A Review of Humor in Educational Settings: Four Decades of Research

Abstract

The primary goal of this project is to provide a summary of extant research regarding humor in the classroom, with an emphasis on identifying and explaining inconsistencies in research findings and offering new directions for future studies in this area. First, the definitions, functions, and main theories of humor are reviewed. Next, the paper explains types of humorous instructional communication. Third, the empirical findings of both the source and receiver perspectives are reviewed. Finally, this paper concludes with advice for educators and suggests potential future research directions for scholars.

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A Review of Humor in Educational Settings: Four Decades of Research
John A. Banas; Norah Dunbar; Dariela Rodriguez; Shr-Jie Liu
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To cite this Article Banas, John A. , Dunbar, Norah , Rodriguez, Dariela and Liu, Shr-Jie(2011) 'A Review of Humor in
Educational Settings: Four Decades of Research', Communication Education, 60: 1, 115 — 144
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A Review of Humor in Educational
Settings: Four Decades of Research
John A. Banas, Norah Dunbar, Dariela Rodriguez &
Shr-Jie Liu
The primary goal of this project is to provide a summary of extant research regarding
humor in the classroom, with an emphasis on identifying and explaining inconsistencies
in research findings and offering new directions for future studies in this area. First, the
definitions, functions, and main theories of humor are reviewed. Next, the paper explains
types of humorous instructional communication. Third, the empirical findings of both
the source and receiver perspectives are reviewed. Finally, this paper concludes with
advice for educators and suggests potential future research directions for scholars.
Keywords: Humor; Instructional Communication; Learning
In Season 14, Episode 7 of The Simpsons, members of the selection committee for a
teaching award watch videotapes of applicants. After watching a teacher perform a
series of rapid, Robin Williams-like, humorous impressions that are seemingly
irrelevant to the class material, a committee member exclaims, ‘‘Dead Poets Society
has ruined a generation of educators!’’ Although the quote may not unequivocally
demonstrate why The Simpsons has earned the reputation as ‘‘the most important
cultural institution of our time’’ (Turner, 2004, p. 5), it does raise an important
question for instructional communication scholars and education profession-
als, namely: How does humor influence the education process? This is an issue
that scholars of instructional communication have devoted substantial research
attention.
Contrary to The Simpsons quote above, a number of scholars have advocated that
teachers incorporate humor into their classrooms (Berk, 1996; Berk & Nada, 1998;
Brown, 1995; Cornett, 1986; Davies & Apter, 1980; Johnson, 1990; Kher, Molstad, &
John Banas (Ph.D., University of Texas at Austin, 2005) is an assistant professor at the University of Oklahoma,
where Norah Dunbar (Ph.D., University of Arizona, 2000) is an associate professor and Dariela Rodriguez and
Shr-Jie Liu are doctoral students. The authors thank Dr Elena Bessarabova for her advice and assistance with the
preparation of this manuscript. Additionally, the authors thank Dr. Melanie Booth-Butterfield and two
anonymous reviewers for their helpful suggestions and guidance. John Banas can be contacted at jbanas@ou.edu
ISSN 0363-4523 (print)/ISSN 1479-5795 (online) #2011 National Communication Association
DOI: 10.1080/03634523.2010.496867
Communication Education
Vol. 60, No. 1, January 2011, pp. 115144
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Donahue, 1999; Ziegler, Boardman, & Thomas, 1985). In a particularly enthusiastic
endorsement, Cornett claimed that humor is an educator’s‘‘most powerful resource’’
to achieve a wide range of beneficial educational outcomes, including such disparate
effects as controlling problematic behavior and facilitating foreign language
acquisition (p. 8). Although Cornett’s view of the transformational power of
instructional humor may seem extreme, the notion that humorous instructional
communication is beneficial is quite common among researchers. Indeed, the
overwhelming majority of instructional communication research on humor has
focused on the positive consequences of classroom humor, particularly in terms how
humor increases motivation and learning (e.g., Aylor & Opplinger, 2003; Bryant,
Comisky, & Zillmann, 1979; Bryant & Zillmann, 1989; Conkell, Imwold, & Ratliffe,
1999; Davies & Apter, 1980; Frymier, Wanzer, & Wojtaszczyk, 1999; Frymier & Weser,
2001; Gorham & Christophel, 1990; Kaplan & Pascoe, 1977; Wanzer & Frymier,
1999). However, some researchers have noted that certain types of instructional
humor may have negative consequences as well (e.g., Gorham & Christophel, 1990;
Harris, 1989; Stuart & Rosenfeld, 1994; Torok, McMorris, & Lin, 2004). Further,
methodological and conceptual discrepancies in instructional humor research have
often prevented clear conclusions about how humor functions in the classroom
(Martin, Puhlik-Doris, Larsen, Gray, & Weir, 2003; Teslow, 1995; Ziv, 1988). For
example, Teslow concluded his review of instructional humor research by noting that
much of the empirical evidence is old, equivocal, lacking replication and manipula-
tion checks, and frequently involves only young children.
This essay seeks to elucidate the role of humor in instructional communication
through a review of more than 40 years of scholarship.
1
The primary goals of this
project are to provide a summary of extant research on humor in the classroom,
identify and explain inconsistencies in research findings, and to offer directions for
future studies in this area. To meet these goals, this paper initially provides an
overview of background information regarding humor research, including defini-
tions, theories, and functions of humor. Next, the quantitative and qualitative
differences in instructional humor are examined. The sections that follow review the
empirical research on humorous instructional communication from both a source
and receiver perspective. Finally, this paper provides general conclusions for
implementing instructional humor as well as potential future research directions
for scholars.
Foundations of Humorous Communication
Answering the question of how humor operates in the classroom is not a simple
matter. Instructional humor is complex, and researchers have taken a variety of
approaches in their studies of humorous communication. Before reviewing the
empirical findings related to instructional humor, it is necessary to examine several
issues that provide the foundation for understanding humor scholarship, including:
definitions of humor, functions of humor, and theories of humor.
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Definitions of Humor
Although the definitions of humor vary, there is widespread agreement among
scholars that humor involves the communication of multiple, incongruous meanings
that are amusing in some manner (Martin, 2007). Gervais and Wilson (2005)
summarized the fundamental nature of humor as ‘‘nonserious social incongruity’’
(p. 399). S. Booth-Butterfield and Booth-Butterfield (1991) emphasized the
intentional use of both verbal and nonverbal communication behaviors that elicit
positive responses like laughter and joy in their definition of humor. Although
intention is not a crucial element of some definitions of humor (e.g., unintentional
humor in Martin, 2007), it is an appropriate characterization of much of the
instructional humor examined in the literature. Humorous communication ideally
leads to laughter, but there are several different functions served by humor beyond
amusement. These functions are examined next.
Functions of Humor
When considering how humor affects the education process, it is important to
understand that humor is not a homogeneous concept. Humor serves a variety of
positive functions, such as increasing group cohesion and coping with stress, but it
also can serve negative social functions, such as derision and social isolation (e.g.,
M. Booth-Butterfield, Booth-Butterfield, & Wanzer, 2007; Kane, Suls, & Tedeschi,
1977; Lefcourt, 2001; Lefcourt & Martin, 1986; Mulkay, 1988). M. Booth-Butterfield
and Wanzer (2010) note that humorous communication is frequently goal-directed
and strategic, but consistent with Berger’s (2002) conceptualization of communica-
tion goals, individuals may have secondary social goals when using humor beyond
supplying amusement, even if they are not aware of it.
One broad function of humorous communication beyond eliciting laughter is
social influence, which is especially pertinent to instructional communication.
Scholars have frequently conceptualized humor as an indirect form of social
influence (Cialdini, 2001; Gass & Seiter, 2007). Humor is an affinity-seeking behavior
(Bell & Daly, 1984; S. Booth-Butterfield & Booth-Butterfield, 1991; Frymier &
Thompson, 1992), and people who are liked tend to be more influential (Cialdini).
This idea of indirect influence is supported by research on humor in advertising,
which estimates that 2530% of advertisements use humor to influence consumers
(Weinberger & Gulas, 1992). Humor can be influential in positive ways, as when it is
used to create group cohesion though shared enjoyment (Kane, Suls, & Tedeschi,
1977; Martin, 2007; Provine, 2000). In addition to enhancing cohesiveness by creating
an enjoyable environment, humor can facilitate cohesion through softening criticism,
as the inherent ambiguity of humor provides cover if a particular remark is not well
received (Keltner, Capps, Kring, Young, & Heerey, 2001). In contrast to enhancing
group cohesion, humor can also be used divisively to disparage others. In this way,
humor can be a means of control, as mocking nonconforming behavior can reinforce
power and status differences and suppress undesired actions (Martin, 2007).
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In the preceding discussion, it may be evident that humor shares some conceptual
territory with teasing, or playfully making fun of someone. Teasing is an element of
humorous communication, and playful teasing has been shown to be related to a
variety of prosocial outcomes (see Mills & Carwile, 2009, for a review). Teasing is a
common form of humorous communication, but not all humor involves teasing.
Furthermore, there are two primary reasons why teasing by teachers may be
ineffective in a classroom. First, targeting students with humor is perceived as highly
inappropriate for the classroom (Wanzer, Frymier, Wojtaszczyk, & Smith, 2006).
Wanzer et al. found that targeting students was second only to offensive humor (e.g.,
sexual jokes/comments) in terms of inappropriateness. Inappropriate humor is not
appreciated or enjoyed, and it is viewed negatively, regardless of whether the teachers
meant to harm feelings with their comments. Second, the power difference between
teachers and students inhibits reciprocal teasing. Coser (1964) argued members of a
group with less status do not make higher-status members the target of their humor
in face-to-face interactions. In a classroom environment, students may not feel
comfortable engaging in reciprocal teasing with a professor, and they may come to
resent being the target of humor without the ability to respond.
A second way humor functions is as a coping mechanism. Individuals who can see
the amusing sides of problems are more adept at coping with stress (Bellert, 1989;
M. Booth-Butterfield et al., 2007; Dillon, Minchoff, & Baker, 1985; Miczo, 2004;
Nelek & Derks, 2001; Wanzer, Booth-Butterfield, & Booth-Butterfield, 2005). For
example, M. Booth-Butterfield et al. found that the higher the general predisposition
to communicate humor, the stronger the sense that students can cope with stressful
circumstances. In addition, perceiving amusement from the failings of others,
especially those who obstruct the attainment of our goals, reduces the psychological
distress caused by others while producing some feeling of delight at their expense
(Henman, 2001).
In summary, humor can serve a variety of functions beyond providing amusement.
Humor can facilitate liking and bring people together, or humor may be used to
disparage others and socially isolate them. Additionally, humor can help individuals
cope with stress. In the following section, the major theories of humor are reviewed.
These theories explain why some communication is humorous, address the functions
discussed above, and form the basis for understanding why humor affects important
educational outcomes, especially learning.
Theories of Humor
There are many different theories that address humor and its various functions,
M. Booth-Butterfield and Wanzer (2010) noted that three are considered seminal,
particularly for explaining why some communication may be perceived as funny:
incongruity theory, superiority theory, and arousal theory.
2
Incongruity theory states
that a surprise or contradiction is essential for humor (Berlyne, 1960). According to
the theory, people understand humorous communication because they are able to
resolve the incongruity. With incongruity theory, there is an emphasis on cognition
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rather than the social or emotional aspects of humor, and therefore, incongruity is
considered to be more of a theory of how humor is understood rather than how
humor functions (Suls, 1983). Superiority theory, which dates back to the
philosophical writings of Plato and Aristotle, argues that laughter arises out of the
sense of superiority experienced from disparagement of others (Gruner, 1978, 1997;
Martin, 2007; Morreall, 1987). Using humor to make fun of others is an example of
superiority theory. Scholars have noted that aggressiveness seems to be the root of a
great deal of humor; however, Gruner also sees humor as a playful competition where
winning can be established by either getting the joke or eliciting a laugh. Arousal
theory conceptualizes humor as a complex interaction between emotion and
cognition (Martin). Arousal theory (Berlyne 1960, 1969, 1972) posits that humor
and laughter are a combination of a cognitive appraisal with optimal physiological
arousal. Humor itself is a pleasurable emotional experience called mirth (Martin).
Other versions of arousal theory posit that humor and laughter release built-up
tension and stress. The coping functions of humor noted above are based on this
tension-relief element of arousal theory.
Theories of Instructional Humor
Although superiority, arousal, and incongruity account for key elements of humor,
they do not explain the relationship between instructional humor and learning
(Wanzer, Frymier, & Irwin, 2010). However, theories based on some of the ideas from
the three major theories do address why educational material that is presented in a
humorous manner may be learned and recalled better than the same material
presented in a more serious fashion (Opplinger, 2003; Teslow, 1995; Wanzer et al.).
Recently, Wanzer et al. advanced the instructional humor processing theory (IHPT),
an integrative theory that draws from the elaboration likelihood model (ELM) of
persuasion (Petty & Cacioppo, 1981, 1986) and incongruity theory (Berlyne, 1960),
to explain how instructional humor can facilitate learning. According to the IHPT,
for humor to facilitate learning, students need to perceive and then resolve the
incongruity in a humorous instructional message. If the students do not resolve the
incongruity, they may experience confusion instead of humor. Further, the IHPT
proposes that the recognition of humor will increase students’attention.
The IHPT maintains that to capitalize on the increased attention created by
instructional humor, students needed to have the motivation and ability to process
the instructional messages (Wanzer et al., 2010). Petty and Cacioppo’s (1981, 1986)
ELM explains that motivation and ability are necessary elements for message
elaboration, or deeper thinking about a message. The IHPT proposes that increased
elaboration resulting from instructional humor should increase recall and learning.
Two important considerations are the relevance and appropriateness of humor. First,
the relevance of humor to course content may increase motivation and ability to
process messages. Relevant humor does not distract from the instructional message
and can make information more memorable. The second consideration, the
appropriateness of humor, influences the affective response by the receivers
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(see the humor types section below for a more extensive discussion of humor
appropriateness). According to the IHPT, appropriate forms of humor create positive
affect while inappropriate forms create negative affect. Positive affect enhances
motivation to process, and negative affect decreases motivation to process.
Positive affect has been proposed as a mechanism in other theoretical explanations
of the link between instructional humor and learning. Emotional response theory
(Mottet, Frymier, & Bebee, 2006) posits that emotions trigger approach or avoidance
behaviors. Applied to instructional communication contexts, positive emotions, like
mirth resulting from instructional humor, guide approach behaviors in the classroom
that enhance learning. Similarly, Martin (2007) argued that the positive emotions
aroused by instructional humor may become associated with learning. As a result,
students acquire more positive attitudes towards education, which then increases
their motivation to learn and results in improved academic performance.
This section reviewed the theoretical rationales for why humor may enhance
learning in order to provide a framework for examining the empirical research on
instructional humor. When examining instructional humor research, it is important
to consider whether the scholarship is developed from the perspective of the source
or the receiver (M. Booth-Butterfield & Wanzer, 2010). M. Booth-Butterfield and
Wanzer argue that recognizing the difference between source and receiver perspec-
tives is crucial because, although both make significant contributions to scholarship,
they do not examine the same construct. The source perspective encapsulates research
on the types of communication behaviors people enact to achieve a humorous
outcome and the goals that they hope to accomplish through humor (M. Booth-
Butterfield & Wanzer). The receiver perspective focuses on the effects of instructional
humor. In the next section, empirical research conducted from the source perspective
is presented as the frequency and types of instructional humor are presented,
followed by individual differences in humor production. Then, research from
the receiver perspective will be reviewed, specifically studies examining how
instructional humor relates to perceptions of the instructor, classroom environment,
and learning.
Quantitative and Qualitative Differences in Instructional Humor
Instructional Humor Frequency
The question of how much humor is used in the classroom has received a fair
amount of attention from researchers in the past (e.g., Bryant, Comisky, & Zillmann,
1979; Downs, Javidi, & Nussbaum, 1988; Gorham & Christophel, 1990; Javidi &
Long, 1989; Neuliep, 1991). However, it is difficult to estimate how often humor is
used in the classroom because the amount of humor reported tends to be a function
of the method used in the study. Observational methods tend to yield more instances
of humor than self-report methods, and instructional humor frequencies vary greatly.
Furthermore, the studies specifically examining the frequency of instructional humor
are at least two decades old. Nevertheless, the research investigating the prevalence of
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classroom humor provides some evidence of instructional humor usage rates. In
college classrooms, naturalistic observation methods have revealed instructional
humor to be a not uncommon practice. For example, Bryant et al. analyzed
unobtrusively obtained tape recordings of 70 randomly selected college classes and
found that professors incorporated humor an average of 3.34 times per 50-minute
class session, or approximately once every 15 minutes. Bryant et al. also found that
nearly 50% of professors used between one and three humorous messages, 30% of
professors used humor four or more times, and 20% of their sample failed to use any
humor at all during class. Higher rates of humor usage (13.33 humor attempts per
50 minutes) were found in Downs et al.’s study of 57 college professors who tape-
recorded their lectures on three separate occasions during a semester. Downs et al.
also examined tape recordings from a separate sample of award-winning professors
and found an average of 7.44 examples of humor per class. Interestingly, humor usage
decreased slightly in both samples as the semester progressed. In another study, Javidi
and Long analyzed tape-recordings from 40 separate college classes and found
an average of 4.05 humorous messages per 50-minute class. Notably, large differen-
ces were found between experienced professors, who used 6.50 instances of humor,
and inexperienced graduate students, who only used 1.60 humorous messages per
class.
Compared to unobtrusive recording of classrooms, self-report measures have
yielded significantly lower rates of instructional humor. In their study of college
instructor humor, Gorham and Christophel (1990) required student observers to
manually record humor attempts and found only 1.37 instructor humor attempts per
class. They noted that their method may have contributed to the lower frequency of
humor documented in their study. In a study of 388 high-school teachers, Neuliep
(1991) asked instructors to self-report the frequency of humorous attempts made per
class. Neuliep found that their sample of high-school teachers self-reported an
average of 2.08 humor attempts per class.
Compared to college instructors, high- and intermediate-school teachers have been
found to use slightly less humor in their classes. In a comparative study of 60 tape
recordings of college, high-school, and midhigh classes during multiple points in a
semester, Javidi, Downs, and Nussbaum (1988) found college professors made 7.20
humorous attempts compared to 2.80 attempts for high-school teachers and 2.33
attempts for midhigh school teachers. These rates are similar to those reported in
Neuliep’s (1991) study.
As noted earlier, the rates of humor reported in these studies need to be
interpreted with caution. The studies focusing on instructional humor frequency
are at least 20 years old, and the different methods used to document humor rates
make comparisons difficult. In the next section, the focus shifts from away from
quantitative and toward qualitative distinctions of instructional humor. This
area of research from the source perspective has revealed numerous insights
about the types of humor used, as well as their appropriateness for instructional
communication.
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Types of Humor Used in the Classroom
Several classification taxonomies have been created to address the types of humor
used in classrooms (Bryant et al., 1979; Frymier, Wanzer, & Wojtaszczyk, 2008;
Gorham & Christophel, 1990; Nussbaum, 1984; Wanzer et al., 2010). The taxonomies
vary in the number of categories of humor, with the simplest ones classifying humor
broadly into positive or negative types based on the function that the humor appears
to serve. Martin et al. (2003) introduced a model of humor styles that categorizes
humor use into generally positive or affiliative, and tendentious or aggressive uses of
humor. Affiliative humor is aimed at amusing others, building friendships, or
reducing tension. The goal of affiliative humor is to enhance liking and cohesiveness.
Aggressive humor involves manipulating or denigrating others, and can be seen in
ridicule, mocking, and other forms of disparaging humor. Similarly, Sala, Krupat and
Roter (2002) also categorized humor along positive and negative dimensions in
physician-patient interviews, but they also added a category for irony and tension-
releasing humor, which is not easily identified as positive or negative.
Consistent with the idea that humor can be meaningfully categorized along
positive, negative, and general dimensions, Hay (2000) identified three functions of
humor among friends: solidarity-based humor, humor to serve psychological needs,
and power-based humor. Solidarity-based humor involves building solidarity among
group members to create consensus. Some techniques used include sharing personal
experiences, highlighting similarities through shared experiences, or clarifying and
maintaining boundaries. Humor serving psychological needs is used to defend
oneself or cope with problems arising in the conversation. Power-based humor serves
to maintain boundaries between ingroup and outgroup members, to raise the status
of the humorist, to foster conflict with another, and to influence or control the
conversational partner. These three functions could be relevant in the classroom as
well because instructors can use humor to create solidarity with their students, cope
with problems in the classroom, or raise their own status.
Some scholars have used inductive analytic techniques to further classify humor
types used in the classroom. Using a sample of 712 student-generated examples of
appropriate teacher humor, Wanzer et al. (2006) reduced them to four main types
with 26 subtypes. The four main types included humor related to class material,
humor unrelated to class material, self-disparaging humor, and unplanned humor.
Frymier et al. (2008) conducted a factor-analysis of the Wanzer et al. types that
resulted in five major categories: other-disparaging, related, unrelated, offensive, and
self-disparaging. Frymier et al. further found that using relevant humor to
demonstrate course concepts was generally the most appropriate type of humor
for instructors. Not surprisingly, humor that disparages others or is offensive because
it targets religious or ethnic groups was seen as the least appropriate for the classroom
(see Table 1).
Rather than classifying humor types by their function, other researchers have
created taxonomies based on the general form of the humor. Martin (2007) argued
that humor can be divided into three broad forms: jokes, which are context-free
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Table 1 Humor types
Humor type Description Representative work
Appropriateness for
classroom
Affiliative; Solidarity-based Amusing others, building solidarity,
relieving tension
Hay (2000); Martin et al. (2003) Appropriate
Psychological needs/Self-Enhancing Humor used to defend oneself, regulate
emotions, or cope with problems that arise
during the interaction
Hay (2000); Martin et al. (2003) Appropriate
Power-based humor Establish boundaries and create status
differences
Hay (2000) Appropriate
Humor related to class material Stories, jokes, or other humorous content
related to class material
Cornett (1986); Frymier et al. (2008); Kaplan
and Pascoe (1977); Wanzer et al. (2006)
Appropriate
Funny stories Events or activities connected in a single
event related as a tale
Bryant et al. (1979); Bryant et al. (1980) Appropriate
Humorous comments A brief statement with a humorous
element
Bryant et al. (1979) Appropriate
Seeking funny others Encouraging humor use in others or
seeking out other people known to be
funny
Wanzer et al. (2005); Cornett (1986) Appropriate
Humor unrelated to class material Stories, jokes, or other humorous content
not related to class material
Frymier et al. (2008); Wanzer et al. (2006) Context-dependent
Self-disparaging humor Making one’s self the target of the humor Bryant and Zillmann (1989); Cornett (1986);
Frymier and Thompson (1992); Frymier et al.
(2008); Wanzer et al. (2006)
Context-dependent
Unplanned humor Humor that is unintentional or
spontaneous
Martin (2007); Wanzer et al. (2006) Context-dependent
Jokes or Riddles Build-up followed by a punchline Bryant et al. (1979, 1980); Martin (2007);
Ziv (1988)
Context-dependent
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Table 1 (Continued )
Humor type Description Representative work
Appropriateness for
classroom
Puns Structurally or phonetically words or
phrases having two or more meanings were
used simultaneously to play on the
multiple meanings
Bryant et al. (1979) Context-dependent
Low humor Acting silly, stupid, or absurd in specific
situations
Wanzer et al. (2005) Context-dependent
Nonverbal humor Using gestures, funny facial expressions,
vocal tones, etc. for humorous intent
Wanzer et al. (2005) Context-dependent
Impersonation Doing impressions or mimicking voices of
famous characters
Wanzer et al. (2005) Context-dependent
Language or word play Witty or clever verbal communication
including using slang or sarcasm
Wanzer et al. (2005) Context-dependent
Laughing Laughing or varying intensity as a means
to make others laugh
Wanzer et al. (2005) Context-dependent
Using funny props Using funny props such as cartoons, water
pistols, funny cards, etc.
Wanzer et al. (2005) Context-dependent
Visual illustrations Use of pictures or items expected to
promote humor
Bryant et al. (1981) Context-dependent
Humorous Distortions Use of irony or comical exaggerations Bryant and Zillmann (1989) Context-dependent
Test items Using items on tests and assessments that
contain humor
Ziv (1988) Context-dependent
Aggressive; Other-denigrating Manipulating or denigrating others,
ridicule, or mocking
Frymier et al. (2008); Gorham and
Christophel (1990); Martin et al. (2003);
Stuart and Rosenfeld (1994)
Inappropriate
Offensive humor Humor based on the race, ethnicity, sex,
political affiliation, or sexual orientation of
another
Frymier et al. (2008) Inappropriate
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anecdotes containing a setup and punchline; spontaneous conversational humor,
which can include any intentional verbal or nonverbal humor attempt that is
intentionally enacted during social interactions; and unintentional humor, which
includes physical and linguistic accidents that cause laughter or mirth. Bryant et al.
(1979) noted whether humor used by instructors was prepared or spontaneous and
then further classified instructional humor into six categories: jokes, riddles, puns,
funny stories, humorous comments, and ‘‘other’’ which included using funny sound
effects or visual exaggerations. Funny stories were the most commonly used humor
type. Building upon Bryant et al.’s types, Gorham and Christophel (1990) classified
classroom humor into 13 types, which differentiated both the form of the humor
(i.e., tendentious comment, personal story, etc.) but also identified the target of the
humor (i.e., self, individual student, class, popular culture, etc.).
Still other typologies appear to blend both the style and function of the humorous
message into their classification systems. Wanzer et al. (2005) classified humor into
nine types including low humor (e.g., acting silly or stupid), nonverbal humor (e.g.,
using gestures or funny faces), impersonation of specific characters, language/word
play (e.g., jokes, slang, or sarcasm), using humor to reduce negative affect,
expressiveness/general humor (e.g., banter, joking, or happiness to lighten moods),
laughing, using funny props, and seeking others who are known to be funny.
In summary, there are a variety of approaches to classifying the types of humor
enacted in classrooms. The research reported here clearly demonstrates the multi-
dimensional nature of instructional humor, and further, suggests that the relationship
between instructional humor and educational cannot be understood without taking
into account the type of humor used, particularly regarding appropriateness and
offensiveness. In the next section, research from the source perspective will continue
to be reviewed, this time with an emphasis on individual differences in instructional
humor use.
Individual Differences in Instructional Humor
In addition to the many types of humor in the classroom, research from the source
perspective has also examined individual differences in instructional humor. This
section reviews scholarship that has examined the individual differences of sex,
teaching experience and acclaim, humor orientation, immediacy, and culture.
Sex
In the classroom, men generally tell more jokes than women and do so more
frequently, but male and female instructors may also be using humor to serve
different functions (Bryant et al., 1979; Sev’er & Ungar, 1997). In a study of instructor
sex and humor functions, Sev’er and Ungar found that men used humor to enliven
and entertain their classes, whereas women either avoided humor or used it to gain
control of classroom disruption. Darling and Civikly (1987) found that students were
more defensive when male teachers used nontendentious humor as compared to
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female teachers, but students were more defensive when female instructors used
tendentious humor as compared to male teachers. Male and female instructors also
may be using different types of humor in the classroom. In their analysis of lectures
given by 70 different instructors, Bryant et al. (found that male professors told more
jokes and stories, whereas female professors used more spontaneous humor. They
also reported that the humor used by female professors was more relevant to the
educational message than those of male professors, and Bryant et al. also noted that
the male professors in their sample used more self-disparaging humor than the
female professors. It is noteworthy that although the sex differences reported in these
studies were statistically significant, the effect sizes were small. The inconsistent
findings and small effect sizes regarding sex and humor echo the conclusions of
Canary and Hause’s (1993) meta-analyses on sex differences in communication. In
their paper, Canary and Hause argued that reliance on sex role stereotypes,
polarization of sexes, invalidity of measures of gender, and the absence of viable
theory all contribute to the conflicting results and small effects in sex research
regarding communication.
Instructor Experience and Acclaim
In addition to traits like biological sex, research from the source perspective has also
examined characteristics of instructors, including teaching experience and whether
they had won teaching awards. First, scholars have found that teachers with more
experience tend to use more instructional humor than those with less experience.
Javidi and Long’s (1989) naturalistic study of 40 different college classes revealed large
differences between experienced professors, who used 6.50 instances of humor per
50minute class, and inexperienced graduate students, who used 1.60 humorous
messages per class. This may not only be a function of experience but also status
because lower-status individuals often have less freedom to use humor (Sev’er &
Ungar, 1997). In addition to using more humor, experienced teachers also related
humor to the course significantly more than less-experienced teachers (Javidi &
Long, 1989).
Second, the characteristic of the instructor that is noteworthy concerns the humor
production of award-winning, compared to nonaward winning teachers. There is
some discrepancy with the amount of humor used by award-winning teachers
compared to those without teaching awards, as Javidi et al. (1988) found that award-
winning teachers attempted more humor than nonaward winning teachers and
Downs et al. (1988) reported the opposite pattern. However, both studies revealed
that award-winning teachers were careful not to attempt too much humor in the
classroom. Furthermore, award-winning teachers used significantly more humor that
was relevant to the course material, and their humor was used for the purpose of
clarifying course content more than nonaward winning teachers (Downs et al., 1988;
Javidi et al., 1988). These findings support the notion that it is not simply the use of
humor, but how humor is used, that determines its effectiveness in the classroom.
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Humor Orientation
When considering how humor is used, researchers have found that some people have a
predisposition to be funny, known as humor orientation (S. Booth-Butterfield &
Booth-Butterfield, 1991). Humor orientation is considered to be a communication-
based personality trait wherein those high in humor orientation have a predisposition
to enact humorous messages and perceive themselves as successfully funny across many
different situations (M. Booth-Butterfield et al., 2007; S. Booth-Butterfield & Booth-
Butterfield, 1991; Wanzer, Booth-Butterfield, & Booth-Butterfield, 1995). Humor
orientation is about the ability to produce humorous messages, not the ability to
appreciate humor. High-humor oriented instructors are thought to have a more
developed and complex schema of humor and hence, they have a wider repertoire
of humorous communication behaviors to enact. Wanzer et al. (2010) found that high-
humor orientation professors used significantly more humor than professors low in
humor orientation. Additionally, Wanzer et al. found that more humorous professors
used more varied types of humor, including more offensive, other-disparaging, self-
disparaging, relevant, and irrelevant humor than less funny professors. These findings
are similar to those of Frymier et al. (2008), who found that perceived instructor humor
orientation was positively correlated with many different inappropriate humor
behaviors. It may be the case that instructors high in humor orientation may be able
to use inappropriate humor in the classroom without offending students because they
are more skilled or because they are better able to establish a joking friendliness with
their students (Frymier et al., 2008; Wanzer et al., 2010).
Humor orientation should assist instructors in relating to students better. Indeed,
Aylor and Opplinger (2003) reported that humor orientation, and its ability to reduce
psychological distance, also related to studentteacher interactions outside of the
classroom. In their study, students who perceived their instructors as high in humor
orientation were more likely to initiate, and be satisfied with, out-of-class commu-
nication with their instructor. Further, students were more likely to discuss their
personal problems with their high-humor oriented instructors, which students
reported helped foster meaningful teacherstudent interpersonal relationships. The
ability of humor to potentially create closeness between students and teachers relates
to immediacy, which is addressed next.
Immediacy
The term immediacy refers to messages that convey warmth, closeness, and
involvement among interactants (Mehrabian, 1971). The purpose of immediacy is
to create a more positive interaction between sender and receiver by signaling
approach and availability, inducing positive psychological arousal, and conveying
interpersonal closeness (J.F. Andersen, Norton, & Nussbaum, 1981; P.A. Andersen &
J.F. Andersen, 2005). Rubin and Martin (1994) described immediacy as a person’s
ability to show the individuals around them that they are open for communication,
both verbally and nonverbally.
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Instructional communication scholars have criticized the immediacy research (e.g.,
Hess, Smythe, & Communication 451, 2001; Smythe & Hess, 2005). One of the
problems with immediacy research is that despite Kearney’s (1994) contention that
the items from Richmond, Gorham, and McCroskey’s (1987) Nonverbal Immediacy
Measure (NIM) form a single factor, other researchers (e.g., Hess et al., 2001; Neuliep,
1995) have found the NIM to be multidimensional and strongly related to a number
of other communication concepts. Similarly, Wanzer and Frymier (1999) found that
perceptions of instructor humor orientation were related strongly and positively to
perceptions of nonverbal immediacy. This is not surprising, given that many of the
behaviors instructors enact when they are being humorous (e.g., smiling, vocal
variety, gestures, and facial expressiveness) are also immediacy behaviors.
Given these issues, the relationship between humor and immediacy is complex and
is not always easily defined from a source or receiver perspective. Although some
research has treated humor as an example of teacher immediacy, and humor is often
thought to increase students’perceptions of teacher immediacy (Javidi et al., 1988),
the link between immediacy and humor is likely bi-directional, in that humor
increases perceptions of immediacy but immediacy also influences how humor use is
perceived. The immediacy of an instructor can play a role in how the effectiveness of
humor is perceived; especially when the type of humor used is taken into account.
Teacher nonverbal immediacy, along with their humor orientation and verbal
aggressiveness, all play a role in student perceptions of appropriateness of humor
(Frymier et al., 2008). For teachers who are not very immediate, the use of humor is
most productive when it is focused on the content being taught. Personal stories,
especially when they are not being used as teaching tools, will eventually be seen as
digressions rather than effective teaching, especially for nonimmediate teachers
(Gorham & Christophel, 1990; Grisaffee, Blom, & Burke, 2003). Further, Gorham
and Christophel found that low immediacy instructors used more tendentious
humor than teachers perceived as moderate or high in immediacy. For immediate
teachers, however, inappropriate humor can be even more disruptive than for
nonimmediate teachers. Negative or hostile humor can be seen as contrary to the
warm and open style of immediate instructors, and because they have worked so hard
to build a positive rapport with the students, negative humor is seen as a
transgression that is worse for them than for teachers who are perceived as more
distant in general (Gorham & Christophel, 1990). The relationship between humor
and immediacy is further complicated by culture, which is the next variable
considered.
Culture
Teslow (1995) noted that, ‘‘styles of humor are culture-dependent’’ (p. 8). Since many
studies of humor in the classroom have been limited to United States classrooms, the
findings may not apply to nonwestern cultures. Researchers have argued that some of
the most substantial differences between cultures are in the content of humor and
perception of what is considered funny (Guegan-Fisher, 1975; Ziv, 1988). In a study
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of humor orientation and classroom communication apprehension in Chinese
college classrooms, instructor’s humor orientation exacerbated student communica-
tion apprehension rather than reduced it (Zhang, 2005). Zhang explained that humor
often identifies individuals and highlights deviations from group norms, which
collectivist cultures may find stressful. In addition, instructional humor may make
the classroom less formal, which Chinese students find inappropriate given the
hierarchical nature of the instructorstudent relationship in Chinese culture.
Effects of Instructional Humor
In the previous sections of this paper, the research reviewed indicated that humorous
communication behaviors occur with varying levels of frequency in the classroom,
and are used for several different reasons. In the following section, research from a
receiver perspective is reviewed that examines the effects of instructional humor,
including: perceptions of instructors, classroom environment, and student learning.
Instructor Evaluations
Instructor evaluations are an important source of student feedback, as well as a
pragmatic concern for faculty tenure and promotion. As humor is generally
considered to be a positive form of communication used to create affinity between
people (Bell & Daly, 1984; S. Booth-Butterfield & Booth-Butterfield, 1991; Frymier &
Thompson, 1992), instructor evaluations should be related positively with humor
use. Consistent with this idea, the use of positive and appropriate humor has
generally been correlated positively with student evaluations of instructors (Bryant,
Comisky, Crane, & Zillmann, 1980; Gorham & Christophel, 1990; Tamborini &
Zillmann, 1981; Wanzer & Frymier, 1999). For example, Bryant et al. found that
instructors who told more funny stories and jokes during class received better overall
evaluations, and also were rated as having better delivery and being more effective.
The popularity of teachers with a good sense of humor may be partly explained by
student expectations. Although surveys of students have found that a sense of humor
is consistently rated as one of the most desirable qualities of a successful instructor
(Check, 1986; Fortson & Brown, 1998; Powell & Andersen, 1985), Frymier and Weser
(2001) found that students do not necessarily expect instructional humor. Perhaps
instructors who incorporate appropriate humor into their classrooms positively
violate expectations of their students (Burgoon & Hale, 1988), leading to more
positive overall teaching evaluations.
It is important to note that inappropriate and/or aggressive humor may harm
student perceptions of an instructor. Gorham and Christophel (1990) found the
amount of negative or aggressive instructional humor was related inversely to
instructor evaluations. More recently Torok et al. (2004) surveyed 124 under-
graduates and found that instructors’overuse of offensive humor and sarcasm were
related negatively to students’evaluations of faculty.
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Classroom Environment
Elements of emotional response theory (Mottet, Frymier, & Bebee, 2006) and the
IHPT (Wanzer et al., 2010) predict that appropriate humor promotes positive affect,
which should translate into a more pleasant educational setting. Consistent with
these theories, researchers have found appropriate instructional humor to be related
positively to an enjoyable learning environment (Bergin, 1999; Downs et al., 1988;
Gilliland & Mauritsen, 1971; Kushner, 1988; Neuliep, 1991; Torok et al., 2004; Ziv,
1979). The positive affect generated through humor may improve the classroom
environment by helping to relieve tension and student anxiety. Teslow (1995) noted
that, ‘‘humor has long been recognized as a beneficial strategy in education as a
tension reliever’’ (p. 9). The use of instructional humor to relieve tension may
especially useful for teaching topics that are generally perceived by students to be
anxiety-provoking (Adams, 1974; Berk, 1996; Kher et al., 1999). Scholars have argued
that when teachers can demonstrate that mistakes are natural and acceptable by
laughing at their own errors, students may feel less anxious and more comfortable
communicating and taking more risks in the pursuit of learning (Bryant & Zillmann,
1989; Cornett, 1986; Hill, 1988).
Again, when considering the effects of humor, appropriateness needs to be taken
into account. Aggressive, negative humor has been shown to create an uncomfortable
learning environment (Darling & Civikly, 1987; Harris, 1989; Saroglou & Scariot,
2002; Torok et al., 2004). Gorham and Christophel (1990) found that students are
particularly aware of aggressive humor use, and they reported instructors’
tendentious humor use was related negatively to students’motivation to learn and
students’liking for the area of study. Similarly, Stuart and Rosenfeld (1994) reported
that hostile or negative instructor humor use was related negatively to perceptions of
a friendly classroom environment and related positively to student defensiveness.
Credibility
Humor is, by definition, nonserious on some level (Martin, 2007; Provine, 2000), and
one potential concern about instructional humor is its effect on credibility.
Appropriate instructional humor may increase liking and make a classroom fun,
but does it detract from an instructor’s credibility? Provine argued that historically
leaders have been hesitant to display humor with their subordinates because they do
not want to undermine their credibility. Instructional communication scholars have
addressed the relationship between humor and credibility.
Consistent with Aristotle’s conceptualization, Teven and McCroskey (1997),
identified credibility as a combination of three factors: expertise (i.e., the knowledge
or authoritativeness of the source and the ability to competently make correct
assertions); trustworthiness (i.e., the ability to convey information sincerely); and
goodwill (i.e., whether the source has recipient’s best interest in mind). Generally,
researchers have found instructor credibility to be related positively with appropriate
instructional humor use (Frymier & Thompson, 1992; Frymier et al., 2008; Gorham
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& Christophel, 1990; Gruner, 1967; Kaupins, 1991; Korobkin, 1988; Torok et al., 2004;
Wrench & Punyanunt-Carter, 2005; Wrench & Richmond, 2004). For example,
Wanzer and Frymier (1999) found that instructors high in humor orientation were
perceived as more competent than those low in humor orientation, and Frymier and
Thompson found positive correlations between facilitating enjoyment and percep-
tions of teacher competence and character. In an experimental study of humor use in
CD-ROM texts, Houser, Cowan, and West (2007) found that humor significantly
increased perceptions of instructor credibility, specifically perceptions of sociability,
extroversion, composure and character. However, their humor manipulation did not
increase perceptions of instructor competence. Similarly, Conkell et al. (1999) found
that lectures using humor enhanced fitness instructors’likability, but humor use did
not have an effect on the perceived expertise of the instructors.
Scholars have also suggested that inappropriate humor can negatively affect
credibility. Gruner (1967) observed that a balance between humor and instruction
must be maintained to avoid the perception that an instructor is ‘‘clownish’’ (p. 232).
Zillmann (1977), Bruschke and Gartner (1991), and Gorham and Christophel (1990)
also warned that too much humor could diminish teacher credibility. In addition to
overusing humor, negative and/or aggressive humor, especially humor disparaging
students, can harm instructor credibility, especially trust and goodwill (Berk, 1996;
Torok et al., 2004; Wanzer et al. 2006).
Learning
Instructional humor that is appropriate and positive may be an effective tool at
increasing teacher evaluations and helping create a positive classroom environment,
however, as Wanzer et al. (2010) noted, ‘‘many would argue that the most important
reason is to enhance learning’’ (p. 2). Robinson (1983) argued that what is ‘‘learned
with laughter is learned well’’ (p. 121), and there is a wealth of anecdotal accounts in
support of Robinson’s belief (e.g., Brown, 1995; Dodge & Rossett, 1982; Fitzsimmons
& McKenzie, 2003; Garner, 2006; Gilliland & Mauritsen, 1971; Hall, 1969; Scott,
1976; Warnock, 1989). However, the empirical evidence for the effects of humor on
learning is considerably more mixed, with some scholars finding that humor
enhances learning (e.g., Chapman & Crompton, 1978; Davies & Apter, 1980;
Gorham, 1988; Hauck & Thomas, 1972; Hays, 1970, Kaplan & Pascoe, 1977; Kelley &
Gorham, 1988; Sanders & Wiseman, 1990; Wanzer & Frymier, 1999; Vance, 1987;
Ziv, 1988) and others finding no relationship between learning from humor (e.g.,
Gruner, 1967; Houser et al., 2007; Kilpela, 1961; Markiewicz, 1972; Taylor, 1964;
Youngman, 1966). The purpose of this section is to review key studies examining
instructional humor and learning, focusing on variables theoretically linked with
learning, as well as the methodological discrepancies that may account for the
equivocal nature of the research findings. First, the relationship between humor and
attention is reviewed.
There has been a substantial amount of empirical support for humor’s ability to
attract and maintain attention. Many of the early studies examined the effects of
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educational television programming on the attention of young children. For example,
Wakshlag, Day, and Zillmann (1981) reported that first- and second-grade children
overwhelmingly preferred educational programs containing humor to programs
without humor, particularly when the humor was fast-paced. Additionally, Zillmann,
Williams, Bryant, Boynton, and Wolf (1980) found that humor was a useful device
for attracting the attention of young children, and they suggested that educators
employ frequent short bursts of humor to attract and maintain interest.
Despite the fact that humor is an effective means of gaining attention, empirical
evidence is less favorable regarding the positive effects of humor on information
acquisition and retention. There have been numerous studies that have found no
improvement of learning with humor (e.g., Gruner, 1967; Kennedy, 1972;
Markiewicz, 1972; Taylor, 1964; Youngman, 1966). For example, Bryant, Brown,
Silberberg, and Elliott (1981) found that humorous visual illustrations did not
increase information acquisition. Furthermore, some studies of educational television
programming have found humor to actually harm the ability of children to
understand material (Weaver, Zillmann, & Bryant, 1988; Zillmann et al., 1984). In
these studies, children ranging in grade levels from kindergarten to fourth grade
confused humorous distortions (e.g., irony and comical exaggeration) with factual
information (Bryant & Zillmann, 1989). Interestingly, even when teachers added
information in an attempt to correct the humorous distortions of information, tests
of recall and retention revealed that the children remembered the humor and not the
corrections. More recently, Houser et al. (2007) conducted an experiment examining
the effects of nonverbal immediacy and instructional humor on perceptions of
instructor credibility, student motivation, and student learning. The study manipu-
lated nonverbal immediacy and humor in an instructional CD-ROM text. Houser
et al. found that humor significantly increased perceptions of instructor credibility
and student motivation, but there were no effects for humor on information recall.
Although the studies discussed above found that humor did not improve learning,
other studies reported the opposite findings (Chapman & Crompton, 1978; Gorham,
1988; Hauck & Thomas, 1972; Hays, 1970, Kaplan & Pascoe, 1977; Kelley & Gorham,
1988; Sanders & Wiseman, 1990; Vance, 1987). For example, Kaplan and Pascoe
argued that humor needs to be relevant to the instructional material to increase
learning. They conducted an experiment where college students either received a
lecture with relevant humor or a lecture without humor. The results indicated that
humor improved learning of the lecture material up to six weeks after the lecture.
Kaplan and Pascoe concluded that humor is most effective for learning when it is
relevant to the academic material of interest. They posited that their results ‘‘can
account for the inability of earlier research to demonstrate an effect of humor upon
learning. The use of humor significantly increases recall for only those items based on
humorous examples’’ (Kaplan & Pascoe, 1977, p. 65).
The conflicting findings regarding the effects of humorous communication on
information acquisition and recall make it difficult to form unequivocal conclusions
regarding the relationship between humor and learning. However, scholars have
criticized several methodological shortcomings of previous research that may account
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for the frequent failure to detect humor’s positive influence on learning (Berk, 1996;
Gorham & Christophel, 1990; Teslow, 1995; Wanzer & Frymier, 1999; Ziv, 1988).
First, Ziv argued that many of the studies that failed to find a positive relationship
between humor and learning were very short in duration. Ziv reviewed 18
experimental studies examining humor and learning and found that only four
experiments lasted an hour or more. Ziv also reported that 12 of the studies lasted
approximately 10 minutes, including all seven studies that found no relationship
between humor and learning. Ziv argued that short studies lack ecological validity
because class sessions are much longer and continue throughout a semester.
Furthermore, the short duration is problematic in light of the theoretical mechanisms
proposed to account for humor’s ability to improve learning, many of which are
based on long-term processes. Ten minutes is probably not enough time to form an
association between learning and enjoyment that will motivate a student to try harder
to learn, nor is it likely to be enough time to elaborate on material and store that
information in long-term memory. The short duration of the Houser et al. (2007)
humor manipulation is consistent with Ziv’s analysis. Students in their study were
only able to view the humorous instructor once, and Houser et al. noted that their
results for learning may be a product of the lack of naturalness associated with their
manipulation.
Second, both studies by Gorham and Christophel (1990) and by Wanzer and
Frymier (1999) criticized previous research for failing to control for how humor was
used in studies of learning. They argued that retention rates are likely to differ based
on a number of different factors, including: the type of humor (e.g., cartoons versus
funny anecdotes), the point when the humor is integrated into the lecture (e.g.,
during essential points versus randomly throughout), and whether or not the humor
was relevant to the educational material of interest. Ziv (1988) argued that using
humor irrelevant to the purpose of the lesson should not improve learning, and in
fact, may inhibit information acquisition because the humor will be remembered
better than the academic material. Furthermore, virtually none of the studies of
humor actually conduct manipulation checks to see if the receivers perceived the
humor inductions were funny (Wanzer & Frymier; Ziv).
Third, previous research has used disparate experimental methods which may
account for discrepant findings. For example, studies have introduced humor
through instructor lectures (e.g., Gibb, 1964; Kaplan & Pascoe, 1977), cartoons (e.g.,
Curran, 1972), audiotapes (e.g., Gruner, 1967; Kennedy, 1972; Kilpela, 1961; Taylor,
1964), and other means. The different methods of incorporating humor make it
difficult to draw conclusions about how humor affects learning. Furthermore, the
methods are not just diverse; many of them have ecological validity in terms of
humor that would be actually be used in a classroom (Ziv, 1988).
In addition to criticizing previous research, Ziv (1988) and Wanzer and Frymier
(1999) each conducted studies that provided compelling evidence for humor’s ability
to enhance learning. Wanzer and Frymier conducted a self-report study with
314 undergraduate students that examined how student perceptions of teachers’
humor orientation were related to student perceptions of learning. Wanzer and
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Frymier found that students’perceptions of teacher humor orientation were
positively related to students’perceptions of effective learning and learning behaviors.
Ziv (1988) provided further evidence that humor can improve learning. He
conducted two naturalistic experiments examining the effects of humor use in
lectures on student performance. In the first experiment, Ziv randomly assigned two
groups of students enrolled in a statistics course to a humor or no-humor groups.
Both groups were instructed by the same professor, who was trained to use humor in
the lectures according to Ziv’s protocol. The humor was relevant to the lessons,
delivered in the optimum dosage (see Ziv, 1981) of three to four jokes per lesson, and
test items were constructed to pertain to the humorously presented concepts. Further,
jokes were presented in a particular sequence: first, the concept was taught; second,
the concept was illustrated with a joke; third, and after the laughter subsided, the
professor paraphrased the concept. Ziv found the humor group outperformed the
nonhumor group by approximately 10% on the final exam. He replicated his findings
using a different professor, a different subject (psychology), and with different
students the following semester.
Humor in educational testing. In addition to presenting humorous material in
lectures to facilitate learning, scholars have also examined how humor incorporated
into exams influences test scores. Scholars have suggested that incorporating humor
into exam items may reduce the discomfort and anxiety experienced during testing
situations, thereby improving performance (McMorris, Boothroyd, & Pietrangelo,
1997). There have been several experiments conducted investigating the effects of
tests containing humor on anxiety and test performance (e.g., Blank, Tweedale,
Cappelli, & Ryback, 1983; Brown & Itzig, 1976; Deffenbacher, Deitz, & Hazaleus,
1981; McMorris, Urbach, & Connor, 1985). The experiments involved randomly
assigning participants to receive either a humorous or nonhumorous version of the
same, typically multiple choice, test. The humor manipulation consisted of creating
either funny question wording or comical response options.
The results of the research examining the effects of humorous test items on test
performance have generally failed to demonstrate the effectiveness of humor in
testing. McMorris et al. (1997) conducted a review of 11 studies examining
humorous test items and test scores and concluded, ‘‘there was apparently only
one statistically significant, defensible, and interpretable main effect for performance
attributed to including humor on a test. That main effect was found for one test used
in one study, and the humorous treatment was inferior’’ (p. 285). Although the lack
of main effects is problematic for scholars advocating for the effectiveness of
including humor on a test, the majority of research regarding humor in instructional
testing hypothesized that trait anxiety moderates the effects of humor on test
performance. Specifically, test humor was predicted to be most effective at increasing
exam scores for highly anxious students and least effective for students with low trait
anxiety (e.g., Smith, Ascough, Ettinger, & Nelson, 1971; Townsend & Mahoney, 1981;
Townsend, Mahoney, & Allen, 1983). However, the results generally failed to support
the predicted interaction. Only one study from McMorris et al.’s review reported a
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significant interaction in the predicted direction, where highly anxious students
performed better on a test that included humor than students low on anxiety (Smith
et al.).
Conversely, several studies found statistically significant interactions in the
opposite direction, where highly anxious students performed better on the
nonhumorous tests than students low on trait anxiety scored on the humorous tests
(Blank et al., 1983; Brown & Itzig, 1976; Townsend & Mahoney, 1981). Several other
studies failed to find any significant interactions at all for humor and anxiety on test
scores (Deffenbacher et al., 1981; J.J. Hedl, Hedl, & Weaver, 1981; McMorris et al.,
1985). McMorris et al. (1997) summarized the research findings of the effects of
humor on test performance as follows, ‘‘we found insufficient and inconsistent main
effects and interactions to provide empirical support for using humor to raise scores’’
(p. 295).
In summary, although the research findings assessing the effects of humor on
learning have been mixed, there is some convincing evidence that using humor can
improve learning. The issue is how to use instructional humor effectively, which
according to Bryant and Zillmann (1989), ‘‘depends on employing the right type of
humor, under the proper conditions, at the right time, and with proper motivated
and receptive students’’ (p. 74). Clearly, using competent instructional humor is
complex and depends on a number of factors. In the next section, advice for
educators is provided to guide them in using instructional humor effectively.
Advice for Educators
Although the literature on humor and education is expansive, complex, and
occasionally conflicting, the empirical research reviewed here suggests a few strategies
for maximizing the positive effects of instructional humor. First, educators should
use the humor that they are comfortable with. Humor is not a necessary requirement
for effective instructional communication, and the literature on humor orientation
suggests that the teaching style of the instructor should be consistent with his or her
individual humor orientation (Wanzer & Frymier, 1999). If an instructor is low in
humor orientation or comes from a culture that discourages humor use in the
classroom (Zhang, 2005), they may find it difficult to use humor in the classroom
and that is perfectly acceptable. Not everyone is funny, and Ziv (1988) commented
that there are few things worse than an unfunny person trying to be humorous.
However, in order for instructors low in humor orientation to benefit from the
positive aspects of humor, they might consider incorporating a humorous video clip,
or adding a cartoon to their slides can inject humor but make the burden of
spontaneous humor less cumbersome.
Second, extant research indicates that the only appropriate humor is related with
positive perceptions of the instructor and the learning environment. To build feelings
of warmth and closeness with students, instructors should avoid negative or hostile
humor, especially humor that isolates students from the teacher and class, or
disparages students for their ignorance, inappropriate behaviors, or failure to grasp
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lecture material. These types of humor, although they may be effective behavioral
deterrents in some cases, are highly likely to create a climate of fear, anxiety, and even
hostility in the classroom. Instead, teachers should utilize humor that laughs with
students rather than at them.
Third, instructors need to make sure that their humor is appropriate for their
audience, thus, audience’s age and the context of humor have to be considered.
Regarding age, instructors need to be particularly careful about confusing younger
children with humor. Younger children may fail to understand irony, exaggerations,
or distortions common to humor, and hence, they may inadvertently learn incorrect
or inaccurate information. With older students, relevant humor should be utilized.
With all age groups, the context of education needs to be of primary importance.
Racist, sexist, or sexual humor may work in a comedy club, but it is inappropriate in
an educational context. Additionally, nonstop humor is expected from comedians,
but too much humor can harm the credibility of the instructor (Bruschke & Gartner,
1991; Gorham & Christophel, 1990). Ziv’s (1981, 1988) research indicates
approximately four jokes per class is optimal.
Related to appropriateness, it is important to recall that humor has both a cognitive
and an affective element and applying IHPT (Wanzer et al., 2010), if students do not
understand an instructor’s humor, they will be unable to process it. For this reason,
references to humorous scenes from older television programs or films may be funny
to an instructor but will confuse rather than amuse students. Additionally, political
humor may not work in a classroom unless students are especially politically aware.
Our advice is to incorporate relevant humorous anecdotes or show a media clip rather
than describe it. As a specific example, let us imagine an instructor is teaching how
nonverbal communication is more trusted than verbal communication, especially
when they are incongruent. An instructor may humorously relate an anecdote about
how a communicatively challenged boyfriend asks his girlfriend if it is okay if he
cancels their dinner plays to go play poker with his buddies. She crosses her arms and
coldly replies, ‘‘Do whatever you want. I don’t care.’’ The boyfriend then replies,
‘‘Great!’’ and leaves. Even though he was told that she does not care, the body language
indicates something else entirely. If instructors are not comfortable telling an anecdote
similar to this one, they could incorporate humor by showing a media clip. For
example, in Season 15, episode 12 of The Simpsons, Bart and Lisa are having an
argument, and Bart is not picking up on Lisa’s negative nonverbal communication.
Homer tells Bart, ‘‘When a woman says nothing’s wrong, that means everything’s
wrong. And when a woman says everything’s wrong, that means everything’s wrong.
And when a woman says something’s not funny, you’d better not laugh your ass off.’’
Fourth, if the goal of instructional humor is to increase learning and retention of
course material and not merely to lighten the mood, specific steps should be
followed. The instructional humor should illustrate a concept that has just been
taught, and instructors should then paraphrase the material again after the laughter
subsides (Ziv, 1988). Using humor in this manner has two theoretical advantages for
learning. One is humor’s ability to enhance recall of concept material. Learning
requires information to be remembered. The second is humor’s ability to heighten
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attention and interest. Paraphrasing the concept again after the humor reinforces the
information and enhances learning. When these steps are used in conjunction with
exams that test the humorous concept material, scores should increase.
Conclusion
Research Summary
In evaluating over 40 years of research on humor and education, general conclusions
about the effects of instructional humor as well as directions for future research can
be reached. The use of humor is a prevalent communication behavior in pedagogical
settings and serves different purposes. The clearest findings regarding humor and
education concern the use of humor to create learning environment. The use of
positive, nonaggressive humor has been associated with a more interesting and
relaxed learning environment, higher instructor evaluations, greater perceived
motivation to learn, and enjoyment of the course. Conversely, the use of negative
or aggressive humor aimed at students has been associated with many of the opposite
outcomes, including a more anxious and uncomfortable learning environment, lower
evaluations of instructors, increased student distraction and less enjoyment of class.
Although the research assessing the impact of humor on actual learning is rather
mixed, there is substantial empirical evidence that humor can enhance recall and aid
learning. Correlational research has found that instructors’humor orientation is
associated positively with student perceptions of affective learning and learning
behaviors, especially for students with high humor orientation (Wanzer & Frymier,
1999). Laboratory experiments (e.g., Schmidt, 2002) have repeatedly demonstrated
that, when context is held constant, humorous information is recalled more easily
than nonhumorous information. Additionally, naturalistic experiments revealed that
humor-treatments increased test scores compared to no-humor controls (Ziv, 1988).
Future Directions
In addition to compiling research findings from over four decades of research, the
present review suggests several directions for future research on humor and education.
There is an overall need for more systematic research examining the effects of humor
on specific educational outcomes and replicating findings from previous research.
Studies that examine instructors’self-reports of humor use have provided a starting
point for research on humor in the classroom, but there is a dire need for more
naturalistic research, both descriptive and experimental. For example, the work of
Bryant et al. (1979) and Javidi and colleagues (e.g., Downs et al., 1988; Javidi et al.,
1988; Javidi & Long, 1989), in which instructor lectures were unobtrusively recorded,
provided a rare glimpse into how instructors use humor naturalistically. However,
those studies are more than two decades old. Current research needs to investigate
how humor use has changed in educational settings since then. Naturalistic
experimental research on humor in educational settings is even less prevalent. The
experimental work of Ziv (1988) on the effects of humor lectures on learning is a
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groundbreaking effort, but similar research is needed to provide objective empirical
evidence for how humor influences learning in the classroom.
In terms of specific areas for future research, there is a need to examine if humor can
be successfully taught to teachers. Although Wanzer and Frymier (1999) suggested
that instruction in humor could be added to teacher training to help instructors
become more immediate, the research on the humor orientation seems to suggest that
humor comes more naturally to some instructors and does not come naturally to
others. M. Booth-Butterfield and Wanzer (2010) argued that although training is
unlikely to change instructors’humor orientation from low to high, as with several
other communication skills, humorous communication behaviors can be improved
with training and practice. This is an important issue in need of systematic research.
Another area of scholarship that needs further investigation is how instructional
humor interacts with culture. American classrooms at all levels of education continue
to be more diverse, and the influence of humor on different cultures and subcultures is
not well understood. Zhang (2005) demonstrated that humor may be an inappropri-
ate in cultures that value a highly formal educational style. Normative expectations of
other cultures regarding humor and education should be studied as well.
Researchers interested in studying instructional humor may also consider
investigating the role of technology in humor. As online classes and interactive
options increase, there are new opportunities and challenges for integrating humor
into instruction, and more investigations similar to Houser et al. (2007) are needed.
Students with a high humor orientation may prefer humor in their instruction, and
new technologies could facilitate a more individualized educational experience.
Future research is needed to examine the interaction of humor and technology on
instructional outcomes.
Finally, there is a need for more theoretical development regarding instructional
humor. Wanzer et al.’s (2010) IHPT is a significant contribution in this area, but
rigorous experimental research is needed to test and advance the theory. In addition,
more theoretical work is needed on how humor affects creative thinking in the
classroom. Another area that is understudied and theorized concerns the negative
effects of humor. Also, theoretical development is needed to show the ways in which
humor helps make information more understandable.
Notes
[1] When conducting a large-scale review, the issue of exhaustiveness naturally arises. It should
be made clear that this review is an attempt to synthesize the key findings from over 40 years
of research rather than provide a summary of every study ever published concerning humor
and education. Page limits prohibit an exhaustive review.
[2] The three main theories discussed here have several different labels. Superiority theory is also
known as aggression, disparagement, and degradation theory. Incongruity theory is
sometimes labeled incongruity resolution theory when the resolution element is emphasized.
Arousal theory is sometimes referred to as arousal relief.
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