Calls for reintroducing agency, politics and contestation into institutional analysis are now legion, spanning nearly two decades since DiMaggio’s (1988) classic piece, and gaining new urgency as scholars struggle to explain institutional emergence and change. Institutionalists face persistent difficulties in these tasks. Working from arguments about isomorphism, diffusion, or path dependence, they often invoke ad hoc explanations like exogenous shocks in order to reconcile change and path creation with theories that stress the contextual sources of stability, continuity and conformity (Greenwood and Hinings 1996; Clemens and Cook 1999; Campbell 2004; Streeck and Thelen 2005; Schneiberg 2005; Guillén, 2006). To address these difficulties, institutionalists have begun to revise both their conceptions of fields and their views of action. From a structural standpoint, some scholars increasingly view fields as comprised of multiple logics, or by indeterminacy, ambiguities or contradictions, opening theoretical spaces for action (Scott et al. 2000; Stryker 2000; Seo and Creed 2002; Schneiberg 2007; Lounsbury 2007; Marquis & Lounsbury forthcoming). Focusing more on agency, other scholars have brought new attention to actors and what they do, producing studies of “institutional entrepreneurs” (Beckert 1999; Hwang and Powell 2005; Hardy and McGuire, this volume) and institutional work (Lawrence and Suddaby 2006). Within this milieu, scholars have also sought to overcome “excessive institutional determinism” by turning to social movement theory and the study of collective mobilization.
Spanning sociology and political science, social movement theory has produced a wealth of concepts and research on change, including studies of students organizing to register black voters in the 1960s (McAdam1988), the mobilization of farmers, workers and women to make claims on the state (Clemens 1997), shareholder activism to contest managerial control over corporations (Davis and Thompson 1994), the growth of identity movements pursuing peace, gay/lesbian rights and environmentalism (e.g., Laraña, Johnston and Gusfield 1994), and the rise of transnational pressure groups (Keck and Sikkink 1998). What these studies share is an interest in contestation and collective mobilization processes—how groups coalesce to make claims for or against certain practices or actors in order to create or resist new institutional arrangements or transform existing ones. They also share an interest in tracing how contestation and collective action rest on the capacity of groups to mobilize resources and recruit members, their ability to engage in cultural entrepreneurship or frame issues to increase acceptance of their claims, and the political opportunity structures that constrain or enable mobilization (McAdam, McCarthy and Zald 1996). This chapter focuses on how engaging collective mobilization and social movement theory has inspired new work in institutional analysis.
The integration of movements into institutional analysis has begun to revise existing imageries of institutional processes, actors, and the structure of fields, generating new leverage for explaining change and path creation. Regarding processes, it adds contestation, collective action, framing and self-conscious mobilization for alternatives to conceptual repertoires of legitimation, diffusion, isomorphism and self-reproducing taken-for-granted practices (Jepperson 1991; Colyvas and Powell 2006). Regarding actors, it counter-poses challengers and champions of alternatives to standard accounts of states, professions and other incumbents as key players. Regarding structure, it moves away from images of an isomorphic institutional world of diffusion, path dependence and conformity toward conceptions of fields as sites of contestation, organized around multiple and competing logics and forms (Kraatz and Block, this volume).