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Australia, the Feminist Nation? Discourses of Gender, ‘Culture’ and Nation in the ‘K Brothers’ Gang Rapes
Abstract
This paper examines the discourses of gender and nation that circulated in relation to a series of highly mediatised Australian gang rapes. The rapes, which took place in the suburbs of Sydney in the early 2000s, were widely reported as involving ‘young Muslim men’ raping ‘Australian girls’. These rapes and the legal trials that followed created two dominant responses. First, there was a generalised debate about the need for greater protection of women's rights within the Australian legal system. Second, there was an intense questioning of the merits of multiculturalism. Bizarrely the two issues frequently became intertwined within popular discourses, with the language of ‘women's rights' pitted against the rhetoric of ‘cultural tolerance’. Focusing on the final set of rapes (and trials) involving the ‘K Brothers’, this paper explores the reasons for this intertwining.
... There is evidence to suggest that the effects of abuse are long lasting and can be exacerbated by poorly conceived safeguarding policies and procedures. For example, professional reliance on the victims to pursue a case (Newsam and Ridgway, 2019), or the expectation that in order to be heard they have to self-portray as innocent virgins in court proceedings (Grewal, 2012;Jones and Florek, 2015). ...
... The debate on whether men of Asian, Muslim or Pakistani heritage are predisposed to commit this crime (Gill and Harrison, 2015;Gilligan, 2011;Harker, 2012;Norfolk et al, 2012;Shafiq, 2011;Siddique, 2012) fuelled the simmering tension linking anti-Muslim racism and counter-terrorism (Tufail, 2015). Some suggested that the liberal elite are unable to impartially address the needs of female victims and the racism inherent in labelling Muslim men as sex offenders (Grewal, 2012;Klonowski, 2013;Jay, 2014;Casey, 2015;Salter and Dagistanli, 2015;Bedford 2015). ...
... However, the imperative is to inform the assessment, decision making and intervention processes; alongside the use of evidence to improve services for female child victims (Hargreaves-Cormany, et al. 2016). There is also an urgent need to examine how victims and perpetrators use their age, gender and race to relate to one another, and how professionals understand the impact of feminism and racism on the way they perform their duties (Grewal, 2012 (Shaw, 2000). Membership of the same caste or biradari may help to bond those seen as relatives, and explain why GLCSE is shared with brothers, cousins and uncles. ...
Acknowledgements. We wish to thank Lucy Ivankovic (Barnardo's), Janet McCray (Chichester) and Yuan Gao (Reading) for their comments on an earlier draft. ABSTRACT Since 2011, the prosecution of Asian men for Group Localised Child Sexual Exploitation (GLCSE) in the UK has led to two opposing positions: (1) Asian men have been unfairly demonized, and (2) Asian men have a disproportionate propensity for GLCSE. We analysed the evidence in the public domain in different two ways. First, we collected newspaper reports of GLCSE cases, and completed a comprehensive review of the literature, government documents and official case reviews. Our data consists of 498 defendants in 73 prosecutions between 1997 and 2017. Using a technique that is widely accepted in medical research, we determined the heritage of these defendants. Second, using census data for 404 local authorities, we analysed the relationship between GLCSE prosecutions, and the religion and heritage of each local population. We conclude that Muslims, particularly Pakistanis, dominate GLCSE prosecutions: and consider the reasons for this, and some possible policy responses.
... There is evidence to suggest that the effects of abuse are long lasting and can be exacerbated by poorly conceived safeguarding policies and procedures. For example, professional reliance on the victims to pursue a case (Newsam and Ridgway, 2019), or the expectation that in order to be heard they have to self-portray as innocent virgins in court proceedings (Grewal, 2012;Jones and Florek, 2015). ...
... Definitions have changed to differentiate child sexual abuse (CSA) from other types of child abuse, such as child sexual exploitation (CSE), which is seen as a subcategory of CSA. This is in response to a better profiling of victims, who tend to be older (aged mainly between [12][13][14][15][16][17] and sufficiently independent and mobile to make them susceptible to adult attention. CSE offenders use distinctive approaches, such as street-based grooming and boyfriend-like behaviours, often in close collaboration with members of their own family (CEOP, 2011, Jones and Florek, 2015). 1 The UK Government has commissioned many reports, including a desk review of international comparisons of CSE (Jones and Florek, 2015). ...
... However, the imperative is to inform the assessment, decision making and intervention processes; alongside the use of evidence to improve services for female child victims (Hargreaves-Cormany, et al. 2016). There is also an urgent need to examine how victims and perpetrators use their age, gender and race to relate to one another, and how professionals understand the impact of feminism and racism on the way they perform their duties (Grewal, 2012 (Shaw, 2000). ...
Since 2011, the prosecution of Asian men for Group Localised Child Sexual Exploitation (GLCSE) in the UK has led to two opposing positions: (1) Asian men have been unfairly demonized, and (2) Asian men have a disproportionate propensity for GLCSE. We analysed the evidence in the public domain in different two ways. First, we collected newspaper reports of GLCSE cases, and completed a comprehensive review of the literature, government documents and official case reviews. Our data consists of 498 defendants in 73 prosecutions between 1997 and 2017. Using a technique that is widely accepted in medical research, we determined the heritage of these defendants. Second, using census data for 404 local authorities, we analysed the relationship between GLCSE prosecutions, and the religion and heritage of each local population. We conclude that Muslims, particularly Pakistanis, dominate GLCSE prosecutions: and consider the reasons for this, and some possible policy responses.
... There is evidence to suggest that the effects of abuse are long lasting and can be exacerbated by poorly conceived safeguarding policies and procedures. For example, professional reliance on the victims to pursue a case (Newsam and Ridgway, 2019), or the expectation that in order to be heard they have to self-portray as innocent virgins in court proceedings (Grewal, 2012;Jones and Florek, 2015). ...
... Definitions have changed to differentiate child sexual abuse (CSA) from other types of child abuse, such as child sexual exploitation (CSE), which is seen as a subcategory of CSA. This is in response to a better profiling of victims, who tend to be older (aged mainly between [12][13][14][15][16][17] and sufficiently independent and mobile to make them susceptible to adult attention. CSE offenders use distinctive approaches, such as street-based grooming and boyfriend-like behaviours, often in close collaboration with members of their own family (CEOP, 2011, Jones and Florek, 2015). 1 The UK Government has commissioned many reports, including a desk review of international comparisons of CSE (Jones and Florek, 2015). ...
... However, the imperative is to inform the assessment, decision making and intervention processes; alongside the use of evidence to improve services for female child victims (Hargreaves-Cormany, et al. 2016). There is also an urgent need to examine how victims and perpetrators use their age, gender and race to relate to one another, and how professionals understand the impact of feminism and racism on the way they perform their duties (Grewal, 2012 (Shaw, 2000). ...
Evidence from the World Health Organisation suggests that adolescent girls who are sexually abused and exploited can suffer long term sexual, reproductive and mental health problems. Since 2011 the prosecution of Asian men for Group Localised Child Sexual Exploitation (GLCSE) in the UK has provoked considerable public controversy, resulting in a number of official and media reports. The disproportionate number of Asian men prosecuted for this crime requires further analysis, and so we collected data on available newspaper reports identified as GLCSE cases. We also scrutinised the relevant literature, government documents and official case reviews. The data includes 498 defendants in 73 prosecutions between the years 1997 and 2017, of which 83% have Muslim names. Using regression analysis we find, independently of their names, a significant correlation between GLCSE and Muslims. We attribute this positive relationship for Muslims, particularly Pakistanis, to a number of factors including motivation, accessibility and opportunity.
... The derogatory racial taunts of the men to their victims ('you deserve it because you're Australian', 'I'm going to fuck you Leb-style', 'does Leb cock taste better than Aussie cock?') accompanying other examples of sexual and racial derision were upheld as evidence that the rapes were race hate crimes. 2 The misogyny of these men was clear, but it was not seen as restricted to the actions of the individual offenders; popular wisdom implicated the ethnic and religious backgrounds of the men in their cultural attitudes towards 'white women' with the result that entire Lebanese and Muslim communities in Australia became pathologised by association. Conjecture on whether or not these attacks were really motivated by racial hatred is interesting (see for example Grewal, 2012;cf. Poynting et al., 2004). ...
... 8 Sheehan's conformity to cultural stereotypes about the Muslim offenders was clear. But he was also faithful to gendered cultural mythologies of sexual assault through his repeated emphasis on the innocence of the victims who had been defiled through their naive association with nasty Muslim immigrants (Grewal, 2012). In his description of two particular victims of the K brothers ' Sheehan (2006: 39) remarks that 'neither was provocatively dressed: it was winter and both wore trousers and zipped jackets', while describing the most well known victim, Tegan Wagner, as a "shy virgin" who had never before even kissed a boy (2006: 24; see Grewal, 2012). ...
... But he was also faithful to gendered cultural mythologies of sexual assault through his repeated emphasis on the innocence of the victims who had been defiled through their naive association with nasty Muslim immigrants (Grewal, 2012). In his description of two particular victims of the K brothers ' Sheehan (2006: 39) remarks that 'neither was provocatively dressed: it was winter and both wore trousers and zipped jackets', while describing the most well known victim, Tegan Wagner, as a "shy virgin" who had never before even kissed a boy (2006: 24; see Grewal, 2012). As Grewal notes, Wagner was forced to reinforce the idea that she was an innocent school girl who was preyed upon by a group of men who had done the same to other young women, performing the 'ideal victim' paradigm of sex crimes -'pure and innocent… attacked by monsters' (Benedict, 1992: 18;Smith & Natalier, 2005)that is perpetuated by dominant legal and media discourses. ...
... Gang rape is becoming a worrying trend in many societies and several cases are attracting attention around the world, one of which took place in Delhi (India) on December 16 th 2012 (Lodhia, 2015;Roy, 2014;Shandilya, 2015) and could be likened to one known as "la manada" ("the wolf pack"), which our paper is based on. There have been similar cases in Australia occurring in the early 2000s (Grewal, 2012;Warner, 2004), and in Japan (Wijer-Hasegawa, 2003), and the felony has been specifically described in the context of military service in the USA (Sadler et al., 2005). These types of rapes are not singular cases, as we can find them in many other countries, frequently linked with factors such as groups of male children and teenage boys (Etgar & Prager, 2009), minorities and those living in vulnerable states (e.g. ...
Crimes related to sexual abuse and rape attract large social mobilizations, as happened following the assault on an 18-year-old woman at the San Fermín festival in Pamplona, Spain, by a group of men known as “la manada” (“the wolf pack” in English). Understanding how the aftermath of protests and socioeconomic factors influence the perceptions of fear of crime, safety and justice, measured as judiciary decisions, are the aims of this paper. A randomized sample collected in two periods was obtained (N=605), the first one (n1=454) performed after the judicial sentence of the case, the second (n2=151) four months later, after the social alarm had decreased. The perception of safety increased after the peak moments of the demonstrations. The trust in justice was low and fell after protesters had risen to the streets although its perception was greater among higher income earners. Hence, the perception of safety rises during social mobilizations but only improves for a short period of time whereas the effects on that of justice last for longer.
... They are completely at the mercy of their culture, which is itself understood as one based upon violence against women, misogyny and lack of respect for individual autonomy.' 205 Culturalist understandings thus impede genuine work to tackle sexual violence by 'justifying' initiatives 'that have to do more with teaching "them" how to behave than it does any meaningful anti-violence objective'. 206 ...
‘Muslim grooming gangs’ have become a defining feature of media, political and public debate around child sexual exploitation in the UK. The dominant narrative that has emerged to explain a series of horrific cases is misleading, sensationalist and has in itself promoted a number of harms. This article examines how racist framings of ‘Muslim grooming gangs’ exist not only in extremist, far-right fringes but in mainstream, liberal discourses too. The involvement of supposedly feminist and liberal actors and the promotion of pseudoscientific ‘research’ have lent a veneer of legitimacy to essentialist, Orientalist stereotypes of Muslim men, the demonisation of whole communities and demands for collective responsibility. These developments are situated in the broader socio-political context, including the far Right’s weaponisation of women’s rights, the ‘Islamophobia industry’ and a long history of racialising crime. We propose alternative ways of understanding and responding to child sexual exploitation/abuse. We contend that genuinely anti-racist feminist approaches can help in centring victims/survivors and their needs and in tackling serious sexual violence without demonising entire communities.
... The time period examined was between 2010 and 2014. Whilst it is clear that Muslim ethnic groups in other parts of the globe have been racialised as violent sexual deviants (see Grewal 2012;Ticktin 2008), this article focuses predominantly on the racialisation of Muslims of South Asian origin in the UK, and those in the North of the UK in particular. ...
For over a decade, British Muslims have been at the forefront of political, media and societal concerns in regards to terrorism, radicalisation, women's rights, segregation and, most recently, the sexual exploitation and abuse of young women. Demonised, marginalised and criminalised due to inflammatory political rhetoric, inaccurate, irresponsible and sensationalist media reporting, discriminatory counter terrorism policies and legislation and state surveillance, British Muslims have emerged as a perceived racialised threat. This has continued apace with the onset of the Rochdale and Rotherham 'grooming' child sexual abuse scandals which in popular discourse have been dominated by representations focusing on race, ethnicity and the dangerous masculinities of Muslim men. This disproportionate and racist narrative served to both frame and limit the debate relating to the sexual exploitation and violence experienced by young female victims at a pivotal moment when the issue had been brought to national attention. This article compares and contrasts the representations and discourse of racialised and non-racialised reporting of child sexual abuse and situates the 'grooming' scandals in the context of anti-Muslim racism. It argues that the development of the British Muslim as a racialised threat is a current and on-going legacy of colonialism in which this group experiences discriminatory 'othering' processes resulting in their marginalisation.
According to prominent public commentators in Sydney, Australia, the city’s many diverse Middle Eastern communities possess extraordinary criminal capacity. Middle Eastern Crime—a distinct ‘type’ of crime—is said to have proliferated throughout the last three decades, with Middle Eastern criminals first establishing a foothold in the city during the late 1990s while the police were incapacitated by a high-profile Royal Commission into corruption. Presenting an alternative account, this article traces how Middle Eastern Crime was borne out of the police’s heteropatriarchal (re)assertion of their crime-fighting credentials after being rebuked by the Royal Commission, which saw the organization’s focus fix upon Middle Eastern people in southwestern Sydney. The article therefore argues that the signifier Middle Eastern Crime denotes an Orientalist police regime, rather than a ‘type’ of crime. In doing so, it demonstrates the conceptual value of considering how police practices, and not just elite discourses, bring race into being.
Over the past decade in Britain, a number of sexual abuse scandals emerged. These ranged from the revelations about celebrity Jimmy Savile, thought to be the most prolific sexual abuser in British history, to the crimes of long-standing Liberal MP Cyril Smith. Both men, now deceased, were left unchecked to commit sexually violent offences against young girls and boys over a period of decades. Operation Yewtree, the on-going Metropolitan Police investigation initiated following the Jimmy Savile scandal, led to the conviction of high-profile sex abusers such as celebrity publicist Max Clifford and entertainer Rolf Harris. Around the same time as the celebrity sex abuse scandal began to make news headlines, another scandal emerged concerning the violent sexual abuse of young girls and women. This related to revelations that groups of men in towns including Rochdale in Greater Manchester and Rotherham in South Yorkshire had been sexually abusing scores of young girls over a number of years. Whilst all of these crimes received widespread news coverage, there was a marked difference in how they were framed and how they came to be understood. In the popular press representations of the Rochdale and Rotherham sexual abuse crimes, issues of violence against women and patriarchy were relegated and decentred in place of a dominant and mainstream narrative that portrayed the child sexual abuse scandal as primarily due to the uniquely dangerous masculinities of Muslim men (Tufail 2015; Gill and Harrison 2015). This chapter examines how local media and state actors and institutions in Rotherham framed the child sexual abuse scandal, the impact this had on minority communities and community relations more broadly and the ways in which these representations were challenged and resisted. This chapter also addresses the inherent tensions between feminists and anti-racists that arise in the context of sexual abuse scandals involving ethnic minority perpetrators (Grewal 2012; Ho 2006) and argues that in Rotherham there is evidence of an emergent, grassroots, anti-racist feminism.
Etude de la critique feministe de la revendication multiculturaliste de l'autonomie des groupes culturel. Examinant le modele liberal de la citoyennete et de l'egalite, l'A. compare l'injustice des groupes oppresses et l'injustice de la discrimination des femmes, a travers l'exemple des musulmans en Inde et des musulmans israeliens.
This chapter focuses on books published in the field of multiculturalism/multicultural studies, primarily in 2009. The review
begins with a fine book by Axel Honneth in which he discusses Adorno’s critique of rational idealism and the importance of
a negative dialectics in thinking through the limits of philosophy. Adorno’s emphasis on the subjective apprehension of reality
resonates with multicultural theories of alternative reasons, a point that is critiqued in an important book by Christopher
Douglas. The chapter then examines Anzaldúa’s celebration of blood-derived sensibility and of the mestiza or hybrid subject
as constituting the ideal subject of multiculturalism. The survey takes up Paul Weller’s retrospective summary of the effects
of the Rushdie affair as a multicultural mirror of the anxieties of our own times. The Pakistani-Australian Irfan Yusuf’s
journey towards self-discovery via the Sufi path of Islam is treated as a way of avoiding the monocultural push of Islam in
multicultural nations. A more theoretical discussion of the links between colonial definitions of ‘religion’ and their superimposition
on non-Western belief systems finds an excellent text in Mandair’s brilliant book. The survey concludes with books on multicultural
diasporas, quotidian multiculturalism, and the challenge to the literary canon posed by postcolonial, ethnic and comparative
literary studies.
This paper is concerned with the problems and the potential in bringing together the analysis of the different forms of oppression, particularly in the light of the debate on how feminism can be reconciled with multiculturalist democracies. In order to avoid the Scylla of feminist fundamentalism and the Charybdis of cultural relativism, the paper argues that there are two issues we need to keep hold of simultaneously. Firstly, there is the issue of the relationship between dominant and subordinate ethnic or cultural groups and to attack this unequal relationship at national and global levels (i.e., both within and between nations and states). Secondly, we need to look at the dominant and subordinate groupings or categories within these groups and to attack this relationship also. In order to develop the argument the concept of translocational positionality is introduced. The paper also examines the limitations of dialogic politics and the potential in rethinking the concept of equality.
This article engages with questions about the role of the criminal justice system in responding to sexual assault. The author demonstrates the limitations of policies based on deterrence, and sentencing by reference to statistics on the processing (or not) of reported sexual offences in NSW. She also challenges the assumption that punitive policies allied with law and order rhetoric provide improved safety for women.
Is it possible for the state simultaneously to respect deep cultural differences and to protect the hard-won citizenship rights of vulnerable group members, particularly women? This 2001 book argues that it is not only theoretically needed, but also institutionally feasible. Rejecting prevalent normative and legal solutions to this 'paradox of multicultural vulnerability', Multicultural Jurisdictions develops a powerful argument for enhancement of the jurisdictional autonomy of religious and cultural minorities while at the same time providing viable legal-institutional solutions to the problem of sanctioned intra-group rights violation. This new 'joint governance' approach is guided by an innovative principle that strives for the reduction of injustice between minority groups and the wider society, together with the enhancement of justice within them. This book will interest students of political and social theory, law, religion, institutional design, as well as cultural and gender studies.
Through an analysis of two highly mediatised recent events in Australia this article seeks to interrogate the intersections of gender, ethnicity and culture in the construction of Australian national identity. A series of gang rapes in the early 2000s attracted widespread public outrage and the harshest ever condemnation of acts of sexual violence in Australian history. Linked to these events, in December 2005 a series of riots at the Sydney beachside suburb of Cronulla led to further questioning of ethnic relations and the state of Australian multiculturalism within media and political discourses. While many of the responses to the gang rapes and the Cronulla riots have drawn on the language of ‘women’s rights’, a closer look at the discourses suggests a different story. Responses to the gang rapes have often characterised the attacks as being against the Australian community, rather than against individual women. It is also interesting to contrast the outrage surrounding the gang rapes with the general silence regarding the increased racist violence committed against Muslim women in recent times. Furthermore, the linking of the gang rapes with a particular religious/ethnic community can be contrasted with the discourses on the alleged gang rapes involving Australian sporting teams, such as the Bulldogs and more recently the Wests Tigers. Finally the manner in which the events of Cronulla have been recast and linked back to the ‘threat’ posed by young Muslim/Lebanese/Middle Eastern men to Australian women suggests that ethnicity and gender both play an important and mutually reinforcing role in the construction of Australian national identity.
Representing Rape is the first feminist analysis of the language of sexual assault trials from the perspective of linguists. Susan Ehrlich argues that language is central to all legal settings - specifically sexual harassment and acquaintance rape hearings where linguistic descriptions of the events are often the only type of evidence available. Language does not simply reflect but helps to construct the character of the people and events under investigation. The book is based around a case study of the trial of a male student accused of two instances of sexual assault in two different settings: a university tribunal and a criminal trial. This case is situated within international studies on rape trials and is relevant to the legal systems of the US, Canada, Britain, Australia, and New Zealand. She shows how culturally-dominant notions about rape percolate through the talk of sexual assault cases in a variety of settings and ultimately shape their outcome. Ehrlich hopes that to understand rape trials in this way is to recognize their capacity for change. By highlighting the underlying preconceptions and prejudices in the language of courtrooms today, this important book paves the way towards a fairer judicial system for the future.
In the postcolonial world, and particularly after September 11, a liberal Western norm updates human rights with « sexual democracy » (including a smoothed-over conception of womanhood, and increasingly, a similar conception of homosexuality). Intertwined with the norm of antiracism, this « sexual democracy » functions as a formidable trap to those postcolonial subjects who have the misfortune to overstep it : accused of complicity with racism, they are called barbarians and pushed into the background. Zacarias Moussaoui was well aware of this, and played on it ; French girls from the North African immigration are equally well aware, and they negotiate from day to day (the headscarf, their choice of sexual partners).
In this article we analyse the impact of multicultural ideology on struggles for equality in the spheres of gender, race/ethnicity and sexuality. We argue that multiculturalism has permeated theory, policy and action in these areas and that this has resulted in divisions and conflicts between movements for human rights. This has allowed an uncritical brand of multiculturalism to flourish which operates to further oppress already disadvantaged groups. We illustrate our thesis in relation to the violence committed against Black/Asian women through such cultural practices as forced arranged marriage, domestic violence and female genital mutilation. We also note the violence against gay and lesbian people which is sanctioned by some cultural and religious traditions. We conclude that failure to address fundamental questions about possible limits to cultural diversity in liberal democratic societies has implications for the continued oppression of the least powerful and the future of human rights.
The outbreak of mass racist violence against young men of ‘Middle Eastern appearance’ on Cronulla beach, Sydney, in December 2005 was the culmination of a campaign of populist incitement waged in the media and by the state. The battle to reclaim control of the beach for white Australia mirrored, it is suggested here, the battle that the Howard government has waged to reclaim control of the nation itself from asylum seekers and the Muslim/Middle Eastern ‘enemy’.
Malgre la relation specifique des femmes avec la biere - que ce soit dans les pubs ou dans la consommation meme de cette boisson alcoolisee -, en Australie, l'association entre nationalisme, masculinite, et boire de la biere constitue une trinite religieuse difficile a remettre en cause.
In this paper I draw on ethnography I undertook amongst locals in the Cronulla area after the riot of December 2005. A number of the young beach goers I came across had been on a P&O ‘schoolies cruise’ at the time of the riot. For two weeks the students depended on the media for information about what was going on in their suburbs. Sailing back, I was told, a pumped-up chorus of ‘Shi-ire!’ and ‘White Pride!’ rang out over Sydney Heads, as expectations climbed high of the ship being met by gangs of Middle Eastern youths, ready for the fight. Back on the beach, months later, bodies baking in the sun try to reconcile the thought of riot with what they know about Australia, and Cronulla, as a place of laid back, leisurely, lazily tolerant people. How can the two scenes of bodily excess be brought together? What are the limits of the ‘moral panic’ idea, in relation to the Cronulla riot? How do the competing truths of major discourses on Cronulla misrepresent the community in question?
The headscarf debate in France exemplifies what is widely perceived as the battle between a culture-free citizenship and a culturally-laden other. This battle, however, presumes the existence of a neutral state that must either tolerate or ban particular cultural differences. In this Article, I challenge that presumption by demonstrating how both cultural difference and citizenship are imagined and produced. The citizen is assumed to be modern and motivated by reason; the cultural other is assumed to be traditional and motivated by culture. Yet citizenship is both a cultural and an anti-cultural institution. Citizenship positions itself as oppositional to culture, even as it is constituted by cultural values. Recent scholars of multiculturalism have turned to concepts of citizenship as a solution to the dilemma raised by conflicts over culture. But these concepts of citizenship, namely deliberative democracy and civic participation, replicate the presumption of a culture-less "citizenship" - and thus form an ironic choice of solution to the problem of cultural difference.
This article discusses a recent retreat of multiculturalism in the liberal state. This retreat has occurred both at the level of theory and policy. With the help of some recent liberal critiques of multiculturalism, the first part maps out some shortcomings of the notion of minority integration through cultural recognition, particularly with respect to immigrants. The second part discusses a retreat from multiculturalism policies in three states that had been prominently committed to them: Australia, the Netherlands, and Britain. This practical retreat of multiculturalism is due to a variety of factors, their importance differing across cases: the chronic lack of public support for multiculturalism policies; inherent deficits and failures of multiculturalism policies, especially in socio-economic respect; and a new assertiveness of the liberal state to impose liberal principles.
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