Content uploaded by John Zacharias
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by John Zacharias on Aug 11, 2016
Content may be subject to copyright.
Tokyo Station City–the railway station as urban place
by John Zacharias1, Tianxin Zhang2 and Naoto Nakajima 3
1
Department of Geography, Planning and Environment
Concordia University
Montréal, Canada H3G 1M8
e-mail: zachar@alcor.concordia.ca
tel: 1-514-848-2424; fax: 1-514-848-2032
(corresponding author)
2
College of Urban and Environmental Sciences
Peking University
Beijing 100871 China
3
Faculty of Environment and Information Studies
Keio University
5322 Endo, Fujisawa, Kanagawa, 252-0882 Japan
Keywords: train station, pedestrians, redevelopment, spatial behaviour
1
Tokyo Station City–the railway station as urban place
Abstract
Railway stations in Japan and elsewhere are undergoing redevelopment to
accommodate new spaces of consumption and leisure. Tokyo Station redevelopment
is a representative case illustrating the experiment of integrating new facilities into an
existing spatial system. The station’s image is being recast as an important urban
centre in Tokyo with a particular mix of prestige business, shopping and unique
entertainment venues. The walking network is being reconfigured in a larger space
with a complex set of new land uses, leading to new spatial configurations and
patterns of behaviour. These transformations support a new role for the station. The
station redevelopment, along with related investments in the surrounding space
represent a distinctly Japanese approach to transit-oriented development (TOD). This
paper examines the urban design strategy underlying these transformations.
1. Introduction
Nowhere in the world can one find railway station complexes as large as in Japan.
The railways themselves play a central role in urban transportation in Japanese cities,
connecting suburb to centre, and city to city. The urbanization that Japan experienced
in the twentieth century was accompanied by rapid development of the railway
network within urban regions. At the same time, Japanese city centres were deeply
affected by railway station development and redevelopment (Onishi, 1994).
Transit-oriented development in Japan is a fundamental characteristic of all
central city urban development, and is almost exclusively rail-based and specifically
not intermodal. Transit-oriented development refers to the land use characteristics of
areas where transit is being promoted (Dittmar and Ohland, 2004; Lund, Cervero and
2
Willson, 2004). Higher density development and mixed land uses have been used in
North America and elsewhere to promote public transit use. TODs in North America
typically combine road-based transportation and one or more forms of public transit.
After the Second World War, the railway became one of the most important tools for
development in Japan, particularly in the context of a weak planning system
(Sorensen, 2002). As a result of suburbanization with relatively undeveloped road
infrastructure, commuting by train and subway became the most effective way to
travel for most people who live in the suburbs and work in city centres. This urban
spatial development created unprecedented demand for railway services, which were
then met by the railway companies. In the late 1990s, the train line density was 1.01
km of line for every square kilometre with 86% of all travel in Tokyo by rail. The
comparable figures were respectively 0.74 km/km2 and 65% in London and Paris, and
0.41 km/km2 and 61% in New York (Focas, 1998). In spite of the large part of the
travel market occupied by the railway and the intensity of the operations, the
companies are involved in much more than rail operations. Since 2000, railway
station redevelopment has become one of the most significant new urban regeneration
programmes underway in major Japanese cities. The stations and adjacent railway
properties are undergoing physical transformation to accommodate new urban
functions and to enhance the passengers’ travel experience. The surrounding
neighbourhoods are also involved due to their multi-layered connection with the
stations as well as their close proximity. Railway stations are consequently
performing a different role in the city than that of transport hub, becoming cultural
symbols, social communication hubs and business centres.
These projects parallel similar investment programmes in Europe, but with
characteristics that are particular to Japan. The layouts, designs and activities of these
3
redesigned stations reflect the operational structure of the railway companies, the
location and physical condition of the stations, the close relationship with the
surrounding urban space and building complexes, as well as the importance of rail-
based travel in Japanese cities. Railway stations in Europe seldom attract high-end
business and retailing activity although serious efforts are being taken to correct this
historical problem (Bertolini and Spit, 1998). The trend in Japan is to combine
commerce, leisure, media, fashion, information,as well as other advanced industries
into a new “city” within the city, so as to make the stations important spaces for
creation and innovation. Such a focus on creative industry is hardly associated with
TOD as practised in North America or Australia, for example. While continuing to
serve the needs of travel within the city and beyond, the railway stations are becoming
significant places in their own right and at or near the top of the hierarchy of such
urban places.
The development of stations is in keeping with the TOD idea of attracting people
from the nearby areas on foot. Major pedestrian facilities are then required to support
the heavy flows of people through these local areas. In Japanese cities, as in European
and North American examples, there is an immediately adjacent area which is in close
relationship with the station. But uniquely in the Japanese case, the station building
complexes are an accumulation of all kinds of functions, and not merely a point of
distribution. Some private railway companies built station-based department store
complexes before the Second World War. The Japan National Railways built many
“station department stores” after 1950. The pattern of new centres after 2000 is
therefore in some continuity with earlier development practices, but at a higher level
in quality, service and volume of clientele.
4
In recent years, the design and functions of the new underground station
facilities in Japan are increasingly the object of research (for example, Tanimoto,
Nakayama and Sugiyama, 2004). Visitor preferences in facility design, lighting and
social ambiance are receiving increasing attention. How people find their way and
understand such underground spaces is also an important topic of investigation
(Moriyama, 2009), for reasons of evacuation safety but also for the efficient
functioning of commercial space. Scholars argue that rising rental rates and
commercial benefits have encouraged projects to improve daily services for the white
collar working population in the area (Yoshida, 2007). However, the special features
of Japanese station redevelopments have not received enough attention. For example,
there are few studies touching on the organizational mechanism underlying the
redevelopment of railway stations. Nor is there enough attention given to the features
of the Japanese approach to TOD, which has had such powerful effects on urban
structure and has achieved very high ridership for rail-based travel. It is apparent that
this country-wide investment programme is worthy of investigation in its own right
because it is at an early stage of innovation and experimentation. What is learned
from the Japanese case will also be of interest to planners working on railway station
developments in Europe, China and North America.
In recognition of the above, this paper examines one such railway station
redevelopment project, Tokyo station, from the urban design perspective. Firstly, we
discuss why the railway companies operating at Tokyo station are making these
particular investment decisions. Secondly, the programmes themselves are examined
for their contribution to the making of a new urban place in the constellation of such
places in the Tokyo metropolitan region. Thirdly, how the spaces and their associated
activities are accommodated within the physical constraints of the stations and the
5
surrounding environment is considered. Finally, we evaluate the effects of station
restructuring on surrounding urban space, with particular attention to a pre-existing
shopping facility adjacent the station.
2. Redevelopment of railway stations in Japan
A new phase of station redevelopment began in the 2000 decade, when railway
companies themselves invested in their properties, together with financial partners.
Major stations such as Tokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya, and Fukuoka saw large-scale
redevelopment. The projects included extensions to the pedestrian system, the
provision of new commercial facilities and public leisure spaces, atmospheric effects,
and high-rise office buildings.
The common goal of Japanese railway station redevelopment projects is to
enhance the in-station commercial function among many others, making the station a
powerful magnet for visitors. These projects are mostly initiated by the station
companies, who need to diversify their operations under the Japanese railway system
organization and operations.
There are roughly three types of railway companies: Japan Railways Group,
which was founded as a result of the privatization and break-up of the Japanese
National Railway in 1987, private companies and city-owned companies. Each
company operates one or several lines. Most of the stations are also operated by the
railway companies, whose railway lines pass through the station. When several lines
of different companies intersect at a certain station, they normally share the
intersection space and related facilities. The station is consequently operated
collaboratively by several companies. In most cases, one of the companies acts as the
chief owner. In order to interconnect with each other, the companies have to work
6
together to achieve a reasonable spatial distribution plan that allows efficient
interchange between the various lines. This often makes the station space very
complex.
Until the 1970s, the Japan National Railways company operated many rail
routes all over the country. They began to face economic difficulties in the late 1960s
and had accumulated large debts by the beginning of the 1980s. To help the
companies achieve financial health, the government began privatizing the railways,
dividing JR into six passenger transportation companies according to their geographic
locations. The privatization accompanied a change in regulation which allowed the
newly privatized railway companies, like JR East, the major owner-operator of Tokyo
station, to accumulate profits through commercial activities in addition to pure
transportation uses (Ieda, Kanayama, Ota, Yamazaki and Okamura, 2001). In
exchange, railway companies became responsible for recovering capital investment
through their operations and related investment decisions. Although rail-based travel
in Japan, as a proportion of all travel, is the highest worldwide at about 36% of all
kilometers traveled, many observers consider the railway system in Japan to be
underinvested. Railway companies hold territorial monopolies, which discourage
them from making investments in railway services. To make such improvements in
services, these private companies must either raise fares or derive benefits from other
operations. Improving rail services has become increasingly difficult as the cost of
providing infrastructure has risen very rapidly. Expected decline in passenger
numbers, as a result of demographic decline, is an additional reason companies are
reluctant to invest (Ieda et al, 2001). On the other hand, their territorial monopolies
encourage the companies to invest in ancillary services, which are also highly
profitable, and represent an increasing proportion of the railway companies’ revenues
7
(Kanemoto and Kiono, 1995). These services enhance the travel experience, do not
add to travel cost and exploit the lands under control of the railway companies.
In an early study of redevelopment of inner city areas in Japan, it was
observed that the addition of a department store or shopping centre had a significant
positive effect on land value. The great majority of such developments that resulted in
increased numbers of shoppers in the last two decades were at railway station
locations (Onishi, 1994). However, the investments in ancillary services at railway
stations are not evenly distributed over stations. One of the reasons for uneven
investment is the availability of lands for such development. Another important
reason is that commuters making non-work related stops are most likely to make
those stops at the commuting terminal and at the work place zone (Nishii and Kondo,
1992). As a consequence, interchange stations with good accessibility in the railway
network attract office development and related commercial and personal services.
Among these interchange station areas, a limited number of stations with both good
accessibility and connectivity between urban and regional transport infrastructure are
developing as important places in the urban region. Examples in Tokyo include
Tokyo, Shinjuku, Shibuya, and Ueno stations. In the larger metropolitan region, new
rail-based centres have sprung up in Yokohama, Chiba and Omiya. As a consequence,
once-simple and direct daily travel patterns have become much more complex, multi-
directional and multi-purpose.
The land development policies of the Japanese railway companies are not
unique to Japan although they have particular characteristics that distinguish them
from the parallel activities of the European railway companies. In France, for
example, rail passengers were spending 22% of their travel costs on products and
services within the railway station in the late 1990s (Perrin, 1998). The investment
8
policies of the French, Dutch and German railway companies emphasize services
related to travel and the improvement of the ambience of the station. The European
railway station is increasingly an important place in the city, a destination in its own
right, and a magnet for related investment (Reusser, Loukopoulos, Stauffacher and
Scholz, 2008). Commercial space nevertheless remains highly oriented to travel,
whereas in Japan the station hosts a comprehensive set of services and products,
equivalent to city core shopping districts. The highly integrated development of real
estate with railway services in the Japanese cases is in part due to structural
differences in the railway companies. The French, Dutch and German railway
companies have distinct and relatively autonomous real estate divisions (Priemus,
2001). The European practice has been to hive off real estate no longer required for
the core transport operations of the railway companies. The real estate developments
on former railway lands are urban districts in their own right, accessible to the railway
station but primarily a component of the city fabric. Developments have been
designed to revitalize station-adjacent areas that suffer from poor connections to the
rest of the city and a negative image (Staudacher, 2001). In Japan, however, the
railway lines are an integral component of the city fabric, as are the stations. As a
consequence, the real estate operations are an increasingly important part of railway
activity, within the stations, on lands owned by the railway companies and in the
immediately adjacent urban space. In this respect, the redevelopment of stations is
equivalent to city centre revitalization.
9
3. Tokyo Station redevelopment projects
3.1 The status of Tokyo station in Japan
The redevelopment of Tokyo station is among the most prominent projects in the
national trend of redevelopment. It is particularly important due to the station’s
symbolic status, important location, and its role in Tokyo’s transportation system. It
has national and global status because of the important districts immediately adjacent
the station. Regarded as the entrance to and the face of Tokyo, it is surrounded by
such important areas as the Imperial palace, and the Ginza and Nihonbashi
commercial areas (figure 1). On the west side of the station, the Marunouchi entrance
leads to the Imperial palace and the office area. On the east, the Yaesu entrance leads
to the important office buildings of Yaesu area.
Tokyo Station is the busiest railway station in Japan in terms of the number of
trains. The number of passengers entering the station daily reaches 380,000, ranking
fifth among stations where the East Japan Railway Company is an owner. In contrast,
income earned by the company within its station premises reaches 260 m yen per day,
which places Tokyo station first in terms of benefit, ahead of Shinjuku station, for
example, which earns the company some 160 m yen per day (Yoshida, 2007). On the
other hand, Shinjuku station has far higher transiting passenger volumes than Tokyo
station so that more space in the station is actually devoted to movement. The goods
and services that would otherwise invest the station are displaced to neighbouring
sites.
3.2 The operational system of Tokyo station and its vicinity
Tokyo Station is primarily owned by East Japan Railway Company (JR Higashi
Nihon or JR-EAST), the privatized company once part of Japan (National) Railways
10
(JR). The Shinkansen high-speed railway through Tokyo Station, along with space
above and below the tracks is owned and operated by the Central Japan Railway
Company (JR Tokai).
The Marunouchi side of the station has long been Tokyo’s most prestigious
office district. From 2000, high-rise towers were added to the low-rise blocks with
efforts to preserve the façades of many buildings, including several that predate the
Second World War. To compensate for the higher density currently being practiced in
Marunouchi, Tokyo Metropolitan Government required an extensive and generously
dimensioned underground walking system that connects many of the renewed
buildings to Tokyo Station (figure 2a). The major owner of real estate in Marunouchi
is the Mitsubishi company whose headquarters is immediately opposite Tokyo Station
entrance. This company’s extensive real estate holdings facilitated the development of
the underground system, since most of the underground corridors connect their own
buildings under the streets. The building of the underground system provided the
opportunity to redesign the street environment as well. Today the streets of
Marunouchi are traffic-calmed and tree-lined, hosting sponsored public events, public
art and luxury retailing.
On the east or Yaesu side of the station, major property owners include the
Mitsui real estate company, the Kajima Yaesu development company, the
International Tourism company and the Shinnihon Sekiyu (Nippon Oil Corporation,
currently JX Nippon Oil and Energy Corporation). The Yaesu side has always been
associated with everyday business, entertainment and living. The world-famous Ginza
shopping district is within walking distance as is the Tsukiji wholesale fish market,
the world’s largest.
11
3.3 The configuration of Tokyo station area
Tokyo station is complex in configuration (figure 2a). There are five platforms and
twenty lines on the ground level; four platforms and eight lines underground serving
urban railways; five platforms and ten lines on the ground level for the Shinkansen;
and finally, one platform and two lines for the subway lines. In addition, there are
three station concourses and two layers of pedestrian system. There are three
entrances from three main directions, namely Marunouchi at the west, Yaesu at the
east, and Nihonbashi at the north-east, with the main pedestrian flow between the
west and the east.
The ground level pedestrian system is at grade at its eastern, Yaesu entrance
while elevated a few steps at the west exit, because of a slight declination toward the
Imperial gardens and palace. The underground pathway system is entirely at the same
level, immediately below the street and the three controlled station concourses. The
underground level is linked to the ground with regularly spaced stairwells leading
directly to uncovered sidewalks.
Despite the fact that the station offers one toll-free corridor that connects the
east and the west, the huge volume and the complex space make Tokyo Station a
major barrier between east and west, accentuating the different roles and character of
Marunouchi and Yaesu. Bars and restaurants proliferate in the nearest reaches of
Yaesu, supplying the Marunouchi business district which has little such activity of its
own. As the railway companies begin to emphasize place-based activity and
consumption, there is a new need to promote pedestrian linkage between the various
components of the emerging underground system. Such underground facilities are
exceedingly expensive to retrofit to existing station facilities, given the exiguity of the
spaces and the abundance of complex underground infrastructure. It is important that
12
the linkages work well and pedestrian flows are sufficient to support the costly
commercial space created in this restructuring effort. The last section of this article
examines one such linkage effort.
3.4 Redevelopment projects at Tokyo station
Considering the important status of Tokyo station in Japan and its role in the city, the
key urban design challenge becomes firstly, to heighten the symbolic status of Tokyo
station by emphasizing its unique identity; secondly, to make better links between the
two sides of the station; thirdly, to make the station an integral part of the city.
There are two projects that show how Tokyo station responds to the above
challenges. One is the Tokyo station city project for the whole station area, and the
other is the First Avenue project for the underground pedestrian system.
3.4.1 Tokyo Station City project
As the main station company, JR East collaborated with other companies and
launched a major re-investment programme known as “Tokyo Station City” (figure
3). Its ambitious pursuit is to make Tokyo station a leading urban place in Tokyo.
With this goal in mind, the redevelopment project has several components. The first is
the restoration of the early 20th century station, damaged during the Second World
War, to its original architectural form. This work accompanies the beautification
project consisting of a tree-lined boulevard from the symmetrically arranged station
through the Marunouchi district to the Imperial Palace. This vista is symbolically
extended across the station to the Yaesu side by demolishing the Tetsudo Kaikan
buildings on the Yaesu side, symbolically uniting the two sides of the station (figure
4).
High-rise office buildings were constructed around station facilities at the
13
Yaesu side and connected directly with station entrances. By transferring
development rights to Yaesu side from the Marunouchi side, the historical station
building could be restored in place while promoting new development on the other
side of the station site. These new buildings include the Sapia tower, and GranTokyo
North and South towers, all connected directly with the station’s Marunouchi and
Nihonbashi entrances through the GranRoof facility (figure 5). The Sapia tower is
owned by the station company, while the GranTokyo buildings are owned jointly by
other companies. Tokyo Station City’s office buildings are intended to be the most
technically advanced in Japan. “Sapia” derives from the Greek “sapience”, meaning
knowledge or wisdom. More than merely a commercial venture, such buildings are
intended to act as crucibles of research and education, with facilities devoted to
university activities, for example. The GranSta facility opened in late 2007 and has
become the main commercial space inside the station complex. A three-floor deck is
under construction between the GranTokyo North and South towers, which will
incorporate more shops and open spaces (figure 5). The Station Square at the Yaesu
side will be renewed by 2013. A great deal of design effort characterizes these
projects, intended to give Tokyo station a pre-eminent position in the city and
contribute to a favourable national and international image.
3.4.2 First Avenue project
Along with the large-scale Tokyo Station City project, there are also big changes in
the pedestrian system. For example, Tokyo Station Development Company Limited, a
subsidiary of station owner Central JR, opened the first phase of its commercial
development known as First Avenue in 2008 (figure 6a,b). First Avenue is located
parallel to and two levels below the Shinkansen tracks at the underground level,
14
directly connected to the north side passage between the Marunouchi and Yaesu sides
of Tokyo station and at the same level as the long-open passage. It is also directly
connected to the Yaesu Shopping Centre with one existing and two new connections.
Kitchen Street, also developed by Tokyo Station Development Company, is directly
connected to the sole pedestrian link between the Marunouchi and Yaesu sides of the
station. The ‘free’ passage leads directly to Kitchen Street, First Avenue and the new
Daimaru department store. First Avenue runs the length of the station with two new
tunnels cut through to the Yaesu shopping centre, to facilitate linkage between First
Avenue and the existing shopping centre although the two facilities are owned and
operated by different companies. The First Avenue facility currently houses 102
shops, about one-third of which are devoted to food services. Two blocks of First
Avenue are known as Tokyo Character Street, where fifteen shops sell signature
goods related to popular television shows. Another segment of this development,
known as Tokyo Ramen Street, will fully open in 2011 and house eight famous
noodle restaurants.
The case of First Avenue illustrates the place-based strategies of the railway
station owners. The latest trends in products and services are finding their way into
the stations, attracting a new clientele of younger people, countering the image of
Tokyo Station as a somewhat staid, conservative business location. By specializing
segments of the pedestrian walking system the companies have created a sense of
place, even if place in this case is underground and connected to other places only
with the pedestrian system.
The First Avenue project is a link between the existing pedestrian system and
the Yaesu shopping centre. Although a place in its own right, attracting long lines of
customers to the new restaurant venues, for example, it is also connected to the Yaesu
15
shopping centre through the two new underground connections. Although under
separate ownership, the companies have an interest in connecting with each other and
benefitting from each other’s trade. The pedestrian volumes recorded in 2009 in the
First Avenue and Yaesu shopping centre show to what extent the visitors are shared
among these different facilities (figure 2b). The counts reveal strong flows between
the facilities with inputs from the office buildings and from the Yaesu district, but
also from the Marunouchi side.
Pedestrian volumes in this part of Tokyo station reach as high as 6,000 persons
per hour. High peak traffic is no longer restricted to mid day on working days, but is
repeated in the late afternoon and early evening as visitors discover the Tokyo Station
area as a place for consumption and educational activities. The success of the First
Avenue project is leading a re-examination of the Yaesu shopping centre operation.
That centre was positioned as a convenient service centre for business people in the
vicinity and from the Marunouchi district, but also as a climate-controlled pathway
into the station from the east. Traditionally, this centre paid much less attention to its
place-based characteristics. The centre has a wide variety of affordable and readily
available goods and services, mixed together in the various corridors. Until now, the
operators have tried to identify the corridors thematically by colour and symbol, but
not by the content of the operations or centre image. This approach seems likely to
change as the visitors to Tokyo station gravitate to the newest venues. Already, the
centre has begun to introduce new activities and design elements in the corridors
nearest First Avenue in an attempt to capture more of the movement.
Overall, the various operators in Tokyo station compete and cooperate.
Limited pedestrian access and the restrictions of building underground have forced
the various property operators to consider how to use common facilities, including the
16
pedestrian system, to their own advantage. While one of the greatest challenges of
building in underground space is creating a viable and sustainable image in the long
term, these experiments at Tokyo station illustrate one approach using activity themes
concentrated at places with attention given to the connections between such places.
4. Conclusion and discussion
Japanese station redevelopment projects show a distinctive approach to TOD, in
which the central station complex becomes more multifunctional, and the linkage
system is more thematic to satisfy a diversity of needs.
This change is made possible through close cooperation between the land
owners. In the Tokyo station case, although JR East, Central JR and Mitsubishi are
able to undertake their own redevelopment projects, the social and commercial
success of the whole system depends to a considerable extent on cooperation among
these companies. Cooperation includes the development of linkage between the
various components of Tokyo Station, largely through the further development of the
underground pedestrian system.
In these redevelopment projects, the stations are no longer taken as an
exclusively transportation-oriented facility, but rather as integrated city space. They
begin to represent the cutting edge of the city by including fashion trends and new
ideas in an up-to-date physical setting. These developments are transforming the
railway stations. From their beginnings as a pure transportation hub, the stations also
became commercial operations designed to serve business travellers. These
commercial operations expanded to serve a larger segement of the population, adding
leisure facilities and reasons to remain in the space for longer periods. The station
areas are evolving again into places for the exchange of ideas and the promotion of
17
lifestyle, within a physical framework that incorporates innovations in building and
space technology. The railway stations are in effect becoming nerve centres for the
so-called “intelligent” city, in which the transportation function plays a supportive
role and no longer a central role. Such places have the particular advantage of being
exposed to the highest volumes of foot traffic in the city.
To achieve these ends, all the new facilities and spaces are tightly interwoven
within the pedestrian system. This makes for a richer pedestrian experience but also
one where the whole space is highly accessible. Because of early attention to the
connectivity between surrounding areas and the railway stations, achieved through
pedestrian facilities on the surface, the station is assured a steady flow of inbound
pedestrian traffic (figure 7ab). The indoor walkable “city” is thus connected to the
larger space around the station, which is also undergoing transformation in keeping
with the new and expanded role of the station itself.
Western countries can learn from this Japanese redevelopment process in a
number of ways. A different organizational system makes the Japanese case difficult
to copy directly. Nevertheless, Japanese railway stations show a highly efficient land
use model, which makes maximum use of the space under, over and beside the
stations. Strapped by limited land resources, the necessary concentration of facilities
became one of the most positive features of the redevelopment. In this way, Japanese
railway stations have avoided the experience of European railway stations where there
persists a zone of lower value and less accessible space in the immediate vicinity of
the station. In the European case, this persistent problem has delayed redevelopment
of those inner city lands, even as the stations themselves have been upgraded. In the
Japanese case, the station is enclosed by new developments and pedestrian facilities
that have largely overcome the historical disconnect between the transportation
18
facility and the surrounding environment.
The next phase of development is of particular interest. The evolution of the
station as an important centre for creation and exchange provides an interesting
template for the development of transportation hubs elsewhere. A place of transit
becomes also a place for exchange and communication at the city’s cutting edge.
References
Bertolini, L. and Spit, T. (1998). Cities on rails: the redevelopment of railway station
areas. E&FN Spon, London, UK.
Dittmar, H. and Ohland, G. (2004). The new transit town. Island Press, Washington,
DC.
Focas, Caralampo, in collaboration with the Institute of Public Administration (New
York), Institut d'Aménagement et d'Urbanisme de la Région d'Ile-de-France,
Tokyo Institute for Municipal Research ed. (1998), The four world cities
transport study. London : Stationery Office.
Ieda, Hitoshi, Kanayama, Yoichi, Ota, Masafumi, Yamazaki, Takashi, and Okamura,
Toshiyuki (2001). How can the quality of rail services in Tokyo be further
improved? Transport Policy 8, 97-106.
Kanemoto, Yoshitsugu and Kyono, Kazuharu (1995). Regulation of commuter
railways and spatial development. Regional Science and Urban Economics, 25,
377-394.
Lund, H., Cervero, R. and Willson, R. (2004). Travel characteristics of transit-
oriented development in California. Final Report. California State
Transportation Administration.
Moriyama, Shyuji (2009) On-site experiment on group evacuation behaviour in large-
scale underground shopping mall: preference of pathway in passage crossing
and cognition of exits. Journal of Environmental Engineering, 74, 637, 233-
240. (in Japanese)
Nishii, Kazuo and Kondo, Katsunao (1992). Trip linkages of urban railway
commuters under time-space constraints: some empirical observations.
Transportation Research B, 26B, 1, 33-44.
Onishi, Yasuo (1994). Urban commercial redevelopment in Japan and its evaluation.
Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services, 1, 2, 107-112.
Perrin, Patrick (1998). Les commerces en gare–la valorisation commerciale. La revue
générale des chemins de fer, 4, 23-30.
Priemus, Hugo and Konings, Rob (2001). Light rail in urban regions: what Dutch
19
policymakers could learn from experiences in France, Germany and Japan.
Transport Geography, 9, 187-198.
Reusser, Dominik, Loukopoulos, Peter, Stauffacher, Michael and Scholz, Roland
(2008). Classifying railway stations for sustainable transitions–balancing node
and place functions. Journal of Transport Geography 16, 191-202.
Sorensen, A. (2002). The making of urban Japan. London: Routledge.
Staudacher, C. (2001). Bahnhof und Stadt–Bahnhofsviertel als Standort- und
Lebensgemeinschaft. Wirtschaftsgeografische Studien, 27-28, 17-36.
Tanimoto, Michiko, Nakayama, Chigusa and Sugiyama, Naomi (2004). A study of
underground shopping malls from the viewpoint of their users: an investigation
of Nagoya station and surrounding area. Journal of Nagoya Women’s
University, 50, 93-100. (in Japanese)
Yoshida, Hiromi (2007). On the development of Tokyo Station City, Ishizue. Japan
Building Management Institute Bulletin, 131, 3-7. (in Japanese)
20
Figure captions
Figure 1. Tokyo Station in the local environment of central Tokyo with other recent
developments along the railway corridor
Figure 2. The pedestrian system of Tokyo Station (a) and the recorded pedestrian
flows of First Avenue and Yaesu shopping centre (b)
Figure 3. Tokyo Station City project as proposed by the developer. Source: Gransta :
Tokyo Station in Evolution and 'Tokyo Station City', Tetsudo Kaikan, 2009
Figure 4. The proposed vista from the Imperial palace and gardens through
Marunouchi to Yaesu, with the restored station façade. Source: Gransta : Tokyo
Station in Evolution and 'Tokyo Station City', Tetsudo Kaikan, 2009
Figure 5. The Gran Roof facility connecting the recently completed towers at the
Yaesu side of the station. Source: Gransta : Tokyo Station in Evolution and
'Tokyo Station City', Tetsudo Kaikan, 2009
Figure 6. First Avenue phase 1 opened in 2008 (a). Phase 2 under development in
2009 (b)
Figure 7. The Yaesu entrance and the new Daimaru department store (a). The
Nihonbashi entrance to Tokyo station (b).
21
Figure 1
22
Figure 2
23
Figure 3
24
Figure 4
25
Figure 5
26
Figure 6
27
Figure 7
28
