favell 2008;Roose 2010). ...
... Qualitative studies on everyday practices such as travelling and purchasing in Europe have shown that the EU is a relevant reference point for individual and economic interaction (Favell 2008;Roose 2010). In addition, a number of quantitative measures enabling a description and comparison of the degree of Europeanisation have been undertaken (Delhey et al. 2014;König and Ohr 2013). In their Europeanization Index of Everyday Life Delhey et al. (2014) captured the respective relevance of the national, European and global spaces for individual interactions, such as travelling and shopping, as well as for cognitive dimensions such as solidarity and interest in culture. ...
... In addition, a number of quantitative measures enabling a description and comparison of the degree of Europeanisation have been undertaken (Delhey et al. 2014;König and Ohr 2013). In their Europeanization Index of Everyday Life Delhey et al. (2014) captured the respective relevance of the national, European and global spaces for individual interactions, such as travelling and shopping, as well as for cognitive dimensions such as solidarity and interest in culture. In a similar vein, König and Ohr (2013) created an EU-index of economic practices within Europe, shedding light on the movements of goods, services, capital and labour across the EU. ...
Considering the current process of horizontal Europeanisation which has resulted from the new opportunity structure created by the EU, this article discusses to what extent the European Member States are economically and socially intertwined. The proposition of this paper is that social interactions go hand in hand with economical interactions between the European Member States. In order to validate this assumption, a horizontal Europeanisation index that measures Europeanisation in contrast to globalisation was developed. The underlying variables of our index cover 25 European countries and were mainly collected from OECD and EUROSTAT. Almost all European countries are economically more Europeanised than globalised. We observed a medium correlation between the economic and social dimension, indicating a rather low systematic pattern between the two dimensions of horizontal Europeanisation in 2011. However, this assumption cannot be upheld when considering the time perspective. When comparing 2007–2011, social cross-border transactions are relatively disconnected from economical cross-border transaction.
... They started from the assumption that national societies exhibit only a relative degree of closure with respect to different forms of interaction and exchange, be they economic, political, or social (cf., for a theoretical position, giddens 1984; Mann 1986). Spatial mobility, social networks, transactions, and organizations have always crossed the borders of societies and nation-states, and the necessity to take this into account has become more pressing with the onset of Europeanization and globalization processes (gerhards and Rössel 1999;Mau 2010;Delhey et al. 2014). current social science research studies Europeanization not only on an institutional level, but also on the level of systemic exchanges (economic transactions) and social exchanges like migration, social networks, and binational marriages. ...
... Since territorial identities can be weak or strong on different levels of territorial identification, in our empirical analysis we follow Delhey et al. (2014) in using a relational measurement of identification. For instance, to justify the thesis of a rise in European identification, not only does the absolute level of European identification have to increase, but so too does the level of European identification in relation to the level of national identification. ...
... Besides feeling European, the item battery also comprised feeling as a citizen of the world. These items are used to construct the dependent variables, that is, the four indices of Europeanization applied to identification as proposed by Delhey et al. (2014). National openness measures the attachment to Europe in relation to the nation. ...
We analyze the impact of intermarriage, and transnational social relations and experiences on the emergence of European identity. According to the structuralist theory of identification, European social relations, with European intermarriage as an especially important relation, and experiences should explain European identifications. Our analysis is based on a survey in Zurich, Switzerland, providing a broad array of data that allow testing the impact of a European partner on European identification for Swiss and how transnational social relations and experiences contribute to both Swiss and non-Swiss feeling European. Overall, we find that a partner from another European country (for Swiss natives) and transnational social relations and experiences have an important role in explaining European identification. The most important differences are between Swiss and EU citizens living in Switzerland where, for the latter, the meaning of Europe is differently constructed. Specifically, EU citizens see less conflict between national and European identification.
... The Europeanisation of social inequality refers to transnational processes caused by European integration that shape the distribution of scarce and desired resources and opportunities, thereby also shaping the life chances, social identities and positions, interests and values of individuals and social groups ( Heidenreich and Wunder, 2008 : 33). Hence, in the European context, the processes that generate and regulate social inequality are no longer bounded to the national sphere ( Delhey et al., 2014 ;Delhey and Kohler, 2006 ;Fahey, 2007 ). Still, research on inequality has been focusing on the national level -a limitation that has been criticised as 'methodological nationalism' ( Beck and Grande, 2007 : 174). ...
... This is particularly true for the context of Europe. It has been argued that Europeans are aware of living conditions in other countries and that this infl uences their wellbeing ( Delhey et al., 2014 ;Delhey and Kohler, 2006 ;Heidenreich and Wunder, 2008 ;Lahusen and Kiess, 2018 ). An indicator of the subjective Europeanisation of inequality would therefore be whether one's own life situation is perceived in a transnational context. ...
In chapter 5, Martin Heidenreich, Sven Broschinski and Matthias Pohlig discuss economic, political and cultural-cognitive influences on inner-European social inequalities and their perception. The common market has especially contributed to a decades-long economic convergence among the EU member states. Since the financial and eurozone crises, however, income inequalities between Northern and Southern EU member states have been rising again. In addition, income inequalities within EU member states are growing, in particular in the Southern countries. As a consequence of the political management of the eurozone crisis, the already high levels of labour market segmentation—particularly in the Southern European labour markets—continued to grow during the eurozone crisis. Low-skilled and younger employees are strongly negatively affected by the monetary union in which the labour market has become the main buffer against economic shocks. On the cognitive-cultural dimension, transnational standards of evaluation and also the impact of EU decisions on labour markets shape perceptions of economic stress. Thus, we observe a clear and sometimes negative impact of European integration on the life circumstances of Europeans. This may explain the erosion of support for the EU.
... Wir folgen in diesem Aufsatz einem relationalen Ansatz, ergänzen diesen aber um eine zweite Relation, nämlich europäisch/außer-europäisch (vgl. Delhey et al. 2014). Ein spezifisch europäischer Handlungshorizont zeichnet sich ja nicht nur dadurch aus, dass das europäische Ausland im Vergleich zum Nationalstaat eine relevante Option darstellt, sondern auch dadurch, dass Europa relevanter ist als der außereuropäische Raum. ...
... Während dem kognitiven Horizont unseres Weltbezugs keine physischen und materiellen Begrenzungen gesetzt sind, sind diese für die Handlungen viel wirkmächtiger. Dieser generelle Mechanismus erklärt auch, warum für die grenzüberschreitenden Praktiken Europa wiederrum relevanter ist als die außereuropäische Welt, während dies bei den Einstellungen nicht so ist. 4 Die Unterschiede zwischen einzelnen Praktiken und Einstellungen wurden bereits andernorts im Detail untersucht(Delhey et al. 2014) und werden in der Tabelle nur der Vollständigkeit halber berichtet. ...
Zusammenfassung
Anknüpfend an das transaktionalistische Paradigma in der Tradition von Karl W. Deutsch und die Theorie des gestuften gesellschaftlichen Raums von Arndt Sorge wird in dem Beitrag der Frage nachgegangen, warum die Handlungs- und Einstellungshorizonte der Menschen in manchen EU-Staaten stärker europazentriert (und in diesem Sinne stärker „europäisiert“) sind als in anderen. Mit Umfragedaten aus mehreren Quellen wird durch partielle Korrelationsmodelle für die EU-27-Mitgliedstaaten gezeigt, dass sich die Determinanten der Europäisierung mit Blick auf den Handlungs- und Einstellungshorizont deutlich unterscheiden. Während bei den Handlungen vor allem die wohlhabenderen und kleineren Länder europazentriert sind, sind es bei den Einstellungen vor allem die postkommunistischen Staaten und jene, die geografisch im Zentrum der EU liegen und nicht protestantisch geprägt sind. Entgegen der transaktionalistischen Theorie haben Bevölkerungen mit einem europäischen Handlungshorizont keinen kongruenten Einstellungshorizont: „doing Europe“ und „feeling Europe“ fallen auseinander.
... We add the intermediary term "human" to distinguish our subject of analysis both from non-human animals (as analyzed in the natural-scientific L evy-flight debate) and from inorganic actors such as multinational companies and non-governmental organizations. One peculiarity of the term "transnational" is its lack of a "closing dimension" (Delhey et al., 2014): while it is clear where transnational activity begins e i.e. when a national border is crossed e it remains unspecified how far it goes or where it ends. Hence, "[i]t is an empirical question whether […] transnational transactions are global or regional" (Faist, 2010(Faist, , p. 1637. ...
... A first contribution consists in the clarification of what "transnational" actually means. As discussed above (section 3), the term is per se vague due to its lack of a "closing dimension" (Delhey et al., 2014). Here, we showed that transnational activity features a gradual empirical closure that takes the form of a specific mathematical function e the power law: transnational activity is most common in close proximity to its origin, becomes scarcer at a declining rate as distance increases and ends in a long tail of rare activity over planet-scale distances. ...
Recent studies have shown that the spatial structures of animal displacements
and local-scale human motion follow L\'{e}vy flights. Whether transnational
human activity (THA) also exhibits such a pattern has however not been
thoroughly examined as yet. To fill this gap, this article examines the
planet-scale spatial structure of THA (a) across eight types of mobility and
communication and (b) in its development over time. Combining data from various
sources, it is shown that the spatial structure of THA can indeed be
approximated by L\'{e}vy flights with heavy tails that obey power laws. Scaling
exponent and power-law fit differ by type of THA, being highest in
refuge-seeking and tourism and lowest in student exchange. Variance in the
availability of resources and opportunities for satisfying associated needs
appears to explain these differences. Over time, the L\'{e}vy-flight pattern
remains intact and remarkably stable, contradicting the popular idea that
socio-technological trends lead to a "death of distance." Longitudinal change
occurs only in some types of THA and predominantly at short distances,
indicating regional shifts rather than globalization.
... Recently, scholars have begun focusing on this kind of "trivial" Europeanization (Favell and Guiraudon 2009) to measure the influence of the EU on the everyday lives of its citizens. Furthermore, indices have been developed to measure the degree of Europeanization at the individual level, such as the Europeanization Index of Everyday Life (Delhey et al. 2014). ...
Cross-border regions are often deemed laboratories for initiatives to increase Europeanization. Our paper examines the German-speaking Community of Belgium in the Euregio Maas-Rhine to assess the relevance of everyday cross-border activities to the perception that living in a border region presents a unique opportunity to feel and think as a European. Departing from the assumptions of both Deutsch’s transaction theory and Allport’s contact hypothesis, we analyze Eurobarometer data (population-level surveys) and use data from focus groups with regional MPs. Results from quantitative data analysis suggest that perceptions of life in cross-border regions are positively influenced by frequent cross-border movement (functional dimension) as well as general trust in other people (emotional dimension). Our qualitative data from focus groups support the findings from the quantitative analysis and demonstrate further that it is not merely the quantity but the quality of contacts that contribute to a gradual ‘growing together’.
... De Wilde, 2011;Statham and Trenz, 2015), it is less clear what the growing importance of Europe means for citizens in everyday life. A set of studies has shown that Europeans are able to judge living conditions in other European countries -and that this has an impact on their life satisfaction (Delhey et al., 2014;Delhey and Kohler, 2006;Lahusen and Kiess, 2019). I thus assume in this study that European reference frames matter also for citizens' development of political attitudes. ...
This study investigates whether European reference frames – the rating of living conditions in other countries – affect the prevalence of xenophobia among respondents in different European countries. For justifying such assumption, the author builds on two literatures: a large body of literature investigates the effect of individual and collective relative deprivation on xenophobia. Moreover, studies in the field of European sociology show that, in light of deepening European integration, people compare living conditions in different European countries. The author argues that such European reference frames matter for the development of stereotyped categorization processes and thus xenophobia. Based on original survey data, the author shows that country comparisons matter at least indirectly and he points at apparently important country differences, indicating the salience of the respective countries in public debates and warranting further research. With these insights, this article offers an important contribution to research on xenophobia as well as to European sociology.
... Fourth, Europeanisation of social inequalities can also be the result of crossborder practices (Delhey et al., 2014;Kuhn, 2011Kuhn, , 2015Recchi et al., 2019). Unfortunately, there are nearly no data on cross-border practices or transnational networks (Delhey et al., 2019) in EU-SILC. ...
The final chapter of this study summarises how nationally regulated worlds of social inequality evolve into a transnational space of social inequalities. It describes in detail the cleavages characterising such a space. It is argued that social inequalities in objective and subjective terms are increasingly produced, perceived, regulated and disputed in a European context. International and especially European frames of reference are becoming more important; inequalities are shaped by EU policies, cross-border social practices are crucial for shaping social inequalities. In a territorial dimension, Europe is divided into a Northern and Western European centre and Southern and Eastern European peripheries. Poverty and deprivation risks are concentrated in Eastern Europe and employment risks in Southern Europe. Along the social dimension, Europeans are divided between different social classes, occupations and education groups. The meritocratic inequalities between low-skilled workers with simple tasks and the upper, academically qualified service class are particularly strong. Both the social and territorial inequalities in Europe threaten the social cohesion in Europe and particularly in the European Union.
... This may be the weakest driver of Europeanisation, but it is nevertheless an important aspect of local democracy, especially in times of Euroscepticism. Typical instruments are the procurement of information, the establishment and support of European exchanges by schools, associations, and individual citizens as well as the organisation of events with European issues (Delhey et al. 2014). In our survey, we measured dissemination using different items capturing activities targeting at the population of a municipality and socio-political engagement, e.g., citizens meetings, Europe-related events, school exchanges, the involvement of civic engagement, and the conduction of information and discussion events (see Table A2 in the online appendix). ...
Europeanisation situates local governments in a constantly changing environment, bringing challenges, opportunities, and constraints. These circumstances raise the question, how local authorities adapt to the process of European integration, face its challenges, and use its diverse opportunity structures. The article explores four dimensions, through which Europeanisation hits the ground of local government: downloading, uploading, dissemination, and horizontal networking. It examines the distribution of different types of Europe-related activities at the local level using data from a survey sent to all 396 independent cities, towns, and municipalities in the German state of North Rhine-Westphalia. Our empirical analysis provides an overview of the most and least frequent Europe-related activities within the different types of local authorities. The findings of our multivariate analysis shows that next to the direct affectedness by Europeanisation, the municipalities’ capacities in terms of financial and institutional resources have a major influence on their efforts towards Europe.
... Viertens kann eine Europäisierung sozialer Ungleichheiten auch Ergebnis grenzüberschreitender Praktiken sein (Kuhn 2011(Kuhn , 2015Recchi 2019;Delhey et al. 2014). Leider werden solche grenzüberschreitenden Praktiken oder gar transnationale Netzwerke (Delhey et al. 2020) in EU-SILC kaum erfasst. ...
... This comparison is relevant in ranking countries or evaluating whether solidarity has increased or decreased over time. Solidarity measurements are often used in combination with other predictors to explain other socio-political issues, such as political preferences and electoral behaviors (Langsaether and Stubager, 2019), antidemocratic tendencies (Koštál and Klicperová-Baker, 2015), and Europeanization (Delhey et al., 2014). It is therefore important to note that to conduct proper comparisons across countries concerning the effect of this latent variable, it is necessary to determine that its measurement is equivalent across them, which means that the respondents belonging to diverse groups perceive and interpret the items in the same way. ...
Although measurement invariance is widely considered a precondition for meaningful cross-sectional comparisons, substantive studies have often neglected evaluating this assumption, thereby risking drawing conclusions and making theoretical generalizations based on misleading results. This study offers a theoretical overview of the key issues concerning the measurement and the comparison of socio-political values and aims to answer the questions of what must be evaluated, why, when, and how to assess measurement equivalence. This paper discusses the implications of formative and reflective approaches to the measurement of socio-political values and introduces challenges in their comparison across different countries. From this perspective, exact and approximate approaches to equivalence are described as well as their empirical translation in statistical techniques, such as the multigroup confirmatory factor analysis (MGCFA) and the frequentist alignment method. To illustrate the application of these methods, the study investigates the construct of solidarity as measured by European Values Study (EVS) and using data collected in 34 countries in the last wave of the EVS ( 2017–2020 ). The concept is captured through a battery of nine items reflecting three dimensions of solidarity: social, local, and global. Two measurement models are hypothesized: a first-order factor model, in which the three independent dimensions of solidarity are correlated, and a second-order factor model, in which solidarity is conceived according to a hierarchical principle, and the construct of solidarity is reflected in the three sub-factors. In testing the equivalence of the first-order factor model, the results of the MGCFA indicated that metric invariance was achieved. The alignment method supported approximate equivalence only when the model was reduced to two factors, excluding global solidarity. The second-order factor model fit the data of only seven countries, in which this model could be used to study solidarity as a second-order concept. However, the comparison across countries resulted not appropriate at any level of invariance. Finally, the implications of these results for further substantive research are discussed.
... Secondly, Europe is a shared social space because of the scope and structure of interactions when looking at cross-border relationships and practices (Favell 2008;Kuhn 2011;Delhey, Deutschmann, Graf and Richter 2014). The contours of this space cannot be delimited precisely because space is constituted on the basis of people's social relations and social networks, meaning that the breadth and structure of social spaces are determined by the patterns and scopes of real interactions. ...
The support of the European Union is strongly influenced by social inequalities, as this chapter shows. In regard to subjective perceptions, it makes use of a representative survey from eight countries (Denmark, Germany, France, Greece, Italy, Poland, Switzerland and the United Kingdom) to measure the extent to which the support of a country’s EU membership is influenced by the perception of unequal living conditions between Europeans. Findings show an intriguing picture. While satisfaction with national politics suffers when citizens see themselves as worse off than other Europeans, the approval of EU membership increases. In regard to objective inequalities, the analysis is expanded to the EU’s 28 member states to provide a nuanced picture of the impact of spatial inequalities. A multilevel analysis shows that support of the EU depends on inequalities that are placed at the individual, regional and national levels alike. Social divisions between privileged and disadvantaged citizens and regions translate into a political conflict between pro-Europeans and Eurosceptics. This cleavage is qualified by the subjective perceptions reported before. Respondents seem to honour membership in a community that has better-off members because the latter keep the EU’s promise of striving for comparable living conditions for all Europeans alive.
... Secondly, Europe is a shared social space because of the scope and structure of interactions when looking at cross-border relationships and practices (Favell 2008;Kuhn 2011;Delhey, Deutschmann, Graf and Richter 2014). The contours of this space cannot be delimited precisely because space is constituted on the basis of people's social relations and social networks, meaning that the breadth and structure of social spaces are determined by the patterns and scopes of real interactions. ...
This book unveils the significant impact of the European integration process on the political thinking of European citizens. With close attention to the interrelation between social and political divisions, it shows that an integrated Europe promotes consensus but also propagates growing dissent among its citizens, with both objective inequalities and the subjective perception of these inequalities fuelling political dissent. Based on original data sets developed from two EU-funded projects across eight and nine European countries, the volume demonstrates the important role played by the social structure of European social space in conditioning political attitudes and preferences. It shows, in particular, that Europeans are highly sensitive to unequal living conditions between European countries, thus affecting their political support of national politics and the European Union. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in Europe and the European Union, European integration and political sociology.
... From this relative perspective (cf. Delhey et al., 2014 ;Immerfall, 2000 ), to diagnose horizontal Europeanisation is only justifi ed if, over time, a growing number of European migrants remain within Europe when moving abroad. To capture this empirically, we develop a measure of internal closure , which denotes the share of intra-European migration in all cross-border migration originating from European countries. ...
... For instance, Teney, Hanquinet, and Bürkin (2016) pointed to the diverging relationships of virtual and physical TSP among immigrants with their identification as European. Another example highlighting the importance of refining the measurement of TSP is provided by Delhey, Deutschmann, Graf, and Richter (2014): In their analysis of European cross-national surveys, they distinguish between social practices carried out within the nation-state, within Europe, and beyond Europe. By taking the geographical scope of TSP into account, they are able to assess the relevance of the European reference frame compared to the national and global reference frames for the (transnational) social practices of Europeans (Delhey et al., 2014, p. 360). ...
Transnational social practices (TSP) can be defined as sustained linkages and ongoing exchanges between individuals across national borders. Over the last decades, TSP have not only become more common, but they have also developed into an increasingly salient subject of quantitative sociological research. After highlighting seminal foundational research, we introduce a set of salient topics in this emerging strand of research, including the social stratification of TSP, the link between TSP and cosmopolitan attitudes, and the issue of classifying TSP into meaningful subdimensions. We conclude with a discussion of several avenues for future research, including the relation between TSP and the increasing societal polarization between “locals” and “globals,” the need to go beyond the field's current Eurocentrism to study TSP comparatively in all parts of the world, and the prospects of methodological and technical advances in research on TSP, including network‐analytic approaches and geo‐tagged digital‐trace data.
... Weiß 2005) they might even profit from transnational practices, although the distribution of transnational capital obviously has a / social gradient (Gerhards and Hans 2013;Delhey, Deutschmann and Cirlanam 2015). Moreover, what we usually refer to as globalization is in fact an increase in the mobility of capital and global production as well as th~ mobility of people between certain places, like global cities (Sassen 1991;'Carroll2010, 68-75) or within world-regions (Delhey et al. 2014;Deutschmann 2016). At the smpe time, even transnational networks of elites rely on strong national bases (Carroll andFennema 2002, 2004;Carroll2010). ...
The article contributes to the discussions about global elites from a field-theoretical and empirical perspective. The examination of comparative biographical data on political and economic elites in two countries from the Global North (Germany and the US) and the Global South (Brazil and India) shows that elites in all four countries are globalizing. However, this process is strongly embedded in specific historic and socio-cultural structures of national fields of power. Emerging powers from the "Global South" seem to establish their own "schools of power" for the educational reproduction of their national elites. Therefore, speaking of a homogenous global elite is misleading and obscures the multiple conflicts between elite factions in national fields of power, as well as between national elites from different countries and world regions. Consequently, field-theoretical research on elites must be embedded in a comprehensive analysis of power, conflict, and class-relations on the national as well as on the global level of the capitalist world system. © 2018 GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences. All rights reserved.
... From this relative perspective (cf. Delhey et al., 2014;Immerfall, 2000), to diagnose horizontal Europeanisation is only justified if intra-European migration increases faster than the cross-border migration of Europeans in general. To capture this empirically, we develop a measure of internal closure, which denotes the share of intra-European migration in all cross-border migration originating from European countries. ...
This contribution introduces a network approach to horizontal Europeanisation research and investigates the interconnectedness of European societies via cross-border migration. The main underlying assumption is that the establishment of pan-European mobility rights and their extension to ever wider shares of Europe's population has stimulated intra-European migration. Taking a social network perspective, we track the development of the European migration network over more than half a century (1960-2017). The analysis is based on dyadic migration stock data for 37 European countries, stemming from the World Bank and the United Nations. Indeed, large parts of the evidence suggest advancing horizontal Europeanisation, as the European mobility network has become more tight-knit and Europeans increasingly move within Europe rather than to countries in other parts of the world. Europe even emerged as a distinct and largely unified entity in the worldwide migration network, at least until 2010. At the same time, the shape of the European migration network reveals a strong core-periphery division. Moreover, since the dissolution of the Eastern bloc this sociometric hierarchy increasingly maps on Europe's economic core-periphery structure. Taken together, our findings suggest an advancing, yet unequal and partially challenged Europeanisation.
... The gradual 'familization' of Europe's national societies has happened against the backdrop of the wider processes of global transnationalization made possible by the fast growth of communication infrastructures, technologies, and networks. EU-specific transnationalization has proceeded at a higher speed than in other regional contexts, as documented by a wealth of empirical research (e.g., Delhey, Deutschmann, Graf, and Richter, 2014;Mau, 2010;Risse, 2015) and by the detailed comparative investigations into 'horizontal Europeanization' (Heidenreich, 2016). Such societalization (Vergesellschaftung) was largely the result of free movement provisions, which have allowed for concrete transnational experiences for increasing numbers of people (Kuhn, 2015). ...
The recent economic shocks have severely tested the EU's political sustainability. The deep-rooted and unending succession of existential crises demonstrates the sharp misalignment between the high degree of integration reached by the EU, its authority structure, and the absence of solidarity to sustain this structure. The paper unfolds as follows: first, we claim that the Union has become a complex adaptive system and that attempts to restore the status quo ante are unrealistic. Section 2 shows that its authority structure is ill-suited to steering the complex system because it lacks adequate instruments for addressing common risks and democratic externalities. Section 3 argues that contemporary EU leaders are failing to promote the principles of solidarity which, according to its founding father are required to disarm centripetal tendencies. Section 4 presents empirical evidence which signals the existence of considerable popular support for these pan-European forms of solidarity.
... Díez Medrano and Braun 2012), or to analyze how public opinion on regional integration differs from general support for free trade and global integration, that is, how closed toward the outside world Latin American regionalism is. Similar questions have recently been addressed in the European context (Delhey et al. 2014). Furthermore, as new waves of the Latinobarometer become available, the time period covered will expand (provided that the relevant questions remain in the survey), increasing the disposable number of observations and thus options for further macro-level analyses. ...
Coinciding with the shift to the left in Latin American politics, regional integration in Latin America accelerated during the last two decades. Yet, whereas support for European integration has been tracked systematically for decades, trend analyses of public opinion on Latin American integration are still missing. Combining data from eight Latinobarometer surveys on 106,590 respondents from seventeen South and Central American countries, this article provides the first longitudinal analysis of Latin Americans’ support for their continent’s economic and political integration. Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression, we reveal intra- and intersocietal trends and cleavages. Our results show that support rates are generally declining from high initial levels. Furthermore, while gender and educational gaps in public opinion remained stable over time, considerable shifts occurred with regard to political orientation: starting from the lowest initial values, the left surpassed the right—and, at least in the case of support for political integration, also the center—to become the political wing favoring integration most highly. This finding shows, contrary to prevailing ideas, that the political center is not necessarily the primary supporter of integration. When regionalism is increasingly driven by left-wing governments, public support for regional integration may also swing to the left.
... For while flows of goods, people, and communication matter only somewhat for trust, they matter a lot for attachment; and in contrast to 'friendships' between European countries based on ESC votes, the network of transnational attachment is not regionalized but centralized. Our finding that EU citizens are clearly more attached to European than to non-European countries is also novel as previous research on attitudinal connectedness did not find evidence of such a clearcut preference for Europe (Delhey et al. 2014). ...
In times of multiple crises and a looming partial breakup of the European Union, the question of what binds Europeans together appears more relevant than ever. In this article, we propose transnational attachment as a novel indicator of sense of community in Europe, arguing that this hitherto neglected dimension is substantially and structurally different from alternative ones such as cross-border trust and identification. Combining Eurobarometer 73.3 data on ties between all EU-27 countries with further dyadic data, we show empirically that the European network of transnational attachment has an asymmetric core-periphery structure centered around five extremely popular countries (the UK, France, Germany, Italy, and Spain). In line with transactionalist theory, cross-border mobility and communication are strongly related to transnational attachment. Furthermore, we demonstrate that the network of transnational attachment is much denser among those with a higher than among those with a lower level of education. Our results suggest that offering European citizens incentives to travel to peripheral countries may help counterbalance the current asymmetric structure of transnational attachment, thereby increasing Europe’s social cohesion.
... Researchers who are interested in the forms and scope of migrants' transnationality and how it relates to assimilation (or integration) and social inequalities have begun to make use of existing survey data, for example, from the representative Pew Research Center's Hispanic survey (Waldinger, 2008) and the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP; e.g., Schunck, 2011;Fauser et al., 2015). Outside migration research, European studies are using items from the Eurobarometer to identify the ''transnational class'' (Delhey, Deutschmann, Graf, & Richter, 2014;Kuhn, 2011;Mau & Mewes, 2012). Investigations in both these areas of study are relying on large-scale data sets that include items about transnational ties, contacts, and exchanges, which are related to social class, especially education and occupational status, income, and, in the case of migrants, to the acquisition of citizenship or length of stay in the immigration country as well. ...
This article discusses the use of mixed methods design for transnational migration research. It draws on two currently expanding strategies that can form part of an integrated framework that reveals multiple complementary perspectives: (a) the incorporation of quantitative data and methods in what has been a largely qualitative field and (b) the use of multisited research that investigates individuals and families connected across borders. This framework can be supported by collaboration of researchers across methodologies and state borders, which is addressed as a third strategy. By drawing on one research project that investigates the role of transnationality in the reproduction of social inequalities, this article explores the benefits and challenges of this approach.
... Europapolitik reicht heute weit in nationale und lokale Politik-und Handlungsfelder hinein (Münch 2008;Büttner 2012). Zudem hat sich Europa als ein transnationaler Kommunikations-, Mobilitäts-und Interaktionsraum etabliert, der spätestens seit Einführung des Binnenmarkts zu Beginn der 1990er-Jahre immer weitere Teile der Bevölkerung mit einschließt (Mau und Verwiebe 2009;Eder 2010;Mau und Büttner 2010;Gerhards und Lengfeld 2013;Delhey et al. 2014;Bernhard und Bernhard 2014). Angesichts einer wachsenden Europaskepsis in der breiten Öffentlichkeit ist allerdings zu hinterfragen, wie gut das "Projekt Europa" (Münch 1993) in der Bevöl-kerung tatsächlich verankert und inwieweit die EU-Politik der breiten Bevölkerung überhaupt zugänglich ist. ...
Zusammenfassung
Die Europapolitik ist stark geprägt durch Experten und professionelle Akteure mit spezifischen Wissensbeständen und Kompetenzen hinsichtlich europäischer Regeln, Standards, Semantiken und institutioneller Abläufe. Diese stellen auch in nationalen politischen Arenen wichtige Mittler und „Broker“ europäischer Angelegenheiten dar, indem sie Interessen bündeln und repräsentieren, Informationen aufbereiten und Dienstleistungen für Nutznießer europäischer Förderprogramme bereitstellen. Ihnen wird eine wichtige Scharnierfunktion zwischen der „Eurokratie“ und den nationalen und lokalen Adressaten der Europapolitik zugeschrieben. Der Aufsatz schließt an klassische und aktuelle soziologische Diskussionen zum Problem der Professionalisierung von Politik an und untersucht auf der Grundlage von qualitativen Interviewdaten, wie sich diese Vermittlungsleistungen aus Sicht der Akteure beschreiben lassen. Welche Typen von Vermittlungen lassen sich finden? Fungieren die EU-Professionals als Mittler und Transmissionsriemen zwischen europäischen und lokalen Interessen? Oder treten sie lediglich als eine relativ abgeschlossene selbstreferenzielle Gruppe von Spezialisten auf, die ihr Spezialwissen in erster Linie zur eigenen Profilierung nutzen? Welche Schwierigkeiten und Limitationen lassen sich hinsichtlich ihrer Vermittlungspraxis beschreiben?
... 'EU') frame. Thus, we cannot distinguish between European and extra-European transnational activity in the way we have elsewhere (Delhey et al., 2014). 3. The required minimum value suggested by Tabachnick and Fidell (2001) is .32. 4. Fachelli and Lopéz-Roldán (2013) construct a similar inclusive inequality measure by combining four dimensions (work, education, income and housing) using multiple correspondence and cluster analyses. ...
In sociological transnationalization research, it is conventional wisdom that the upper strata are more involved in cross-border activities than the lower ones. However, proponents of the individualization/death-of-class thesis have argued that the significance of class (and of inequalities in general) for people’s actions is declining in affluent societies. Using these theories as a point of departure, this article investigates the influence of class and inequalities, more generally, on transnational activity. Using Eurobarometer 73.3 data from 27 European countries, this article examines (a) the extent to which class determines, by itself, in conjunction with other inequalities, and relative to heterogeneities, transnational practices within countries; and (b) how much the social gradient of transnational activity produced by class and inequalities varies across countries, and whether socioeconomic development tends to decrease or increase this gradient. The findings show that, in most countries, heterogeneities explain more variance in transnational activity than class, but not more variance than inequalities as more generally conceived. Further, social gradients in transnational activity are systematically larger in more affluent European countries.
... ment of cosmopolitan consumption is not based on a preference for cultural goods and services from only one country, but on the geographic breadth of preferences, a lower level of cosmopolitan preferences is to be expected, since one can expect a lower familiarity and preference for the non-Western cultural products chosen for our questionnaire(cf.Delhey et al., 2014). 5 On the other hand, most of our indicators are related to identification as world citizen, to some form of transnational social relation or to some form of transnational experience. Thus, cosmopolitan consumption is part of a broader pattern of cosmopolitanism that is characterized by certain identifications, transnational relations, ...
Several authors in contemporary cultural consumption research have argued that the traditional axis of distinction between highbrow culture and popular culture is in the process of being replaced by a new axis of distinction between an open cosmopolitan cultural capital and a more local less open, cultural capital. We take up this issue and study cosmopolitan cultural consumption, which is defined by its openness for and engagement with cultural products and services from foreign cultures. We have exploratively developed new measures of cosmopolitan cultural consumption, which focus on the geographic breadth of consumption beyond western countries and on knowledge, tastes and modes of consumption, thus taking the esthetic disposition in consumption into account. Furthermore, the data enable us to study the relationship between consumption and other measures of transnational experiences and identification. Our results indicate that cosmopolitan consumption is not rampant in the population. Furthermore, it is part of a broader pattern of cosmopolitanism that is characterized by supranational identifications, transnational relations, and experiences. They show furthermore that cosmopolitan cultural consumption is strongly determined by different forms of cultural capital, thus being a form of class-based practice.
... They were highly "mobile" but not "migrant". Our survey goes substantially beyond Eurobarometer techniques, including the one that has most delved into similar subjects, Eurobarometer 65.1 (as operationalised by Mau and Mewes 2012;Delhey et al. 2014). ...
Soziale Ungleichheiten sind eine zentrale Herausforderung für die europäische Integration. Die zahlreichen räumlichen und sozialen Spaltungslinien in Europa gefährden nicht nur den nationalen, sondern auch den europäischen Zusammenhalt. Die Ursachen für Benachteiligungen, Armut und Ausgrenzung werden von den Bürgern auch auf europäischer Ebene verortet. Auf Grundlage aktueller Daten über das Leben und Arbeiten in Europa werden in dem Buch die nationalen und transnationalen Muster sozialer Ungleichheiten analysiert und damit ein besseres Verständnis der Europäisierung gesellschaftlicher Konflikte ermöglicht.
In the light of Brexit and ongoing doubts about the future of a united Europe, have Britain and Denmark really been outliers to the collective European project, as suggested by their political positioning towards the EU? Despite the Euroscepticism expressed in referenda and public attitudes, we question whether these two countries are inherently less Europeanised, sociologically speaking, than other member states habitually seen as closer to the European project. Using data from the EUCROSS survey about the transnational practices and identifications of ordinary European citizens in five member states, we show that Britain and Denmark have been positioned close to Germany in terms of the degree and type of European cosmopolitanism and transnationalism found in these countries, and are more transnational societies than Spain and Italy. Moreover, in other ways, Britain and Denmark have been exemplary European societies, embodying the EU's cosmopolitan ‘normative power' agenda. We suggest that the marked divide between the ‘everyday Europeanisation’ of these societies and their political hostility to the EU is a paradox that lies at the heart of the democratic crisis of the continent, a schism that may now be directly corrosive to the longer term cosmopolitanism fostered by European integration.
This article rethinks European and global self-identification after the 2008 crash and the rise of populism and nationalism in Europe. Situating ourselves within the tradition of transactionalist theories, we run multinomial logistic regressions using data from the unusually comprehensive EUCROSS survey in Denmark, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK in 2012. We show that mobility, networks, and consumption practices are related to different kinds of national, European, and global identities among our respondents. Britain is distinctive in two ways. First, network and consumption practices induce a greater variation among British citizens in affecting their supranational feelings. Second, Britain sees a clearer differentiation between the forces of globalisation and Europeanisation. We conclude that the British are not, in any obvious ways, more nationalist than other nations, but that the strength of their ex-imperial networks means that their supranational identities can take a more anti-European form.
The refusal of the UK’s entry in the 1960s kept the EC’s external consolidation at bay, allowing for its ongoing internal construction. The integrative spiral continued, as most actors (with the exception of some companies) had no better alternatives. Key coalitions between France and Germany and also those in the European Parliament were able to gain strength. However, (the prospect of) enlargement unsettled existing coalitions, budgetary exchanges, vote distribution in European institutions, and loyalty among citizens. As a result, internal construction remained restricted with limited means of fostering loyalty, controlling boundaries, and checking compliance, and limited development of voice infrastructure and institutional power. Thus, the persistently weak external consolidation of the EU has constrained its internal construction (Proposition 2), and its relative attractiveness explains its continued existence better than its locking-in capacity does.
Economics has sustainable political impact, shapes beliefs, institutions and policies and co-creates global economic reality. Therefore, citizens should be aware of economics’ ways of thinking and its impact on national and international institutions and policies. The chapter presents plural perspectives to economic globalisation. It outlines rather mixed empirical evidence. Against widespread belief, national governments are still key players of economic globalisation enjoying considerable leeway in dealing with domestic impact of globalisation. From this perspective, global citizenship education can be conceptualised as “normal” citizenship education applied to the field of global political issues.
Due to globalization processes, foreign language skills, knowledge about other countries and intercultural competences have increasingly become important for societies and people's social positions. Previous research on social inequality, however, has dominantly focused on the reproduction of class structures within the boundaries of a particular nation-state without considering the importance of these specific skills and competences. Within Social Class and Transnational Human Capital authors Gerhards, Hans and Carlson refer to these skills as 'transnational human capital' and ask to what extent access to this increasingly sought-after resource depends on social class. Based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of class, they investigate this question via both quantitative and qualitative empirical analyses. In doing so the authors focus, among other examples, on the so-called school year abroad, i.e. students spending up to a year abroad while attending school - a practice which is rather popular in Germany, but also quite common in many other countries. Thus, this insightful volume explores how inequalities in the acquisition of transnational human capital and new forms of social distinction are produced within families, depending on their class position and the educational strategies parents pursue when trying to prepare their children for a globalizing world. An enlightening title, this book will appeal to undergraduate and postgraduate students, as well as postdoctoral researchers interested in fields such as sociology, social inequality research, globalization studies and educational studies. © 2017 Jürgen Gerhards, Silke Hans and Sören Carlson. All rights reserved.
The basic problem that the process of Euro integrations faces today is the absence of the European identity. There are ideas how it could be built, on what it should be based, but the basic problem is the EU has give up in a great extent from the real European values - the ideals like freedom, equality, solidarity, social justice, etc. Human rights are the European achievement, but a distinctive, therefore identity difference between the European and the Anglo-American interpretation is that the European variant guaranteed social-economic rights, which was actually a concretization of the great ideal of solidarity. Today, with prevailing ideology of globalism, just this element of human rights has been brutally waded, a part of the European identity with it. A similar situation is with what the Europeans consider the greatest achievement of the EU - free movement of people, goods and capital. Free movement of people is questioned by building barbed wires and creation of a new ante murale christianitatis, even in Islamic states, far away from the Schengen Area that is proclaimed untouchable. Moreover, all those people swarming to the Europe actually have close connections with it - they originate from former European colonies, brutally exploited by their metropolises for decades and centuries. Not only that, but recently their new 'Europeanization' has been attempted through the initialization of the 'Arab Spring' , which resulted with increase of the Islamic fundamentalism, disintegration of certain Arab states and tribal war in them, increase of terrorism and, of course, migrants from those areas. Although it would be justified to try to return the evil gotten to them at least partly, by refusing to accept the miserable the Europe gives the mortal strike to some of the main values that are considered its identity characteristics - free movement of people and solidarity. All this, actually, indicates on the absence of the European identity consciousness. There is no clearly defined content of the idea of the Euroidentity, nor there is consciousness of it with the citizens of the EU. The citizens of the EU are still more French, Englishmen, Germans, Italians, Spaniards, Poles, Czechs rather than the Europeans. Their Europeanism exists only on the level of usefulness and efficacy, therefore, the prediction is that the model of the EU as an international organizations generis will be kept for a long time, while identities in future will be tied for (European) nations.
In the wake of European border removal, scholars have been puzzled by the slow and limited Europeanization of everyday life.
Only a small group of Europeans with high socio-economic status regularly interact across borders. However, we do not know
well how these socio-economic differences come about, and by which country-level characteristics they are influenced. This
article asks whether social inequalities of transnational interactions exist already among secondary schoolchildren, and which
country-level factors promote transnational interactions and moderate their stratification. Relying on a multi-level analysis
of the International Civics and Citizenship Study in 21 European states in 2009, it shows that parental socio-economic status
influences transnational interactions of their offspring in almost all countries analysed. Second, economic differences also
matter across countries, youth living in wealthier economies being more transnational. At the same time, economic prosperity
serves as an ‘elevator’ that decreases the socio-economic differences in transnational behaviour.
Eine Festschrift ist ein prekäres Projekt. Sie folgt der Logik einer persönlichen Ehrung in einem gesellschaftlichen Bereich, in dem Personen gemäß dem Prinzip des Universalismus gegenüber der Überzeugungskraft eines Arguments zurückstehen sollten. Es darf eben nicht relevant sein, wer etwas sagt, sondern was gesagt wurde. Mehr noch als andere gesellschaftliche Bereiche beansprucht die Wissenschaft ein Absehen von der Person. Gegen dieses Gebot verstößt die Festschrift mit ihrer persönlichen Würdigung eines herausragenden Wissenschaftlers.
Zusammenfassung
Der Aufsatz definiert Transnationalisierung als das Verhältnis zwischen Binneninteraktion und Außeninteraktion eines Teilsystems einer Gesellschaft. Er geht drei Fragen nach: 1. Er unterscheidet im Anschluß an die Theorie funktionaler Differenzierung verschiedene Teilsysteme von Gesellschaft und versucht mit Hilfe von empirischen Indikatoren zu bestimmen, in welchem Ausmaß die verschiedenen Teilbereiche (Wissenschaft, Kunst, Ökonomie, Politik) der Gesellschaft der Bundesrepublik transnationalisiert sind und ob im Zeitverlauf (1950-1996) tatsächlich ein Prozeß der Transnationalisierung stattgefunden hat, wie die Prozeßkategorien Transnationalisierung und Globalisierung unterstellen. 2. Der Vergleich der verschiedenen Teilbereiche zeigt, daß die Teilsysteme in der Tat in einem recht unterschiedlichen Maße transnationalisiert sind. Anschließend wird ein intersystemischer Vergleich genutzt, um theoretische Hypothesen über Ursachen der Transnationalisierung zu generieren. 3. Schließlich fragt der Aufsatz nach den Folgen der Transnationalisierung der Teilbereiche der Gesellschaft für das politische System. Transnationalisierungs-prozesse können politisch „eingehegt“ werden, wenn sich die Politik im gleichen Maße und in die gleiche Richtung transnationalisiert. Unterscheidet man Steuerungsaufgaben einerseits und Integrationsfunktionen der Politik andererseits fragt sich, inwieweit die Europäische Union die beiden thematisierten Folgeprobleme von Transnationalisierungs-prozessen verarbeiten kann.
There is no subject more central to sociology than social mobility.1 The degree to which modern industrialized societies enable talented, ambitious or lucky individuals to move up in status, or conversely the extent to which they reproduce inherited inequalities or social hierarchies from one generation to the next, are questions that still dominate much of the empirical mainstream of the discipline under the general rubric of stratification. Some of the most longstanding and detailed debates in the mainstream have centred on attempts to measure and distinguish the patterns of social mobility of European societies in comparison with others (Ganzeboom et al. 1989; Erikson and Goldthorpe 1992; Treiman and Ganzeboom 2000; Breen 2004) (...).
This macro-sociological contribution is concerned with sources of trust between nationalities. The transaction thesis claims that the level of sense of community between nationalities is a function of the level of exchange going on between them, such as trade, tourism, and information flows. In this article, the relationship between various transaction measures and social trust in people from other countries is explored empirically, based on data for 156 European country dyads. Contrary to theory, multivariate analyses do not provide evidence that trust in other nationalities depend on the density of cross-border transactions. If one controls for certain country characteristics, dense exchange is not related to higher levels of trust. Rather, for assessing the trustworthiness of foreign populations, Europeans resort to key characteristics like socio-economic modernization, population size, and cultural affinity. A tentative explanation for why transactions have so little impact on public opinion is their largely "systemic" character. They are to a large extent unnoticed by the mass public, and hence can add only little to transnational trust.
Exploring the 'globalization' of the social sciences, this article first presents an historical interpretation of how transnational exchange in the social sciences has evolved. Earlier forms of international circulation are distinct from the more global arrangements that have emerged since the late twentieth century. Considering this globalizing field in more detail, it is argued that its predominant characteristic is a core-periphery structure, with a duopolistic Euro-American core, multiple semi-peripheries and a wide range of peripheries. Focusing on the global level, much of the existing research, however, has neglected the emergence of transnational regional structures. The formation of a transnational European field of social science is taken as an example of this process of transnational regionalization. The social sciences worldwide can thus be seen as a four-level structure. In addition to the local and national level, transnational regional as well as global structures have gained increasing importance and a better understanding of 'globalization' requires more precise studies of both levels, in their own right as well as in their evolving interconnectedness.
Although there have been heated debates over globalization and regionalization, refined empirical research has been lacking. Defining globalization and regionalization as specific types of linkages between countries, we attempt to empirically examine the following: (1) Has the world been globalized and/or regionalized? and (2) If it has, what are the consequences of these processes? To explore these questions, we analyze longitudinal data on international commodity trade using the social network approach. Data analysis shows that the world became increasingly globalized between 1959 and 1996 in the sense that each country studied traded with more countries in 1996 than in 1959. As a result, the world trade network became denser. At the core of this process has been the development of countries in the middle strata. We also find that the structure of the world trade network became decentralized over time, a change that provides greater support for neoclassical economic theory than for world-system/dependency theory. Regarding regionalization, we find that intraregional density is greater than interregional density and that intraregional ties are stronger than interregional ones. Moreover, both intraregional and interregional density increased significantly between 1959 and 1996, indicating, first, that the flow of world trade became regionalized and, second, that globalization and regionalization are not contradictory processes.
In the current discourse it is frequently stated that in the course of European integration and globalisation we witness more intensified and more frequent transactions spanning across national borders. These assumptions relate not only to transactions in the economic sphere or to forms of political co-operation, but to the individual lifeworlds as well. Yet concerning the latter dimension, research into the patterns and dynamics of interpersonal interaction, relationships, and forms of mobility across national borders is scarce. This paper is a contribution towards filling this research lacuna. It addresses the question of the extent to which horizontal Europeanisation, understood as different forms of individual cross-border activities within the European Union, depends on characteristics at the country level. From a comparative perspective we will analyse the transnational mobility and cross-border networks of European citizens within a European context. Empirically, we refer to data from the Eurobarometer 65.1 (2006), which allows us to answer the question how certain contextual variables, such as internationalisation, modernisation, and characteristics such as the respective country's geography, affect people's participation in cross-border activities. Based on a sample of 25 European countries, we will demonstrate that geographic characteristics drive social transnationalism less than internationalisation, Europeanisation, and modernisation, which contribute to a proliferation of individual transnational activities across the European Union.
The study of European identity cannot take its clues from national identity, neither in form nor in substance. I begin with an examination of the general sociological concept of identity in order to uncover its resources for a more complex understanding of European identity. I then ask to what extent Europe really needs a European identity, and on what levels an identity may be found: in the received cultural 'idea' of Europe, in the cultural practices of celebration and ritualization, and in the consciousness if its citizens. In the next section, I present some of the basic descriptive evidence on the individual sense of European identity as routinely surveyed by Eurobarometer. In the final part I sketch some of the current battlegrounds of European identity: its relation to national identity, the challenge posed to it by globalization, and the shifts towards new identity mixes or hybrid identities. I conclude that there is indeed a potential for hybridity, that there are carrier groups for it (e.g. border populations or migrants), but that its development depends on the old social question now taken to the new European level-finding a viable social contract.
Artiklen lægger ud med at give et konkret historisk svar spørgsmålet: Hvornår begynder verdenssamfundets historie? Verdenssystemteori (Wallerstein) og systemteori (Luhmann) er enige om at lokalisere starttidspunktet i differentieringsprocesser i Europa i det 15./16. århundrede som begyndelsen på verdenssamfundet. Teorien om verdenssamfundet er derfor en teori om det samfundsmæssige system, der vokser frem af disse historiske processer. Artiklen tilføjer to trin. Først skitseres tre strukturelle innovationer, som er af særlig betydning for verdenssamfundets opståen: 1. funktionel differentiering; 2. organisationer (især multinationale firmaer og ‘non-governmental’ organisationer); 3. kommunikationsteknologier. Listen er ikke udtømmende og kan muligvis udvides med eksempelvis netværk og markeder. Dernæst udvides dette argument om strukturelle innovationer med tre mekanismer eller processuelle mekanismer: 1. global diffusion af institutionelle mønstre; 2. globale indbyrdes forhold; 3. decentralisering i funktionssystemer. Som det gerne skulle fremgå af arbejdet med dette forklarende begrebsapparat, findes der ikke overbevisende argumenter for at betragte verdenssamfundet som et system, der er karakteriseret ved homogene mønstre af social struktur og kultur.
The European Union's market integration project has dramatically altered economic activity around Europe. This book presents extensive evidence on how trade has increased, jobs have been created, and European business has been reorganized. However, changes in the economy have been accompanied by dramatic changes in how people from different societies interact. In this book Neil Fligstein argues provocatively that these changes have produced a truly transnational - European - society. The book explores the nature of that society and its relationship to the creation of a European identity, popular culture, and politics. Much of the current political conflict around Europe can be attributed to who is and who is not involved in European society. Business owners, managers, professionals, white-collar workers, the educated, and the young have all benefited from European economic integration, specifically by interacting more and more with their counterparts in other societies. They tend to think of themselves as Europeans. Older, poorer, less-educated, and blue-collar citizens have benefited less. They view the EU as intrusive on national sovereignty, or they fear its pro-business orientation will overwhelm the national welfare states. They have maintained national identities. There is a third group of mainly-middle class citizens who see the EU in mostly positive terms and sometimes - but not always - think of themselves as Europeans. It is this swing group that is most critical for the future of the European project. If they favor more European cooperation, politicians will oblige. But, if they prefer that policies remain wedded to the nation, European cooperation will stall. Written in an accessible style this is a major new interpretation of the drive to European integration and essential reading for all those with an interest in the topic.
The article examines whether the increase in international contacts among university researchers is an impact of a general globalisation trend, or whether it is an effect of policy initiatives on national and supranational levels such as EU research programmes. The present study demonstrates that the sheer volume of international contacts among Norwegian university staff has increased substantially during the last 20years with respect to conference participation, guest lecturing, study and research visits, peer review work, research collaboration and international publishing. While patterns of international visits have not changed with respect to geographical pattern, research collaboration and co-authoring has become increasingly directed towards other European and Nordic countries. Moreover, we demonstrate a homogenisation between fields of learning regarding the degree of international contact while there are significant differences in geographical orientation. We conclude that general trends of globalisation and regional policy initiatives from the EU are supplementary rather than contradictory with respect to international contacts among Norwegian university staff. Data are drawn from studies based on questionnaires carried out in 1981, 1991 and 2000 among all tenured faculty members of Norway’s four universities.
The terms „national“ and „European“ mark different spacial frames which are relevant for the interpretation as well as political regulation of the society. In the case of progressive European integration, these spacial frames are increasingly compete. Attitudes and interests of different actor groups relate to these spacial frames, thus turning „national“ and „European“ into the poles of a conflict relationship. In this way tensions become visible, which are crucial for the Europeanization of society hence fundamental for the development of the Sociology of Europe. Sociology needs to be adapted to this constellation by overcoming its nationally framed categories and by understanding spacial frames that develop in practice as empirical data and thus as a part of its subject.
At the core of the European Union, has been the gradual creation of the "single market" across western Europe. The European Union began as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and expanded to become the European Economic Community (EEC). The original intent of the ECSC was to stabilize the production of steel across Europe in order to prevent ruinous competition. The EEC formed to expand the activities of the alliance to cooperation in agricultural policies and various industrial policies. The Treaty of Rome which produced the EEC, had the goal of reducing tariffs and other trade barriers, thereby promoting free trade and economic growth. Both Schumann and Monet, the principal intellectual architects of the EEC felt that if the European societies had economies that were more integrated, governments would be less tempted to engage in military activities that would end up in war.
This study focuses on the historical configuration of territorial borders and functional boundaries of the European nation states, and interprets integration as a process of transcendence, redefinition, and shift of those same boundaries that alters the nature of the nation states’ domestic political structures. The core of the argument concerns the relationship between the institutional design of the new Brussels centre, the boundary redefinitions that result from its political production, and the consequences of both these processes on the established national and emerging European political structures. The EU is interpreted through three key conceptual tools: ‘centre formation’, ‘system building’, and ‘political structuring’. The ‘centre formation’ — with limited administrative and fiscal capabilities and strong regulatory and judicial capabilities — is not accompanied by ‘system building’ in the field of cultural integration, social sharing institutions, and participation rights, that is, by institutions forcing its components to stay within it beyond the mere instrumental calculations. Given that for any new centre a balance must exist between its system building capacity and the scope and reach of its political production, the argument is that the ambitious political production of the EU is clearly out of balance with its weak system building capacity. As far as the ‘political structuring’ is concerned, this work argues that the institutional design of the Union and its weak system building militate to date against any stable form of political structuring for its representative actors, while its growing political production tends to undermine national mechanisms of political representation and legitimation. Under these conditions, any institutional democratization without political structuring may turn into facade electioneering, at best, or dangerous experiments, at worst. In the view of classical sociology — that takes the existence of a certain overlap between social identities, political boundaries, and social practices as a precondition for establishing political agency and a ‘rational’ political order — the EU is both a source of problems but also a possible solution to them. It can be seen as a project for regaining some degree of coherence between extended social practices, social identities, solidarity ties, and rules of deliberation at the European level. Most of the ideas expressed in this book show how problematic this project is believed to be.
In A Community of Europeans?, a thoughtful observer of the ongoing project of European integration evaluates the state of the art about European identity and European public spheres. Thomas Risse argues that integration has had profound and long-term effects on the citizens of EU countries, most of whom now have at least a secondary "European identity" to complement their national identities. Risse also claims that we can see the gradual emergence of transnational European communities of communication. Exploring the outlines of this European identity and of the communicative spaces, Risse sheds light on some pressing questions: What do "Europe" and "the EU" mean in the various public debates? How do European identities and transnational public spheres affect policymaking in the EU? And how do they matter in discussions about enlargement, particularly Turkish accession to the EU? What will be the consequences of the growing contestation and politicization of European affairs for European democracy? This focus on identity allows Risse to address the "democratic deficit" of the EU, the disparity between the level of decision making over increasingly relevant issues for peoples' lives (at the EU) and the level where politics plays itself out-in the member states. He argues that the EU's democratic deficit can only be tackled through politicization and that "debating Europe" might prove the only way to defend modern and cosmopolitan Europe against the increasingly forceful voices of Euroskepticism.
Eurostars and Eurocities: Free Movement and Mobility in an Integrating Europe examines intra-European Union migration in the cities of Amsterdam, London and Brussels. Based on sixty in-depth interviews of free moving European citizens, and more than five years of ethnographic and documentary research, it uncovers the rarely studied human dimension of European integration. Examines the mobility, lifestyle and career opportunities created by the borderless society of the European Union, as well as the barriers that still persist. Analyses the new migration trends, challenges to the welfare state, and forms of urban cosmopolitanism linked to processes of European integration.
'Free movement has become a defining feature of European society. This important study answers the question "who are these free movers?". Using both quantitative and qualitative research evidence, it brings new perspectives to the sociology of European migration and integration, broadening the analysis from traditional labour migrants to various new kinds of spatial and social mobility in the continent.' - Russell King, University of Sussex and Sussex Centre for Migration Research, UK Pioneers of European Integration offers the first systematic analysis of the small but symbolically potent number of Europeans who have chosen to live and work as foreigners in another member state of the EU. The free movement of EU citizens is the most visible sociological consequence of the remarkable process of European integration that has transformed the continent since the Second World War. Based on an original survey of 5000 people moving to and from the EU's five largest countries, the book documents the demographic profile, migration choices, cultural adaptation, social mobility, political participation and media use of these pioneers of a transnational Europe, as well as opening a window to the new waves of intra-EU East-West migrations.
Free movement has become a defining feature of European society. This important study answers the question "who are these free movers?" Using both quantitative and qualitative research evidence, it brings new perspectives to the sociology of European migration and integration,.
Dominant approaches to the transformation of Europe ignore contemporary social theory interpretations of the nature and dynamics of social change. Here, Delanty and Rumford argue that we need a theory of society in order to understand Europeanization. This book advances the case that Europeanization should be theorized in terms of:• globalization • major social transformations that are not exclusively spear-headed by the EU • the wider context of the transformation of modernity. This fascinating book broadens the terms of the debate on Europeanization, conventionally limited to the supersession of the nation-state by a supra-national authority and the changes within member states consequent upon EU membership. Demonstrating the relevance of social theory to contemporary issues and with a focus on European transformation rather than simplistic notions of Europe-building, this truly multidisciplinary volume will appeal to readers from a range of social science disciplines, including sociology, geography, political science and European studies.
In recent decades, the rise of world markets and the technological revolutions in transportation and communication have brought what was once distant and inaccessible within easy reach of the individual. The territorial and social closure that characterized nation-states is fading, and this is reflected not only in new forms of governance and economic globalization, but also in individual mobility and transnational transactions, affiliations and networks. Social Transnationalism explores new forms of cross-border interactions and mobility which have expanded across physical space by looking at the individual level. It asks whether we are dealing with unbridled movements and cross-border interactions which transform the lifeworlds of individuals fundamentally. Furthermore, it investigates whether, and to what degree, increases in the volume of transnational interactions weaken the individual citizen's bond to the nation-state as such, and to what extent citizens' national identities are being replaced or complemented by cosmopolitan ones.
We define transnationalization as the relationship between the amount of internal communication and external (boarder crossing) communication of a subsystem of a nation state. This article tries to give empirical answers to three research questions: 1. To what extent are the different subsystems (science, art, economy, politics) of the society of Germany transnationalized and was there an increase in transnationalization in the period 1950-1995, as the notion of transnationalization and globalization suggests? 2. The comparison between different subsystems will show that they do indeed have different levels of transnationalization. We use an inter-systemic comparison to generate hypotheses about the causes of different levels of transnationalization. 3. Finally we ask what effects the process of transnationalization will have on the political system. Processes of transnationalization can be politically contained if the political system develops in the same direction of transnationalization as the other systems of society. We differentiate between the regulatory and the integrative functions of the political system and ask whether and to what extent the European Union will be able to regulate and integrate processes of transnationalization especially those of the economy.
The chapter presents the preliminary results of explorative research considering the making of a European society as the building of new social networks and practices among European higher social status-groups – in particular upper middle and middle classes – taking place in the interconnection of some European cities. The hypothesis at the core of the research is whether European integration is offering these urban elites the opportunity of “exit” from their own nation-state or national society: in terms of job trajectory, social networks, cultural consumption practices (i.e., holidays and travel), media use, property ownership, education for children, or their expression of social and political values. The possibility of exit can also charaterise their relation to the local urban public sphere: for example in their choices to opt out of public urban services, such as schools, to withdraw from public networks and associations, or frequent public spaces. This indeed has been claimed as a part of the growing inequalities of some western societies in urban contexts. In this research we thus cross reference the possible “exit” strategies from national society with such urban “exit” strategies.
The chapter is organised in three parts. The first discusses the theoretical background to these issues, in terms of the idea of society beyond the nation-state, the social theory of globalisation and transnational elites, leading to two hypotheses that will guide our research The second then presents some existing empirical studies on the dynamics of urban middle classes between rootedness and mobility. The third discusses the methodological considerations behind the operationalisation of these questions in our own research. Finally, then in a fourth section we present our results. These enable us to draw some preliminary conclusions about the changing patterns of elite and middle class practices and social organisation under the twin effects of Europeanization and globalization.
Recent trends of mass-level euroscepticism seriously challenge Deutsch's transactionalist theory that increased transnational interactions trigger support for further political integration. While transnational interactions have indeed proliferated, public support for European integration has diminished. This article aims to solve this puzzle by arguing that transnational interaction is highly stratified across society. Its impact on EU support therefore only applies to a small portion of the public. The rest of the population not only fails to be prompted to support the integration process, but may see it as a threat to their realm. This is even more the case as, parallel to European integration, global trends of integration create tensions in national societies. The following hypotheses are proposed: first, the more transnational an individual, the less she or he is prone to be eurosceptical; and second, this effect is more pronounced in countries that are more globalised. A multilevel ordinal logit analysis of survey data from the 2006 Eurobarometer wave 65.1 confirms these hypotheses.
This article examines the European integration process from a sociological perspective, where the main focus is the examination of the social consequences of the integration process. The European Union has advanced significantly in the economic, social, and political integration processes. This has resulted in a rapid Europeanization of behavior. There has hardly been any progress, however, toward the development of European social groups. This article examines the causes of this lag and concludes that it is highly unlikely that in the middle run there be significant progress toward the Europeanization of society.
This book shows empirically for the first time how a mass European identity has emerged across the EU member states between 1970 and the present day. Beyond this novel approach, it also offers a whole new theory of political identities, based on two 'civic' and 'cultural' components. Michael Bruter shows how multiple identities reinforce - rather than exclude - each other, and studies in depth the unsuspected impact of the media and political institutions on the emergence of new political identities.
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