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‘Losing an arm’: schooling as a site of black suffering
Abstract
Drawing on data from a historical-ethnographic study of the cultural politics of school desegregation in Seattle, USA, the author explores suffering as a recurring theme in the narratives of four black leaders, educators and activists involved in the struggle for black educational opportunity in that city during the post-Civil Rights Era. As these black subjects reflect on the historical trajectory of racial desegregation policies and practices, they offer us a unique view of the confluence of racial melancholia, a heavy, deeply-felt awareness of the history and persistence of racial disregard and subjugation, and school malaise, a form of what Pierre Bourdieu has called la petite misère, or ordinary suffering. The author’s analysis of these narratives highlights how these school and community leaders reflect on the meaning of black suffering in schools, what they understand as the source of that suffering, and how they imagine that suffering might be alleviated. The article concludes with recommendations for research at the nexus of race, education and social suffering.
... The lack of a critical perspective in the research process makes the notion of evidence-based practices highly problematic. As previously stated, data is often used to justify racist policies and practices in K-12 settings, to pathologize Black and brown students and perpetually situate them as intellectually inferior (Dumas, 2014(Dumas, , 2016Williams et al., 2020). Deficit perspectives create vicious research and practice cycles that have been prevalent in education and school counseling scholarship for decades (Bryan et al., 2020;Griffin et al., 2021;Williams & Greenleaf, 2012). ...
... Several scholars interpret gaps in performance between students of color and their peers as achievement gaps whereby the primary solution involves: (a) passively highlighting racist policies that fail students, (b) heavily focusing on individual student development (i.e., implementing practices to socialize students into a system of meritocracy), and (c) emphasizing the need to help Black and brown students catch up, instead of actively dismantling the racist policies maintaining the cycle of harm (ASCA, 2021;Holcomb-McCoy, 2021;Mullen et al., 2019). On the surface, the "catch up" cycle presents as helpful, but it perpetuates the notion that Black and brown students are innately inferior intellectually, causing psychological strain for those affected (Dumas, 2014(Dumas, , 2016Porter & Byrd, 2021;Strayhorn, 2009), and devaluing the strengths and intelligences Black and brown students possess (Washington, 2021;Williams & Portman, 2014). ...
It is important for school counselors to learn more about antiracism and to incorporate antiracist concepts into their practice more consistently ( Holcomb-McCoy, 2021 ; Mayes & Byrd, 2022 ; Stickl Haugen et al., 2022 ). Operating from a critical political standpoint perspective ( Cushman, 1995 ; Prilleltensky, 1994 ), namely, critical race theory (CRT), we offer a conceptual framework for helping school counselors and counselor educators develop an antiracist lens that guides and informs their research agendas and research-informed practices.
... The Afro-pessimist theory posits that Black people exist in a structurally antagonistic relationship with humanity (Dumas, 2014). This means that Blackness is "the thing to be most disdained" (Warren and Coles, 2020, p. 384) and, as coterminous with "slaveness" represents various forms of capitalism (Wilderson, 2018) in which Black bodies are constitutive of property. ...
... AntiBlackness then takes the form of liberal multiculturalism wherein Black students are encouraged to approximate to "brownness" to access resources and acceptance (Shange, 2019). Under this paradigm, it is paramount to refuse schools as sites of Black suffering (Dumas, 2014) by "reimagining language education as culturally affirming education" (Sung and Allen-Handy, 2019, p. 235) rather than as a place of normalized violence and erasure for Black students. ...
Purpose – This study aims to highlight the planning, process and results of drawing on engaged pedagogy to
humanize Blackness in world language(WL)teacher education. The activities were designed to center lived
experiences, augment self-reflection and model instructional differentiation for WL pre service teachers (PSTs).
Design/methodology/approach – This qualitative research paper uses a self-study in teacher education
practices(S-STEP) method. It explores how tailored resources, peer and self-assessments and a responsive
environment can increase awareness of anti Blackness in instruction and curricula among WL PSTs during a
semester-long methods course.
Findings – Findings suggest that centering Blackness in WL methods initiates an awareness of antiBlack
racism in WL pedagogy through opportunities for self-reflection and accountability through assessment. To
varying degrees, participants demonstrated shifts in their understanding and valuing of Blackness in WL
instruction as facilitated through a differentiated environment in which PSTs had access both to the
instructor and to one another’s critical feedback.
Originality/value – Linguicism through antiBlack linguistic racism, native speakerism, idealized
whiteness and other constructs has been demonstrated to decrease Black and minoritized participation in
language teaching. What has yet to be addressed is this same pushout from an inclusive Black diasporic
approach to WL teacher preparation. This study highlights nationalism, ableism, accentism, racism, anti-
immigrant sentiments and racial stereotypes as different entry points to understanding antiBlackness within
WL teacher preparation.
Keywords Education, Language, Equity, Race, Pedagogy, Critical, World languages,
Teacher education, AntiBlackness, Engaged pedagogy, Linguistic justice, Raciolinguistics, Antiracism
... The Afro-pessimist theory posits that Black people exist in a structurally antagonistic relationship with humanity (Dumas, 2014). This means that Blackness is "the thing to be most disdained" (Warren and Coles, 2020, p. 384) and, as coterminous with "slaveness" represents various forms of capitalism (Wilderson, 2018) in which Black bodies are constitutive of property. ...
... AntiBlackness then takes the form of liberal multiculturalism wherein Black students are encouraged to approximate to "brownness" to access resources and acceptance (Shange, 2019). Under this paradigm, it is paramount to refuse schools as sites of Black suffering (Dumas, 2014) by "reimagining language education as culturally affirming education" (Sung and Allen-Handy, 2019, p. 235) rather than as a place of normalized violence and erasure for Black students. ...
Perceptions of linguistic deficiency represent an extension of the devaluation of Black and racialized speakers which impacts their participation and representation, particularly within language classrooms. Though racism is directly challenged in current education research, language education remains a fertile space for weaponizing seemingly race-neutral terms like ‘culture’ and ‘identity’ as a means of minimizing the importance of race and other sociocultural factors on classroom language learning. Through semistructured interviews, this critical qualitative case study investigates the racial ideologies of three language teacher educators (LTEs) at Franklin University. Findings suggest the de-racialization of ‘culture’ and ‘identity’ influences the goals, design, and execution of instruction in this language teacher preparation program. Implications include guidance for language teacher preparation research and practice inclusive of centering race and clarifying the roles of race and power in language teacher preparation. Critically confronting who benefits or suffers when we use the term ‘culture’ in lieu of race in teacher preparation is also recommended.
... As sites of intercommunity interaction and contact with the state, public schools play a vital role in supporting or marginalizing immigrant students and families (Patel, 2013;Portes & Rumbaut, 2006;Suárez-Orozco et al., 2008). While schools are, in theory, sites of caring for all (Noddings, 2013), in practice they are often places that reproduce and reinforce subjugation (Dumas, 2014). Minoritized students and families often learn that their chances of receiving (sometimes inauthentic, shallow, or irrelevant) care are contingent upon being able to perform practices accepted by the dominant culture and that repress their authentic ways of being (Antrop-González & De Jesus, 2006;DeMatthews & Mawhinney, 2014;Duncan-Andrade, 2009;Valenzuela, 1999). ...
All human beings need care, including professional caregivers such as educators. What happens when a global crisis places care providers; own care needs in conflict with their duty and desire to provide care? In this article, we apply care ethics to a school district's decisions regarding newcomer English learners (ELs) and their educators during the 2020-2021 academic year. Drawing on qualitative case study data from a larger multi-district, multi-state study, we examine how educators and administrators in a small urban school district in New England make sense of students' and educators' sometimes conflicting care needs during the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that even school districts with clear commitments to equity and justice have their efforts severely limited by state and federal leadership's neglect of care/essential workers, youth, and marginalized groups. To end the ongoing pandemic and prevent future harm, we recommend that educational and political leaders prioritize human needs and relationships through a move towards "universal care" (Chatzidakis et al., 2020).
... al, 2000); 6) and develop physiological disruption and symptoms of racial battle fatigue (Smith, Allen, & Danley, 2007). High-achieving members of our communities are also: 7) less likely to graduate from all post-secondary education (Dumas, 2014); 8) less likely to obtain gainful employment after college (Smith & Stovall, 2008); 9) tend to lose financial gain obtained by their parents (Chetty et al., 2018); 10) are just as likely to experience incarceration as poor whites (Chetty et. al, 2018); 11) have a harder time evaluating Black people as positive on the Implicit Attitude Test (Dovidio et. ...
As Black people, our everyday existence invites us to remember that anti-blackness is the foundation of modern civilization and has metastasized throughout every construction of civil society (Sharpe, 2016). Our existence within schools unveils them as self-replicating enclosures spawned by the plantation to undermine Black life (Sojoyner, 2017). In this paper, we use an Apocalyptic Educational framework (Marie & Watson, 2020) to share research on the biological (telomere) impact of schooling and anti-blackness. We aim to distinguish education from schooling and disrupt normative beliefs that more Black children accessing better schools will lead to their social, economic, and physiological wellness.
... Ironically, Black candidates are seen as less qualified though we are often asked to do more for equal appreciation, leading to harmful norms like Black Superwoman Syndrome (26). While there are cadres of well-qualified Black candidates, there is also the reality of an educational system that is absolutely failing lots of people and continually operating as a mechanism of social stratification (27) and a site of suffering for Black students (28). Racism is at the core of these disparaging routines, but we firmly believe that true progress requires a more diverse sandbox. ...
The problem of Black exclusion within invention is not new, but now is a great time to address this problem in new ways. The invention and innovation community sits within a space of deep tension, as it calls for greater attention on the contributing factors resulting in a lack of racial and ethnic diversity while not fully reckoning with solutions that have already been proposed. In light of recent events, widespread video recordings of Black people being murdered and disproportionate fatalities during a global pandemic due to longstanding health care inequities, this renewed attention is welcomed but met with skeptical optimism. Building on prior discussions of the barriers constraining Black invention and innovation can help us achieve comprehensive and transformative action. We assert that racial equity within invention requires consideration of sociopolitical issues, such as urban divestment and inequitable schooling, as well as a reexamination of our insistence that invention be defined narrowly. One prophetic articulation of this dissonance is Gil Scott-Heron's (1970) poem "Whitey on the Moon," where Scott-Heron artistically critiques the preoccupation of the United States achieving a moon landing while rampant poverty causes daily suffering for so many on Earth. The invention and innovation community replicates this value structure, where some types of technological advancement are esteemed while technology advancement in the service of human suffering is under-supported. Radical change and vision are needed to welcome and support Black people throughout the invention ecosystem. We offer three ways that education can generate more racial diversity and facilitate equitable practice within invention and innovation.
... Black educators and leaders felt that they were being forced to choose between racial equality and their cultural heritage due to the Brown v. Board decision (Cecelski, 1994). As Dumas (2014) recounted, Octavia Butler identified the outcome of Brown v. Board as "losing an arm". As many White Americans responded in a way that made it seem as if racial discrimination ended after the Brown v Board case, Black Americans, such as educators and educational leaders, had to face the harsh reality of being unemployed. ...
Students from culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) backgrounds face negative perceptions about their academic potential (Smith, C. A. (2005). School factors that contribute to the underachievement of students of color and what culturally competent school leaders can do. Educational Leadership and Administration: Teaching and Program Development, 17, 21–32). They are more often tracked into special education classes, and receive harsher punishments than their White peers (Shores, K., Kim, H. E., & Still, M. (2020). Categorical inequalities between Black and White students are common in US schools—but they don’t have to be. Brookings Center Chalkboard. https://www.brookings.edu/blog/brown-center-chalkboard/2020/02/21/categorical-inequalities-between-black-and-white-students-are-common-in-us-schools-but-they-dont-have-to-be/). Further, changing student demographics across the United States makes it imperative that students’ experiences within the classroom are positive, affirming, and reflective of their cultures and realities (Ladson-Billings, G. (2021). I’m here for the hard re-set: Post pandemic pedagogy to preserve our culture. Equity & Excellence in Education, 54(1), 68–78). While research in education has focused on the various teaching and leadership experiences of CLD educators, there are only a few which have specifically explored those of Black educators who taught in the era after the Great Migration. Unearthing such stories would be instructive for informing and improving current pedagogical practices for Blacks and other CLD students. Further, centering Black educators’ narratives is a way to disrupt the pervasive hegemonic narratives that typically focus on the experiences of White educators. Consequently, this small-scale study sought, through qualitative inquiry, to explore the perspectives of Black educational leaders and educators who attended segregated schools and then taught in more integrated settings after the Great Migration. Data collected through semi-structured interviews revealed three main themes: boundaries, community, and enhanced education. Importantly, the findings also revealed that as these Black educators shared their teaching and leadership experiences after migrating, they somehow could not escape the physical or psychological burden associated with being Black. The study has implications for how current educators interface with Black and CLD students to help them navigate a system that is still marked by anti-Black racism.
... Black mothers raise their children in a society that benefits from and continues to maintain the legitimacy of anti-Black racial violence (Lawson, 2018;Waldron, 2020). As scholars draw more attention to the physically and psychologically traumatic effects of racism Wilkins et al., 2013;Williams & Mohammed, 2009), some have articulated how racial grief represents a normative and adaptive coping response to living in an anti-Black, racist society (Dumas, 2014;Joe et al., 2019;Lawson, 2018). In the current study, racial grief refers to individual's cognitive, emotional, physical, and spiritual responses to loss due to racism and intersectional violence. ...
Scholars have begun to address how exposure to vicarious racial violence influences stress and coping processes among Black families in the U.S. Yet, fewer scholars have considered the importance of racial grief as a component of the coping process. The current study drew upon semi-structured interview data from 31 Black mothers in the U.S. (25–52 years; Mage = 35 years) to explore how mothers processed and responded to vicarious anti-Black racial violence. We used consensual qualitative research methods and identified the following themes: (a) recognizing the endemic nature of racial violence, (b) feeling frozen in fear after a new case of racial violence, and (c) transforming grief into grievance as a route to racial justice. The findings contextualize Black mothers’ concerns about the racial violence that they and their children might experience during their lifetime, and how they channel this grief into actionable change against racial injustice. Authors discuss strengths-based ways to frame the role of grief and loss in the context of racism.
... Participants' narratives on historically Black high schools have contributed to the decisions that I made about reviewing literature. Five bodies of literature: 1.) desegregation (Bell, 1983(Bell, , 2004DuBois, 1935;Dumas, 2014;Horsford, 2011;Irvine & Irvine, 1983;Oakes, 1995Oakes, , 2005Walker, 1996); 2.) teachers, culture and race (Foster, 1997;Irvine, 2002;Ladson-Billings, 1995;Walker & Byas, 2009;Valenzuela, 1999); 3.) confinement, punishment and criminalization (Crenshaw et al., 2015;Laura, 2014;Morris, 2016;Sojoyner, 2016); 4.) school closures (Ayala & Galletta, 2012;Deeds & Patillo, 2015;Lipman, Person & Kenwood Oakland Community Organization, 2007;Steggert & Galletta, 2013;Toneff-Cotner, 2015); and 5.) disaster capitalism (Klein, 2018) and accumulation by dispossession (Harvey, 2003) framed this study. ...
... In recent years there has been a proliferation of research employing the concept of antiblackness, or antiblack racism, to discuss the experiences of Black youth in and outside of school, typically embedding in the analysis the history of attempts to socially control and criminalize Black people (e.g. Dumas, 2014;Sojoyner, 2013;Wun, 2016). Across this work, there are illustrations of Black youth being surveilled and criminalized as part of normalizing Black oppression. ...
Book chapter to be included in In K. Clay, R. Ayers, B. Rubin, & A. Woodson (Eds.), Claiming the Promise and Hope of Youth “Anti-Citizenship” (University of Minnesota Press).
... .A bottom-up politic that does that, and that actually tries to address the material needs that people have" (Scahill, 2021). Like Kaba, we sought to address the material needs of incarcerated youth for whom education in carceral settings is often a site of suffering (Dumas, 2014). Our goal in undertaking this class was to be in solidarity with incarcerated disabled Girls of Color in order to make the violent spaces of youth prisons and the education within less harmful. ...
Context
Prison education has often been ignored in discussions of public education. When it has been included, Girls of Color are often eclipsed by larger populations of Boys of Color. Yet the routes disabled Girls of Color take to prisons are different from those of their male peers; Girls of Color become incarcerated for low-level offenses and often end up back in prison due to probation violations, meaning they have been punished more severely for original crimes. Although prison education has offered educational opportunities, such as the chance to get a diploma or GED, most of it has been found to be remedial and irrelevant to the lives of incarcerated disabled Girls of Color.
Focus of Study
In this article, we unraveled the complexities and nuances of solidarity within prison education classrooms with disabled Girls of Color. Using a disability critical race theory (DisCrit) Solidarity lens while analyzing a sociocritical literacy course, the empirical research question was: What are the affordances and constraints of DisCrit Solidarity with disabled Girls of Color in a youth prison?
Research Design
Our qualitative study took place in a maximum-security youth prison in the Midwestern part of the United States. This study was part of a larger one-year project that included 16 incarcerated disabled girls, mostly Girls of Color, who enrolled in a credit-bearing sociocritical literacy course designed and taught by the principal investigator and teaching team. Our full corpus of data included interviews with the girls (23) and adults in the youth prison (6), classroom observations (25), education journey maps (10), focus groups (4), fieldnotes (20), and classroom artifacts (21). Data for this study focused on the interviews with the girls, observations, fieldnotes, and class materials.
Conclusions/Recommendations
Our analysis illustrated the affordances and constraints of solidarity in prison classrooms with incarcerated disabled Girls of Color. The affordances included tangible moves that the girls identified as solidarity, the need for solidarity to make critical pedagogy and curriculum impactful, and the effect of those affordances that the girls described. In youth prisons where tools of learning, such as pencils, were considered weapons, we found two constraints that limited DisCrit Solidarity efforts: the conflation of support with solidarity and the violent context of youth prisons. We conclude with the implication that our solidarity efforts were incarcerated. To move beyond narrowly focused solidarity efforts, we suggest growing out abolitionist geography to consider the multiscalar processes that lead to sustained solidarities with incarcerated disabled Girls of Color.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Marilyn Ortega and William Proffitt for their roles in both the pedagogical team and data collection on this project. We also appreciate the editors of this special issue, David Connor and Beth Ferri, for their vision and inclusion of our work and the reviewers whose feedback strengthened our work substantially. Finally, the principal investigator would like to thank the Ford Foundation and the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, which made this research possible through the Ford Postdoctoral Fellowship.
... Characterizations of Black individuals, families, and communities need to be contextualized by delineating the United States' history of state-sanctioned violence (often with impunity) against Black people. This frame of reference is critical for people to be able to understand how learning settings operate as sites of Black suffering (Dumas, 2014). Accordingly, we now provide a brief review of the historical experiences of Black Americans and show how this historical context has shaped our experiences in ENE. ...
... The closure of schools, loss of jobs, health challenges, and sustained fear have resulted in stresses and strains on individual families and entire communities which have inevitably re-shaped some family dynamics and priorities and in some cases has affected the ability of children to learn. This suffering, experienced by a broad cross-section of families and communities, has been disproportionately felt by those already marginalized in society (Dumas, 2014) and, at least in the U.S., more likely to reside in underresourced urban neighborhoods. And it is happening at the precise time that a sharper light is being cast on issues of racial equity in teaching and teacher education (Richmond, Bartell, et al., 2020a;Richmond, Cho, et al., 2020b). ...
In this conceptual/theoretical paper, we present an argument about the importance of preparing community teachers, articulating tenets of youth voice, community voice, and context in this undertaking. We operationalize these tenets by proposing a Learning-to-Teach Cycle as an organizing structure for teacher candidates to encounter across their programs through four interrelated elements-observing; identifying; reflecting/synthesizing; and designing/implementing-that center and leverage community issues, knowledge , and voice. This approach is urgently needed in urban contexts amid increasingly porous boundaries between schools and broader communities, and in recognition of youth and communities as sources of knowledge integral to the preparation of teachers.
... Horrible…preschoolers with disabilities were getting shushed in the hall…the argument that some people used against loosening up the expectations was, "Well, the kids with Autism need a really clear expectation that they can live up to, and it'll be too confusing"… They were weaponizing the idea of changing the rules to make them more…developmentally "appropriate"…I didn't know how to respond to them…but now I have this definition to use when this conversation happens again… Reading school hallway routines as text, Aisha and Lauren critically questioned expectations that young children should walk silently in straight lines, connecting Lewis's (2020) text to the school practices they witnessed as teachers. Together, and building on the comments expressed in community, they surfaced how refusal to conform to these expectations not only positioned them as naive and/or incapable teachers, but that the expectations themselves subjected Black children with and without disabilities to ongoing surveillance and pathologization, rationalizing anti-Blackness within school policy via ableism (Annamma and Morrison, 2018;Dumas, 2014). In this way, they suggested that literacy and broader school expectations (i.e., for speaking and listening, for moving their bodies in lines) are inherently intertwined with ableism and anti-Blackness, institutionally repressing multiplymarginalized children-and Black children with disabilities in particular. ...
In this participatory case study, we explored the critical literacy practices of early‐career early childhood teachers in a year‐long inquiry group, examining how they collectively read school as text through DisCrit literacies. Bridging literature from Disability Critical Race Theory (DisCrit) and critical literacies scholarship, DisCrit literacies involve practices of critically reading school itself as text and uncovering intersecting systems of ableism and racism. We describe teachers’ collective engagement in DisCrit literacies, in which they: (a) deconstructed literacy practices and broader schooling mechanisms through repeated shared readings; (b) implicated themselves through critical readings of literacy classroom artifacts; and (c) identified and designed spaces of subversion and refusal in their literacy classrooms. Across each of these practices, early career early childhood teachers in our study used critical reading practices rooted in interdependence and presumptions of competence to redesign literacy routines. Ultimately, DisCrit literacies supported teachers in dismantling systems of regulation and classification in their early literacy classrooms, and—in solidarity with multiply‐marginalized children— imagining otherwise possibilities. We conclude with implications for teacher education and research, exploring how we might use DisCrit literacies to move toward humanizing early literacy spaces with and for multiply‐marginalized young children. In this participatory case study, we explored the critical literacy practices of early‐career early childhood teachers in a year‐long inquiry group, examining how they collectively read school as text through DisCrit literacies. Bridging literature from Disability Critical Race Theory (DisCrit) and critical literacies scholarship, DisCrit literacies involve practices of critically reading school itself as text and uncovering intersecting systems of ableism and racism.
... The science program was a part of her intentional support where both she and the students could learn from one another and heal from our in-school experience. As Michael Dumas (2014) has said, schools are a place for Black suffering, but Monica did not want this to be their truth during their time with her. ...
The contributions, participation, and exploitation of Black people within science and science education are devalued within the cannon of science teaching and learning. This in part is due to the Eurocentric nature of science and education. As a result, Black youth participate in science regularly; however, it is overlooked, not recognized, and/or misinterpreted within formal learning experiences. In this qualitative case study, the authors address this tension through the oral traditions of storytelling which historicize Black excellence in science while centering the voices and engagement of youth as scientists. This work is guided by critical race theory as a means of critiquing science education and its practices. While presenting a counter-narrative to mainstream science descriptions of Black youth, the authors posit the role of liberatory science education for Black learners.
... Finally, this study demonstrates how 'policy is lived' (Dumas 2014) in a society where educational policies may have negative impacts on racialized communities (Scott and Quinn 2014;Smith and Stovall 2008), and where neoliberal frameworks (Ball 2016;Lipman 2011) intersect with racial-capitalism (Morales-Doyle and Gutstein 2019; Mir and Toor 2021) in a process of racialized social reproduction. Researchers should examine how school leaders make sense of accountability regimes and enact college choice strategies that increase agency for Black students. ...
Based on a case study of two majority-Black public high schools in a highly segregated American school district, the article employs a critical intersectional framework to examine the experiences of ten college-aspiring young Black men as they navigate the college choice process. Findings indicate that working-class Black male students are less likely to have access to college-going resources and social networks than their middle-class peers. However, a well-resourced school that affirms Black identity may increase agency and help crystallize college plans among working-class Black male students. In contrast, the study found that more institutional academic structures constrain agency and channel working-class Black male students towards under-resourced colleges where they are less likely to thrive.
... Mathematics education exists as a microcosm of schooling, which sorts students and maintains inequality (e.g., Domina et al., 2017;Labaree, 2012); in the United States, not only is schooling already highly segregated by race and class (e.g., Richards, 2014), but racial segregation continues to increase rather than decrease (e.g., Hannah-Jones, 2014). The United States is also currently experiencing rising economic inequality, often along racial lines, a trend that cannot be divorced from histories of Indigenous dispossession and chattel slavery that have led to pervasive settler colonialism (e.g., Castagno & Brayboy, 2008;Patel, 2014) and anti-Blackness (e.g., Dumas, 2014) in education research, policy, and practice. ...
Education researchers have long wrestled with the interplay of oppressive structures and individual agency in reproducing, sustaining, and contesting marginalization. In this article, we suggest that Weis and Fine’s construct of critical bifocality may assist researchers in understanding and addressing marginalization in mathematics education. We conduct a conceptual review of existing mathematics education literature that accounts for both structure and agency in theorizing marginalization. By reading this literature alongside Weis and Fine’s 2012 article, we develop four criteria for operationalizing critical bifocality in mathematics education research. The findings from this review highlight the interconnectedness of structures and individual lives, of the material and ideological elements of marginalization, of intersectionality and within-group heterogeneity, and of histories and institutions. Additionally, they offer theoretical and methodological recommendations for researchers studying marginalization in mathematics education.
Antiblackness, and the dominant stories it produces about Black humanity, creates distorted images of Black humanness that are used to justify violence against Black youth in schools and society. However, Black youth have different stories to tell about their being in the world that stems directly from their lived experiences and are inherently counter to damaged center narratives intertwined with Black suffering. Using the theoretical framing of BlackCrit and theorizations of Afrofuturism, I share two composite Afro-futurist counterstories developed by Black high school students in a summer writing course, which confront antiblackness and disrupt the ways the regime makes educators complicit in seeing Black youth as non-human/superhuman. The research provides insights into Black youth futurity in relation to schooling in an anti-Black world.
This article provides an ethnographic accounting of one teacher of color’s experience of moral injury by exploring the question: what morally injurious events does Nancy experience, and what are the costs of those injuries? This project used participant observations and interviews to explore the moral injuries encountered. Moral injuries occurred due to a lack of just systems, racial representation, trust, student supports, trauma training, and holistic approaches. Eventually Nancy left the school as a principled leaver.
As school choice expands, families face an increasingly arduous decision-making process around school enrollment. Through interviews with a socioeconomically and ethno-racially diverse sample of 60 parents in Dallas, Texas, we illustrate one key way families negotiate this choice landscape. We find that many parents use their own educational experiences as first-stage decision rules for narrowing the types of schools they consider for their children through experience-motivated replication and experience-motivated avoidance. Parents with positive schooling experiences sought to replicate the type of school they attended for their children, while parents with negative schooling experiences aimed to avoid the type of school they attended. While experience-motivated replication was used by parents across race and class positions, it was most common among White parents who often entrenched patterns of white flight through replication of private or suburban school enrollment. In contrast, experience-motivated avoidance was used by Black parents in our sample as a strategy to disrupt educational inequality for their children by eliminating traditional public schools, where parents reported feeling underserved as children, from their choice sets. Our study adds to our understanding of how families negotiate the increasingly complex school choice landscape, and mechanisms for the persistence of intergenerational educational inequality.
High rates of adolescent depression and anxiety indicate the current need to prepare and support secondary teachers in being responsive to students’ emotional and mental health. This article advances a view of secondary English teachers as critical witnesses of adolescent trauma. Through reviewing what critical witnessing is, highlighting the creativity and expertise of literacy educators who practice critical witnessing, naming core stances that critical witnessing asks of teachers, and discussing challenges of doing this work in secondary English classrooms, this article presents critical witnessing as a critical literacy practice that can help facilitate social transformation in secondary English education.
In this conceptual paper, the author explores the relationship between the subprime mortgage crisis and charter school expansion. By situating both cases in a structural analysis of race and political economy, this article demonstrates how Jim Crow segregation established the conditions for contemporary symbiotic relationships between segregation and economic exploitation as evidenced by the concentration of subprime mortgages and charters in Black communities. By centering Black communities, this analysis demonstrates the limitations of charters to advance educational opportunity for historically underserved communities if broader political economic contexts are considered.
Principal Harris, a new Black male principal at Merion High School, has found himself under fire for allegedly promoting critical race theory (CRT). He has received several forms of pushback as he navigates district and state mandates, racial trauma, invisible taxes, and microaggressions. Unfortunately, his best intentions are not good enough. This case is designed to display the various factors Black principals face in schools and districts amid ongoing public health crises (e.g., COVID-19 and racism). I describe the layered role of race, racism, and racial trauma on Principal Harris through his reflections and responses to stakeholders.
Through a critical discourse analysis of three Asian American organizations’ rhetoric around race and education, we explore the activism of Asian Americans working against affirmative action and other race-based educational policies. We examine the way these groups engage ideological discourses regarding race, civil rights, and the freedom to compete in their fight to protect Asian Americans’ access to elite educational institutions. Drawing on the scholarship on neoliberal educational policy and neoliberal racialization, we argue that the organizational activism of Asian American opponents of affirmative action embodies the intersection of neoliberal approaches to education and neoliberal conceptions of race and racialization. Thus, we consider that Asian American anti-affirmative activists are neoliberal racialized subjects who view education, particularly higher education, as a private good that should go to the most successful student/consumer. They embrace and repurpose the language of civil rights to fight for their individual rights as educational consumers.
Background
We examine the development of youth sociopolitical consciousness and agency in an eighth-grade science classroom as students of color engage in critical speculative design activities, exploring the multi-scalar, racial realities and possibilities of the science and engineering of pervasive digital technologies—specifically involving the entanglement of lightwaves and melanin in computer vision and artificial intelligence (AI) technologies.
Methods
Through case studies of two girls of color (ES and GS), we analyze the youths’ learning pathways across three instructional phases: threading practices (learners’ sociopolitical interpretation); weaving practices (learners’ coordination of multiple ways of knowing and being in relation to their interpretation); and patternmaking practices (learners’ visions of more just patterns, practices, and politics through speculative design).
Findings
Our analyses show how youth use their felt, cultural, and community knowledges, as well as their developing scientific knowledge of physics, to confront and analyze manifestations of racial bias in technologies. The findings highlight the significance of teachers’ pedagogical support and providing opportunities for meaningful transdisciplinary science investigations and speculative designing for more just and thriving futures.
Contribution
The Critical Speculative Design Pedagogy framework developed suggests how such activities in the classroom can cultivate equitable, expansive science learning that is consequential to youth and their communities.
Educational psychology as a field and area of inquiry has gone underexamined in terms of its role in and contributions to racism and antiblackness. We position educational psychology as a racialized organization relative to the institution of education, a widely recognized site of institutionalized racism. We, therefore, explore the role the history, content, norms, and practices of educational psychology have played in creating and sustaining racial inequity in U.S. education. We draw attention to the racism of commission in the field’s origins by tracing the founding scholars’ white supremacist commitments and motives. Using a systematic review, we then describe the contemporary complicity of the field in sustaining racism through the omission of Black lives, perspectives, and scholarship in teaching, research, and publishing. In doing so, we demonstrate that educational psychology, by and large, fails to engage with its racist history and roots and its modern entanglements. The field also has not taken up questions of racism in educational psychology research in engaged and central ways. We conclude with a call for educational psychologists to turn toward critical frameworks, to center equity and justice in their work, and to honestly and intentionally grapple with our collective racist history.
Education policy in England’s schools is driven by the ‘what works’ agenda, characterised by interventions claiming to be scientifically objective and evidence-led. In this article I show how what works interventions reproduce anti-Black linguistic racism because to be perceived as someone who is ‘working’, racialised children must assimilate their language practices towards idealised whiteness. I present case studies of two teachers working in low-income, majority Black schools who rejected what works interventions concerning a commercially produced curriculum package and the so-called word gap, both of which framed racialised children as displaying linguistic deficiencies in need of correcting. I describe various institutional oppositions the teachers faced, including having their own language, expertise and evidence questioned by white management. I argue that the what works agenda is crafted by the state to delegitimise anti-racist efforts, and that for the state, what counts as ‘working’ is simply the reproduction of idealised linguistic whiteness.
In recent decades, a growing body of work casts light on Black girls’ schooling experiences to inform the emerging field of Black girlhood studies. Our theoretical review applies intersectionality as a guiding analytic framework to synthesize literature in this emerging field. We specifically highlight the macro and microlevel domains of power (interpersonal, cultural, structural, and disciplinary) in U.S. K–12 schools shaping Black girls’ schooling experiences. The data were drawn from a systematic search of 75 research articles. Our analysis indicated that schools perpetuate racial containment through the policies and practices they maintain as well as the cultural artifacts, objects, and people that coalesce to influence school culture, the instructional practices and curricula Black girls encounter, and the social scripts and covert messaging that dictate how Black girls claim agency in school environments. A key contribution of this review aims to situate power—a central concept in intersectionality—to offer new insights and directions for research on Black girls.
This current study relies on in-depth interviews with 16 Black men to explore their experiences attending a Hispanic-Serving Institution in the Southwest region of the U.S. In discussing their experiences, the students identified antiblackness as a reality that accosted them personally and confronted them in their college years. In particular, they articulate what can be understood as gendered-antiblackness given that much of what they experienced hinged on their racialized-gendered identities. The findings detail the men’s sensemaking of how Black men are (re)positioned on campus, including the ways their identities matter in how they experience campus life, navigate the campus, and think about themselves and their educational efforts. These findings contribute to understanding how institutional environment impacts collegiate Black men’s experiences, sense of self, and educational pursuits.
Teachers’ ontological and epistemological orientations toward their pedagogy and practice are critically important for educating in ways that support the self-determination and agency of all learners, particularly Students of Color. Given that the teaching workforce is predominantly white and female there is a need to continue working with white teachers to deconstruct deficit and dehumanizing ways of being and knowing that they often employ in K-12 classrooms. Further, we must simultaneously advance antiracist orientations and emancipatory practices of Teachers of Color and white teachers. In this chapter, we describe the ways that many white teachers’ ontologies and performative emotions undermine efforts at antiracist and emancipatory teaching and learning and perpetuate education violence against Students of Color. Drawing on the work of Shange (2019), we begin by describing emancipatory and antiracist pedagogy and what it means to enact such pedagogies to counter systemic racism in K-12 schools. Shange’s notion of ceding space, which asks teachers to “give room(s), release authority, subvert settlement” (p. 106), offers an emancipatory alternative to holding on to the unearned power and control afforded by whiteness. We then interrogate how whiteness serves as a proxy for all things good, smart, and successful in school, thus undermining racialized students’ access to and experiences with schooling that is freeing. We describe the ways that white teachers’ performative emotions and commitments to white perfectionism undermine their efforts to uphold antiracist and liberatory pedagogies and practices that cultivate joy and wholeness for Students of Color. Specifically, we examine how ontological proximity to whiteness, white fear, white wokeness, and commitments to white perfectionism operate as forms of violence against Students of Color, and we offer pedagogies and practices that counter this as a way to foster learning environments that are freeing and dismantle systemic racism.KeywordsIdealized whitenessStudents of ColorOntological orientationEpistemological orientationAntiracist teachingEmancipatory teaching and learning
This article presents findings from an empirical study that sought to understand how Black teachers collectively built a Black affinity space in response to the antiblackness they faced in their school sites. Analyses of interview and participant observation data point to the importance of Black teachers creating spaces reminiscent of a homeplace, where they can speak and act with their full selves through play, humor, and various expressions of Blackness. The article argues that the concept of affinity spaces is insufficient to describe what the teachers in the study collectively built. Instead, we draw on notions of fugitivity from Black Studies to theorize this space as a pro-Black fugitive space. We argue that these Black teacher fugitive spaces are rehumanizing and sustaining for Black teachers, offering implications for Black teacher support and retention.
Public comments offered by citizens at local school board meetings play an important role in shaping the educational policy process. However, educational researchers have underexamined them in debates about educational policy change. Drawing from critical discourse analysis, this study examines the public comments offered at a school board meeting where a proposal to terminate a contract with the police department and remove school resource officers from schools was being considered. In particular, this study is interested in the arguments that stakeholders use to express their support for or opposition to the board’s proposal. My findings highlight the logics that stakeholders employ to let their perspectives be heard including conflicting notions of safety, the possibilities for alternatives, and individual encounters with “good” police. As more districts across the United States consider removing police, this study contributes new insights into the influence of public opinion on policy decisions, as well as into community attitudes toward police in schools.
Background/Context
Youth activism, the broad-based leadership among young people who seek to challenge and build alternatives to oppressive social systems, has spread across the nation and globe. Yet youth activism is often hemmed in at school gates, particularly by school leaders charged with maintaining efficient school environments.
Focus of Study
This article explores the roles and responsibilities of educational leaders committed to justice and asks: What does it mean to lead schools in times of (re)surgent youth activism?
Research Design
To address this urgent question, we conducted an interdisciplinary review of youth participation in social movements that spans the fields of civic engagement, learning sciences, and social movement studies.
Findings
We argue that youth activism offers profound sites of consequential learning, generative insights for organizational redesign, and imaginative visions for school and societal transformation. Based on these contributions, we offer the notion of educational leadership as accompaniment: a participatory praxis of leadership reflection and action that foregrounds an ethic of listening, attends to dominant forms of exclusion, and stands in solidarity with youth and their struggles for a more dignified and just world.
Conclusions/Recommendations
Leadership as accompaniment challenges the deeply rooted managerial imperative in school administration scholarship and deepens opportunities for realizing existing leadership principles, such as those evident in the Professional Standards for Educational Leaders (PSEL). We conclude by discussing the social and material risks impacting those who exercise leadership as accompaniment, and consider what responsibilities such risks demand of education researchers.
In recent years, the theory of antiblackness known, generally, as ‘afropessimism’ has been taken up in the field of Education. In this article, the author outlines afropessimism and emplaces it into the traditions of Black educational thought, namely Critical Race Theory. The article also highlights the emerging contributions of scholars who have begun to incorporate the use of afropessimist theory into their work. Ultimately, the author argues that the urgent and critical questions that afropessimism demands has the potential to open up a whole new world of inquiry and action in our quest for a liberatory and liberated Black education.
Supporting Black urban educators in ways that are affirming and inclusive acknowledges the complexities of being both Black in America and an agent of the school system. For equity-minded Black educators who work to disrupt systemic racism in schools, the relationship between their racial and professional identities are often in conflict. That is, Black educators often have to reconcile that they were recipients of anti-Black education and are current actors in schools’ assimilationist practices. This co/autoethnographic self-study privileges the voices of five Black teachers working in the same school and the actualization of their critical consciousness. The authors explored how they came to consistently bring their whole Black selves to the classroom and school setting. Drawing from the tenets of critical race theory of education and racial identity development in teaching, the authors operationalized what they call teaching Black. Through this lens, they interrogated their racialized navigation through the urban workplace to reveal the ways they created supportive and validating third-spaces to confront issues of anti-Blackness, abuses of power, and structural inequities for themselves, their colleagues, and most importantly their students. The chapter provides recommendations for creating and sustaining school practices that support pre-service teachers in urban teacher education and in-service Black teachers to more fully appreciate the cultural and racial community wealth they bring to their schools.
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) are linked to P-12 Black education through a shared history and purpose in the United States. As HBCUs are in question, it will be important to not only provide the historical perspectives of HBCUs in higher education, but to think broadly about the role of HBCUs in the entire P-20 Black education spectrum. This chapter explores HBCUs role in P-20 Black education by exploring the experiences and perspectives of Black HBCU alumni in educational spaces and shedding light on how their HBCU experiences shaped their racialized identity and consciousness (i.e., Black identity and racial consciousness). Drawing on a 90-minute focus group interview with seven HBCU graduates, the author contends three themes of experiences at HBCUs that contributed to the development of Black alumni's racial consciousness and identity and that may translate in P-12 Black education: (1) a perspective of self in educational spaces, (2) HBCUs as safe spaces, and (3) HBCUs helping to create Black and racially conscious individuals.
As school choice policies continue to become more prevalent nationally and internationally, educational scholars are interested in understanding how parents make school selection decisions. Existing studies of parental educational decision-making mainly explore how white, middle-class parents make educational decisions. There is limited research on the criteria Black parents, specifically Black mothers, prioritize when selecting schools for their children. This study draws on in-depth interviews with five Black mothers to explore the factors they consider when choosing schools for their elementary-aged children within a school choice context. Findings show Black mothers in this study prioritize factors to protect their children from racism and prepare them for racist practices embedded in American institutions and society.
In 2019 the University of Missouri Athletics (Mizzou Athletics) tweeted an image of student athletes as part of their “I am” campaign. While the two white student athletes are defined with captions stating the certainty of their future careers, the Black students are defined by their racial identity and current values. The Mizzou tweet demonstrates how collegiate sports programs at PWIs reflect white patriarchal systems that seek to control the futures of Black women student-athletes like Arielle Mack. Throughout this paper we, two Black women literacy scholars, present a critical re-telling of Arielle’s story for her future, which she narrated through a series of visual images and words. Specifically, we frame Arielle’s multimodal counterstory with two reflective questions in mind: (1) What did Arielle have to say in response to the Mizzou tweet? and (2) How, if given the chance, might she have represented herself and her future differently?
Background/Context
Jean Anyon’s work provides a powerful intervention in the study of education with her attention to political economy and the social contexts of education. Mainstream neoliberal charter reform arguments often counter Anyon’s work by suggesting a “no excuse” ideology, which often ignores structural realities facing youth. Over the decades, charter schools have garnered bipartisan interest and expanded significantly. Following Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans was one such site where the expansion and experimentation with charter schools has taken place. Utilizing the restructuring of New Orleans after Katrina as a site for examination, this article builds from a larger yearlong qualitative critical race case study on the reproduction of White dominance via the charter school authorization and application process.
Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study
Utilizing the educational restructuring of New Orleans post-Katrina, this article aims to illustrate the interconnectedness of political economy and race. Extending Anyon’s analysis of political economy, the article focuses on the neoliberal restructuring of New Orleans education after Hurricane Katrina to illustrate how the notions of abjection and zones of nonbeing form a guiding constellation for the accumulation and solidification of White power and capital.
Research Design/Data Collection and Analysis
This article builds off a larger yearlong qualitative critical race case study on the reproduction of White racial educational dominance in post-Katrina New Orleans. Interviews and student artifacts are the central data.
Conclusion/Recommendations
The author recommends the grounding of youth voice in educational policy analysis, conceptualization, and implementation; the consideration of how race impacts education; and continued research on the inter-imbrication of race and political economy.
In this essay, Eve Tuck and Sefanit Habtom consider three contemporary conversations in the field of urban education: Urban education takes place on Indigenous land; diversity is not it, and social movements do more than we can know at a given time. Tuck imagines these may have been conversations that her mentor, Jean Anyon, would be writing, mentoring, or thinking about. Drawing from Anyon and Tuck’s conversations from nearly 20 years ago, the coauthors of this essay are connected within another mentoring relationship. This time, Tuck is the professor and Habtom is a doctoral student. Tuck and Habtom continue the tradition of unfinished conversations that might extend beyond the time frames of a lived life, of a mentoring relationship, and historical moment.
Background/Context
Black people continue to be popularly imagined as lacking humanity and, as such, are often the disproportionate subjects of unceasing race-gender terror and state violence. A vast body of scholarship has documented the failure of schools to adequately serve Black youth in general, and Black boys and men in particular. There is compelling evidence, however, that consistently humanizing interactions with adults in school lead to positive relationships that in turn may protect against Black boys’ experience of school as fundamentally dehumanizing.
Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study
This study examined the significance of positive relationships between Black boys and adults in school as they move(d) across the P–16 education pipeline. The study is guided by the following primary research question: How do young Black men and boys describe and understand their interpersonal relationships with adults in P–16 schools?
Research Design
A descriptive phenomenological approach was used to understand how 28 Black boys and young men discuss and describe the characteristics of relationships with adults in their school or university. Seven video- and audio-recorded focus groups were conducted. Data analysis occurred in three phases. Video clips from focus groups were analyzed in the first phase of data analysis. During the second phase of our data analysis, researchers employed critical race theory as a key analytic perspective to interpret the data for what they revealed about the ways anti-Black racism and white supremacy structured schooling experiences. The third phase of analysis centered on coding the entire data set, regardless of grade band, for three specific types of interactions: disciplinary/behavioral, social/relational, and academic.
Findings/Results
Key findings from the study center on (a) these participants’ keen awareness of the ways their words/behavior/actions are generally misread and misunderstood in U.S. society and (b) the significance of educators’ race-gender perceptions of them in building positive relationships that establish and sustain authentic human connections.
Conclusions/Recommendations
Human connection emerges over time and differentiates what our participants ultimately perceived as “good”/positive relationships from “bad”/negative relationships with educators. Recognition of the residual consequences of U.S. chattel slavery for the ways we see, know, and understand Black people and Black children is essential to cultivating positive relationships with Black boys. Although “bad” relationships are characterized by interactions reflecting racial misandry that Black boys come to expect as a normal, ordinary feature of their schooling experience, positive relationships are evidenced through consistently humanizing interpersonal interactions with adults that actively counter harmful racial scripts.
Objectives
We examined the extent to which compassion practices helped guide skillful means of care among educators. We engaged educators in a collaborative design (co-design) process that foregrounded two components: (1) contemplative practice and (2) developing skill in how social interactions are embedded within wider systems through individual and joint inquiry. We analyzed the ways educators developed awareness of social suffering and set intentions to alleviate suffering. We examined how co-design fostered an understanding of compassion and new ideas about how to respond skillfully to suffering in schools.
Methods
Using qualitative methods, we analyzed data from educators who participated in co-design, including their written reflections, field notes, semi-structured interviews, and surveys.
Results
Educators identified multiple opportunities for acting with compassion, including approaching school-based interactions with compassion, cultivating compassion for themselves, and envisioning school change through a lens of compassion. Educators’ experiences in co-design directly informed how they imagined compassionate action in their schools. Specific elements highlighted were contemplative practice, reflection, and individual and joint inquiry.
Conclusions
The adaptation of a general program on compassion training can benefit from attending to how to show compassion in the context of concrete interactions in schools, and this can support educators in developing skillful means of care. Our analyses provide insight into the components that supported educators to offer compassion and suggest that educators’ skillful means of care can be cultivated through both contemplative practice and inquiry into social suffering. We offer a conceptual model for developing skillful means of care educational settings.
This article investigates why popular support for neighborhood schools does not translate into stronger multi-racial and multi-class coalitions for neighborhood schools in the face of school choice systems and school closures. Using a critical place perspective, this article illustrates how place-based urban inequities facilitate fragmented resistances to school choice. Racialized dispossession, the post-Civil Rights abandonment of poor and working-class Black political interests, and a broader strategy to bring affluent populations to the city core are all hallmarks of neoliberal urban development. These contexts shape and fatigue small-scale, ephemeral, and fragmented movements for neighborhood schools, inhibiting the formation of movement coalitions.
While the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic was felt widely, for Black communities – particularly in the US and Britain – it was felt more severely. This was compounded by another deadly pandemic that was devastating Black communities and evidenced by the re-emergence of the Black Lives Matter movement after the murder of George Floyd. Parallels can be drawn between the deadly COVID-19 virus and the anti-Black systemic racism fuelling the existence of the Black Lives Matter movement – which both disproportionately kill Black people. Therefore, many within these communities are living in a “pandemic within a pandemic”. Still, the focus on Black boys and men continued the parallels between both pandemics, failing to include the plight of Black girls and women who are also enduring the same impact as their Black male counterparts. This paper draws upon previous doctoral research about the educational journeys and experiences of Black British women graduates in light of the educational implications of the “pandemic within a pandemic” for this group. Framed by Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Bourdieu’s Theory of Practice (BTP) within the context of Black Feminist Epistemology (BFE), it highlights that Black women and girls have to bear an unfair “burden of care” not only for themselves but for others too. Lastly, it will argue that now more than ever, due to the “pandemic within a pandemic”, as a society we all need to be checkin’ for Black girls and women as they have been silently suffering, navigating and overcoming for far too long.
In 2019, Oakland teachers joined the wave of teacher strikes across U.S. cities sparked by teacher activism against neoliberal reforms that cut funding to public schools, increased privatization, and led to school closures. As in other cities, a group of progressive rank-and-file teachers working toward transformative change moved their union toward social movement unionism, and in the process, garnered the support of communities of color that had been alienated from organized teachers. Drawing on in-depth interviews with teacher activists involved in the 2019 Oakland teacher strike, I demonstrate how strategic decisions to focus on gaining power within the union and to center the leadership of progressive teachers of color, especially women of color, helped to build public support for both the strike and the broader movement against privatization, yet also led them to focus on an inside strategy that may undermine their more transformative goals. I argue that as activist teachers gain power within their unions, activist groups that function independently from the union provide a critical outside space where teachers can develop an intersectional and transformative praxis that helps them better strategize against the racial politics of advocacy in the neoliberal context.
This article wrestles with how white domination is reproduced in research methods, questions and priorities in the neoliberal university. Reflecting on the stuck and lonely places in my doctoral project, I consider the challenges of doing research on racism in institutions largely hostile to such inquiries. I also trace the pivotal insights that helped me to get unstuck and less lonely. This involved refusing to allow white audiences and white investments to determine the direction and priorities of anti-racist scholarship. The academy constantly returns us to the authority of these gatekeepers and this needs to be displaced and replaced with forms of accountability that do not consolidate white authority about matters pertaining to racism. The question of how to engage responsibly with the harm of racial violence became a central one as the concerns, priorities and desires of Black and racialised women rerouted questions of audience and accountability in this research project. Instead of being faithful to academic forms and conventions, I follow the insights of Black, Indigenous and women of colour feminisms to argue for a practice of careful and ethical engagement with one another.
The National Center for Education Statistics has indicated that the vast majority of New York State teaching positions remain disproportionately reflective of and populated by members of the dominant culture even while student populations grow increasingly diverse. New York has experienced a dramatic increase in the number of racially and ethnically diverse students, including many immigrant groups, in nearly all regions of the state. Consistently, teacher education research has underscored the importance of having multilingual, multiethnic, and multiracial teacher candidates successfully enter the teaching profession. Yet it appears that too few teacher preparation programs have altered preparation practices to accommodate this need. While acknowledging the need for a more diverse teaching force, this chapter examines 5 years of teacher candidates' educational outcomes in an urban community college. The empirical data underscore a complicated and often exclusionary teacher preparation pathway. This pathway, inadvertently, often precludes racially and ethnically diverse teacher candidates.
Background/Context
In light of the June 2007 U.S. Supreme Court decision in the Louisville and Seattle voluntary school desegregation cases, making it more difficult for district officials to racially balance their schools, this article presents an analysis of prior research on the long-term effects of attending racially diverse schools on their adult graduates as well as new data from interviews with graduates of desegregated schools in Louisville and Seattle. Although the bulk of research on school desegregation examines what is happening to students while they are still in school and their immediate academic outcomes, the growing body of research on the long-term effects of attending racially diverse schools on adult graduates is powerful and significant and, thus, should play a central role in public debates about the future of racial integration in American schools following the Court's ruling in these cases, referred to as Parents Involved. Taken together, findings from this research on the long-term effects of school desegregation speak to both of the central themes to emerge from the larger body of research on racial integration within public schools or universities: 1. the “legacies of structural inequality” theme, which addresses the need for race-conscious policies to overcome decades of perpetuated racial inequality and 2 the “diversity rationale,” which focuses on preparing young people for a diverse society. The new interview data from Louisville and Seattle confirm these prior findings and add new insights.
Purpose
Knowing that prior research on the long-term effects of school desegregation spoke to the central legal issue in the cases before the Supreme Court in the Parents Involved cases, we wanted to explore the two prominent themes from that literature — “structural inequality” and the “diversity rationale” — as they related to the life experiences of Louisville and Seattle graduates of racially diverse schools.
Participants
We interviewed 42 graduates—classes of 1985 and 1986—of six high schools: Central, Fern Creek, and Louisville Male high schools in Louisville, and Franklin, Garfield, and Ingraham high schools in Seattle. These six schools were selected because in each city, they represented a wide range of student experiences given their different geographic locations within their districts, their curricular programs, and the social class and racial make-up of their student bodies by the mid-1980s. Still, in each of these schools, no one ethnic group made up more than 75% of the student body at the time these graduates attended them.
Research Design
Qualitative, in-depth interviews with a random sample of adult graduates (graduating classes of 1985 and 86) from six racially diverse high schools, which were purposively sampled to reflect the different experiences of student who went to public high schools in Louisville and Seattle at that time.
Data Collection and Analysis
Using a semi-structured, open-ended interview protocol, the authors interviewed a total of 19 graduates from the three Louisville high schools and 23 graduates from the Seattle high schools. In terms of the racial/ethnic identities of these 42 graduates from the six high schools across the two cities, 22 identified themselves as White, 14 as African Americans, 4 as Asian/Pacific Islanders, and 2 as mixed race, including one who was half Latino and half White. Each interview lasted approximately 45 minutes—although they varied in length from 20 minutes to more than an hour—and was tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim. The transcripts were coded for themes that emerged from the interviewees’ responses across schools and context, and the following findings emerged as the most salient experiences of graduates across the six schools.
Findings/Results
1. Graduates of racially mixed schools in Louisville and Seattle said they learned to be more accepting of and comfortable with people of other racial backgrounds. Like their counterparts in the six cities of the Wells et al. (in press) study, the Louisville and Seattle graduates we interviewed said they believe that their day-to-day experiences attending diverse public schools as children and adolescents did indeed change them, making them more open-minded and thus more accepting of people who differ from them racially and in terms of their background and culture. 2. Louisville and Seattle graduates and the diversity rationale: Desegregated public schools prepared them for a global economy and society. Preparation for working in a diverse setting—the “diversity rationale”—was, for these graduates, by far the most obvious and pragmatic outcome of their experiences in desegregated public schools. The vast majority of graduates we interviewed in Louisville and Seattle said that at work in particular, they draw on the skills they learned in their desegregated public schools, skills of getting along and feeling comfortable with people of divergent backgrounds and cultures. 3. Overcoming structural inequality: Without diverse public schools, most graduates would have grown up in race isolation. In a society in which housing patterns, places of worship, and social circles are often segregated by race, diverse public schools have been, for many students, the only institutions in which cross-racial interaction and understanding can occur. They have also too often been historically the only institutions in our society in which students of color can gain access to predominantly White and prestigious institutions—in K–12 schooling or higher education.
Conclusions/Recommendations
We argue, based on our research and that of many others, that in an era when technology and free trade are breaking down physical and economic barriers across cultures and traditions, to not prepare our children to embrace and accept differences to the extent possible—the diversity rationale—is shortsighted and irresponsible. But even more important, we need to question how we can maintain a healthy democracy in a society so strongly divided by race, social class, and ideology now that the Supreme Court's decision has made it increasingly difficult to challenge such structural inequality, in spite of a compelling rationale for greater school-level diversity.
In this open letter, Eve Tuck calls on communities, researchers, and educators to reconsider the long-term impact of "damage-centered" research—research that intends to document peoples' pain and brokenness to hold those in power accountable for their oppression. This kind of research operates with a flawed theory of change: it is often used to leverage reparations or resources for marginalized communities yet simultane-ously reinforces and reinscribes a one-dimensional notion of these people as depleted, ruined, and hopeless. Tuck urges communities to institute a moratorium on damage-centered research to reformulate the ways research is framed and conducted and to reimagine how findings might be used by, for, and with communities. Dear Readers, Greetings! I write to you from a little desk in my light-filled house in New York State, my new home after living in Brooklyn for the past eleven years. Today, New York does not seem so far from St. Paul Island, one of the Pribilof Islands of the Aleutian chain in Alaska, where my family is from and where my relations continue to live. Something about writing this letter closes the gap between these disparate places I call home. I write to you about home, about our communities. I write to identify a per-sistent trend in research on Native communities, city communities, and other disenfranchised communities—what I call damage-centered research. I invite you to join me in re-visioning research in our communities not only to recog-nize the need to document the effects of oppression on our communities but also to consider the long-term repercussions of thinking of ourselves as broken. This is an open letter addressed to educational researchers and practi-tioners concerned with fostering and maintaining ethical relationships with disenfranchised and dispossessed communities and all of those troubled by the possible hidden costs of a research strategy that frames entire communi-ties as depleted.
This article explores the embodiment and affectivity of whiteness, particularly as it implicates educational praxis and social justice in education, focusing on the following questions: In what ways are affect and whiteness constitutive of each other in race dialogue? How does emotion intersect with racial practices and white privilege, and what are the educational implications of this entanglement? In theorizing whiteness as a technology of affect, the authors hope to capture the mental, emotional, and bodily dimensions of whiteness in the context of racial dialogue. In particular, the authors introduce the idea of “white intellectual alibis,” or Whites’ attempt to project a non-racist alibi rather than aligning themselves with anti-racism. Finally, the authors discuss how whiteness as a kind of technology of affect has implications for pedagogical efforts to engage in equitable and anti-racist education. It is suggested that unless educational scholars engage with a theoretical analysis of how whiteness is manifest as affective technology in educational praxis, we will fail to appreciate the important implications of this idea for educational theory and praxis.
The displacement of Black educators after the Brown v. Board of Education decision was an extraordinary social injustice. The wholesale firing of Black educators threatened the economic, social, and cultural structure of the Black community, and ultimately the social, emotional, and academic success of Black children. The author presents a historical perspective of the work of Black educators in the pre-Brown era; discusses the impact of Brown on the professional careers of Black teachers, principals, and superintendents; describes some of methods used to fire Black educators; and concludes with a discussion of the impact of these losses on the Black community and an agenda for Black education.
As zero-tolerance discipline policies have been instituted at high schools across the country, police officers are employed with increasing frequency to enforce behavior codes and maintain order, primarily at poorly performing, racially segregated urban schools. Actions that may once have sent students to the detention hall or resulted in their suspension may now introduce them to the criminal justice system. This book explores the impact of policing and punitive disciplinary policies on the students and their educational experience. Through in-depth interviews with and observations of students, teachers, administrators, and police officers, this book offers an interesting account of daily life at a Bronx high school where police patrol the hallways and security and discipline fall under the jurisdiction of the NYPD. It documents how, as law enforcement officials initiate confrontations with students, small infractions often escalate into “police matters” that can lead to summonses to criminal court, arrest, and confinement in juvenile detention centers. The book follows students from the classroom and the cafeteria to the detention hall, the dean’s office, and the criminal court system, clarifying the increasingly intimate relations between the school and the criminal justice system. Placing this trend within the context of recent social and economic changes, as well as developments within criminal justice and urban school reform, it shows how this police presence has created a culture of control in which penal management overshadows educational innovation.
This article summarizes the role of social science research in examining the effects of school desegregation policies on African-American students. The author argues that much of the earliest research on the short-term effects of school desegregation on African-American students was not particularly helpful to policymakers because it tended to be simple input/output studies of standardized test scores after only one or two years of desegregation. Thus, this research tried to answer the question of whether school desegregation “works” to improve student achievement without con -textualizing the experiences of African-American students in desegregated schools or considering that “school desegregation” implementation may look radically different in different schools and districts. On the other hand, research on the short-term effects of desegregation on intergroup relations, which was more focused on what was taking place within the schools, and the long-term-effects research, which emphasized that integrated institutions provide access to social mobility and powerful social net -works, are more insightful and helpful to policymakers.
When the landmark Supreme Court case of Brown vs. Board of Education was handed down in 1954, many civil rights advocates believed that the decision, which declared public school segregation unconstitutional, would become the Holy Grail of racial justice. Fifty years later, despite its legal irrelevance and the racially separate and educationally ineffective state of public schooling for most black children, Brown is still viewed by many as the perfect precedent. Here, Derrick Bell shatters the shining image of this celebrated ruling. He notes that, despite the onerous burdens of segregation, many black schools functioned well and racial bigotry had not rendered blacks a damaged race. He maintains that, given what we now know about the pervasive nature of racism, the Court should have determined instead to rigorously enforce the "equal" component of the "separate but equal" standard. Racial policy, Bell maintains, is made through silent covenants--unspoken convergences of interest and involuntary sacrifices of rights--that ensure that policies conform to priorities set by policy-makers. Blacks and whites are the fortuitous winners or losers in these unspoken agreements. The experience with Brown, Bell urges, should teach us that meaningful progress in the quest for racial justice requires more than the assertion of harms. Strategies must recognize and utilize the interest-convergence factors that strongly influence racial policy decisions. In Silent Covenants, Bell condenses more than four decades of thought and action into a powerful and eye-opening book.
Background/Context
School desegregation has been variably conceptualized as a remedy for racial injustice, a means toward urban (economic) revitalization, an opportunity to celebrate human diversity, and an attempt to more equally distribute educational resources. At the center of the debate over the years is the extent to which school desegregation is a matter of class or race, of redistribution or recognition. A cultural political economy of school desegregation begins with a rejection of the popular notion that desegregation is simply, or even primarily, about race. It also eschews the idea that what is needed is a “corrective” interjection of social class and economic justice. In proposing neither a racial nor an economic solution, cultural political economy sheds doubt on the very proposition of a “racial” or “economic” analysis, politics, or remedy and helps us more powerfully explain how the cultural and material force of race and class breathes as one through the historical-political trajectory of school desegregation.
Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study
This article is based on findings from a larger historical-ethnographic research project intended to explicate the cultural-ideological and structural context(s) within which Seattle's Black leaders, educators, and activists made sense of the relationship between school desegregation and the lives and liberation of Black people in the post-civil-rights era. Here, the author uses cultural political economy as an analytical framework to elucidate the relationship(s) between cultural productions such as the construction of rights, justice, and racial progress, and political-economic formations such as the (ab)use of the state and market by certain classes—in this case, middle-class and affluent White Seattleites—to preserve their own privilege through the implementation of social and educational policies that serve to reproduce material inequities.
Setting
The study setting is Seattle, Washington.
Population/Participants
Black leaders, educators, and activists who participated in the school desegregation struggle in the city of Seattle from the mid-1970s through 2007.
Research Design
This study employed semistructured ethnographic interviews, content analysis, and historical/archival analysis.
Conclusion/Recommendations
The trajectory of school desegregation politics in Seattle, culminating in the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, reveals a long and systematic political effort to delegitimize and dismantle justice-oriented redistribution of educational resources along racial lines. Cultural political economy provides an analytical framework that contributes to our theoretical understanding of the interimbrication of culture and political economy in education politics and policy-making. The author argues that understanding the interimbrication of class and race in the politics of school desegregation allows us to more clearly theorize how school desegregation policies are undermined in ways that reproduce material and cultural relations of power. Ultimately, critical researchers, educators, and youth and community activists must develop political strategies to shift the very relations of power highlighted in the Seattle case.
Drawing on three case studies of K-12 public schooling in London, Sydney and Vancouver, this book examines the geographies of neoliberal education policy in the inner city. Gulson uses an innovative and critical spatial approach to explore how the processes and practices of neoliberal education policy, specifically those relating to education markets and school choice, enable the pervasiveness of a white, middle-class, re-imagining of inner-city areas, and render race “(in)visible.” With urbanization posited as one of the central concerns for the future of the planet, relationships between the city, educational policy, and social and educational inequality deserve sustained examination. Gulson’s book is a rich and needed contribution to these areas of study.
The conceptualization and implementation of desegregation educational policies are incomplete when they ignore the voices of Black educators. Through in-depth interviews with 21 African American educators in St. Louis, this article highlights how elements of what is being defined today as critical race theory were embedded in these educators' analyses of a 1983 court settlement that resulted in a 16-year desegregation plan. Through rich and detailed accounts, these educators illustrate how the desegregation plan ultimately protected the overall interests of Whites. Their analyses of the plan-seemingly pessimistic-were realistic. The ending of the plan in 1999 continued to place the onus on Black people to rectify the inequitable education in the city. Suggested is the need for courts and policy makers to begin listening to the voices of African American educators when framing educational policies' intent on improving the education of African American students.
What is the landscape of the racial politics of public education in the age of Obama? To what factors can we attribute the seeming educational policy consensus from Washington, DC, to the states and from philanthropies and policy entrepreneurs in urban school districts? How should we understand opposition to the policy menu? This article examines commonsense understandings in education reform, which are supported by assertions that market-based schooling options are superior for children of color, and argues that a primary reason for the popularity of such reforms is an underexamined advocacy coalition, formed nominally around school choice, while also encompassing several other entrepreneurial educational reforms. The article describes the structure of this network, arguing that its dominance has precluded an understanding of counter advocacy against school choice and related reforms. It then describes several past and current movements that challenge commonsense understandings of the reforms’ currency, as a way of pushing back against the reforms’ expansion. The article also discusses the activities of grassroots community groups in response to market-based reforms and argues that these efforts can help to expand public deliberation on complex matters of educational policy. The article concludes with recommendations for further examination of these efforts to highlight the concerns, strategies, and solutions to educational inequality being articulated within communities of color and with their allies.
This article reports on the extensive qualitative and quantitative findings of a multi-method participatory study designed to assess urban and suburban youths’ experiences of racial/class justice or injustice in their schools and throughout the nation. Constructed as a letter to Zora Neale Hurston, who was immediately critical of the Brown decision in 1955, the article lays out the victories of Brown and the ongoing struggles, what we call “six degrees of segregation” that identify systematic policies that ensure an opportunity gap.
The article theorizes the academic, social and psychological consequences of persistent inequity on youth of color and White American youth—all adversely affected by systematic educational inequities that persist 50 years after Brown.
Older cities in the United States have long been trying to ‘bring back’ the middle class in order to increase tax base. The poor quality of schools and the presence of public housing often were cited as deterrents for attracting higher income families. When the 2000 Census data revealed improvements in many cities, some elected officials and scholars attributed the turnaround to policies such as those aimed at transforming public housing and urban schools. In this article the authors examine these strategies as they have played out in a Chicago community to illustrate how these policies also facilitate the displacement and containment of poor people of color. Utilizing critical race theory, they argue that race continues to guide both education and public housing policy in historically segregated places like Chicago, and that racism is masked by class claims that allow the interests of middle class to trump educational opportunities for poor.
Focusing on the experience of Seattle (Washington), this paper attempts to determine why school districts across the country have recently sought to de-emphasize segregation. Concerns about the validity of pursuing integration, particularly through busing, have been present throughout the history of school desegregation, but only recently is there a substantial withdrawal from mandatory integration policies. Following an introduction, Section II provides the contextual features of the study, and Section III discusses overarching issues of policy. Even though the federal courts and federal agencies played a large role in fashioning and enforcing this policy until the 1980s, there are wide variations in the implementation of the principles of Brown v. Board of Education, depending on local conditions and the local federal judge. Therefore, the Seattle case, considered in Section IV, illuminates the role that local dynamics play in desegregation policy. The most important factors in the recent retreat from integration are discussed in Section V, and the paper concludes in Section VI with speculations about the future of school equity policies and a consideration of the degree to which the country is returning to the era of separate but equal facilities. Recent court decisions, especially the conservative bent of the present Supreme Court, political mood, differing opinions among African Americans, and possible a general impatience with the time and money integration has cost, are all considered as possible factors in the trend away from busing. (Contains 4 figures, 5 tables, and 51 references.) (SLD)
As Freud's privileged theory of unresolved grief, melancholia presents a compelling framework to conceptualize registers of loss and depression attendant to both psychic and material processes of Asian American immigration, assimilation, and racialization. Freud initially formulates melancholia as a pathological form of individual mourning for lost objects, places, or ideals. However, we propose a concept of melancholia as a depathologized structure of everyday group experience for Asian Americans. We analyze a number of Asian American cultural productions (literature and film) as well as two case histories of university students involving intergenerational conflicts and lost ideals of whiteness, Asianness, home, and language. Exploring these analyses against Klein's notions of lost objects, we propose a more refined theory of good and bad racialized objects. This theory raises the psychic and political difficulties of reinstatement and the mediation of the depressive position for Asian Americans. In addition, this theory suggests that processes of immigration, assimilation, and racialization are neither pathological nor permanent but involve the fluid negotiation between mourning and melancholia. Throughout this essay, we consider methods by which a more speculative approach to psychoanalytic theory and clinical practice might offer a deeper understanding of Asian American mental health issues.
This article focuses upon the disagreement between Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth about how to characterize the relation between social suffering and recognition struggles. For Honneth, social and political conflicts have their source in the “moral” wounds that arise from the myriad ways in which the basic human need for recognition is disregarded in unequal societies. Fraser criticizes Honneth for the uncritical subjectivism of his account of social suffering that reduces social oppression to psychic harm. Fraser therefore redefines misrecognition not as a psychological injury but as “status subordination” understood as institutionalized patterns of discrimination and value inequality. My central argument is that while Fraser's critique of Honneth's subjectivist construal of recognition is largely justified, she falls into a counterveiling objectivism that prevents her from developing some of the central insights of her own paradigm. Her “non-identarian” rendering of recognition leads her to abandon an experiential or interpretative perspective that is associated with the idea of identity and, as a result, she cannot explain certain crucial aspects of political agency. Pierre Bourdieu's notion of habitus is used to indicate a way beyond the naturalization of the cluster of emotions associated with social suffering that seems to be the inevitable consequence of Honneth's “ontology” of recognition (McNay 2007). At the same time, the experiential emphasis of habitus mitigates the objectivism of Fraser's dualist paradigm showing how some of its central insights can be taken further through a materialist redefinition of identity and agency.
At the turn of the 1900s, W. E. B. Du Bois argued that the problem of the color line was the twentieth century's main challenge. The article argues that critical pedagogy benefits from an intersectional understanding of whiteness studies and globalization discourse. Following Du Bois, it suggests that the problem of the twenty-first century is the global color line. As capitalism stretches across nations, its partnership with race relations also evolves into a formidable force. Appropriating concepts from globalization, the author defines a global approach to race, and in particular whiteness, in order to argue that the problem of white racial privilege transcends the nation state. Using concepts such as multinationalism, fragmentation, and flexibility, a critical pedagogy of whiteness promotes an expanded notion of race that includes global anti-racist struggles, Finally, the article concludes by suggesting that educators consider seriously the insights of the neo-abolitionist movement.
This stunning book represents the most comprehensive analysis to date of the complex relationships between black political thought and black political identity and behavior. Ranging from Frederick Douglass to rap artist Ice Cube, Michael C. Dawson brilliantly illuminates the history and current role of black political thought in shaping political debate in America.
Last year, more African Americans were reported with AIDS than any other racial or ethnic group. And while African Americans make up only 13 percent of the U.S. population, they account for more than 55 percent of all newly diagnosed HIV infections. These alarming developments have caused reactions ranging from profound grief to extreme anger in African-American communities, yet the organized political reaction has remained remarkably restrained. The Boundaries of Blackness is the first full-scale exploration of the social, political, and cultural impact of AIDS on the African-American community. Informed by interviews with activists, ministers, public officials, and people with AIDS, Cathy Cohen unflinchingly brings to light how the epidemic fractured, rather than united, the black community. She traces how the disease separated blacks along different fault lines and analyzes the ensuing struggles and debates. More broadly, Cohen analyzes how other cross-cutting issuesâof class, gender, and sexualityâchallenge accepted ideas of who belongs in the community. Such issues, she predicts, will increasingly occupy the political agendas of black organizations and institutions and can lead to either greater inclusiveness or further divisiveness. The Boundaries of Blackness, by examining the response of a changing community to an issue laced with stigma, has much to teach us about oppression, resistance, and marginalization. It also offers valuable insight into how the politics of the African-American communityâand other marginal groupsâwill evolve in the twenty-first century.
Not in Our Lifetimes
- M Dawson
Dawson, M. 2011. Not in Our Lifetimes. Chicago: University of Chicago.
Theorizing Redistribution and Recognition in Urban Education Research: How Do We Get Dictionaries at Cleveland?
- M J Dumas
Dumas, M. J. 2009. " Theorizing Redistribution and Recognition in Urban Education Research: How Do We Get Dictionaries at Cleveland? " In Theory and Educational Research, edited by J. Anyon, 81–107.
Feds Probing Seattle Schools' Treatment of Black Students
- K Ervin
- M O Hagan
Ervin, K., & M. O'Hagan (2013, March 5). Feds Probing Seattle Schools' Treatment of Black Students. Seattle Times. Retrieved May 17, 2013, from http://www.seat-tletimes.com.
Reviews of Rainier Beach High School
- Greatschools Org
Greatschools.org. 2003/2013. Reviews of Rainier Beach High School. Retrieved June 6, 2013 from http://www.greatschools.org.
Octavia Butler, 1947-2006: Sci-Fi Writer a Gifted Pioneer in White, Male Domain Seattle Post-Intelligencer The Trouble with Recognition: Subjectivity, Suffering and Agency
- J Marshall
Marshall, J. (2006, February 26). Octavia Butler, 1947-2006: Sci-Fi Writer a Gifted Pioneer in White, Male Domain. Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Retrieved May 31, 2013, from http://www.seattlepi.com. McNay, L. 2008. " The Trouble with Recognition: Subjectivity, Suffering and Agency. " Sociological Theory 26 (3): 271–296.
Dismantling Desegregation
- G Orfield
- S E Eaton
Orfield, G., and S. E. Eaton. 1996. Dismantling Desegregation. New York: The New Press.
Brown at 50: King's Dream or Plessy's Nightmare? Cambridge
- G Orfield
- C Lee
Orfield, G., and C. Lee. 2004. Brown at 50: King's Dream or Plessy's Nightmare? Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Civil Rights Project.
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