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Political Communication on Arab World Television: Evolving Patterns
Political Communication
Abstract
This article identifies political communication patterns taking shape on Arab world television. Three distinct patterns of political communication are described. In the traditional government-controlled television pattern, official government policies seem to inspire the form and substance of TV's framing of events and issues. In the reformist government-controlled television pattern, while official stands set the parameters of news coverage, professional newswork practices unfamiliar in traditional government-controlled television are well noted. In the liberal commercial pattern, American-style journalism seems to define television's handling of events and issues. To shed light on these patterns, the writer conducts a supplementary analysis of how three television broadcasters representing the three political communication patterns - Syrian Satellite Channel (SSC), Abu Dhabi Satellite Channel (ADSC), and Al-Jazeera Satellite Channel (JSC) - frame national and regional politics in their news programs.
... We selected the Arab world as our case study subject specifically because the mapping of Arabs' ties on social media will contribute not only to the wider online transnational public sphere debate, but also to the specific ongoing debate regarding an emergent unitary Arab public sphere (e.g., Ref. [8][9][10][11][12] [8][9][10][11][12]. The scholarly debate regarding the emergent Arab public sphere increased with the birth of Al-Jazeera in 1996 [8,10] and later focused on online Arab political discourse [11,13]. ...
... We selected the Arab world as our case study subject specifically because the mapping of Arabs' ties on social media will contribute not only to the wider online transnational public sphere debate, but also to the specific ongoing debate regarding an emergent unitary Arab public sphere (e.g., Ref. [8][9][10][11][12] [8][9][10][11][12]. The scholarly debate regarding the emergent Arab public sphere increased with the birth of Al-Jazeera in 1996 [8,10] and later focused on online Arab political discourse [11,13]. ...
... We selected the Arab world as our case study subject specifically because the mapping of Arabs' ties on social media will contribute not only to the wider online transnational public sphere debate, but also to the specific ongoing debate regarding an emergent unitary Arab public sphere (e.g., Ref. [8][9][10][11][12] [8][9][10][11][12]. The scholarly debate regarding the emergent Arab public sphere increased with the birth of Al-Jazeera in 1996 [8,10] and later focused on online Arab political discourse [11,13]. The advent of online social networks in the last decade has drawn much attention towards this important realm (e.g., Ref. [6,14]. ...
To understand the interplay between geography and online social networks, this paper maps the Arab public sphere on online networks. We analyzed publicly available Twitter data of a large sample of Arab Twitter members (N = 1,500,000). We focused on the influence of two geographic factors – distance between individuals and air travel frequency – as well as the influence of the language of the followers of Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya Twitter accounts on the formation of transnational social ties among Arabs. Distance between individuals and language differences significantly predicted Arabs' social ties. Frequency of airline flights between nations and being a regional television follower strongly predicted social ties as well. From the geographical perspective, then, the findings challenge the online Arab public sphere notion as well as wider theories of space-time compression in the global era. Similarly, the analysis highlights the distinct English and Arabic realms. In contrast, the findings illustrate the important role that regional media plays in promoting an Arab public sphere. Combined, the findings elaborately portray the narrow boundaries of the Arab public sphere on Twitter and illustrates that the fragmented Arab world's offline structure is reflected on Twitter.
... The first is theoretical, with a focus on conceptualising Arab media discourse, while the second is empirical and focuses on examining Arab media outlets' outputs. With regard to the first trend, a growing number of studies have conceptualised Arab media discourse as a trend within a specific cultural, social and geopolitical setting (Ayish, 2002;Douai, 2019;Pintak, 2010;Rugh, 2004Rugh, , 2007Thussu, 2006). For example, in his study of changes to Arab media discourse on the advent of new technologies, Douai (2019) explained that the emergence of social media platforms had created a "post-truth" era in which "the networking affordances of digital and social media platforms" are challenging traditional mainstream media flow (p. ...
... 131). Ayish (2002), however, discussed the political communication patterns connected to the historical development of television broadcasting in the Arab world, noting three main types: traditional government-controlled television with strict editorial norms which is treated as a mouthpiece for regional and international government policies; reformist government-controlled television, which is more liberal version than the previous version in that media organisations are given restricted freedom to cover regional and international events; and liberal commercial patterns, which adopt western-media norms in their coverage based on critical and pluralistic views of society. To some degree, Al Jazeera is an excellent example of this model. ...
In this study, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was utilised to examine the Al Jazeera Arabic news website with respect to its reports on the social actors in the Yemen war, particularly the KSA, UAE, Egypt and Bahrain coalition and the opposing Houthis, both before and after the Gulf crisis that occurred on 5 June 2017. The analysed data included a total of 32 news articles related to the war in Yemen, with 16 articles covering the period prior to the Crisis, from 2015 to 2017, and 16 covering the period following the onset of the crisis, from 2017 to 2019. The overall aim was to uncover the ideological implications of various linguistic elements, such as lexical choices, news headline creation, and de-legitimisation strategies, and the results revealed identifiable, distinct, and non-random changes in tone and angle of representation relating to the various social actors and their actions. Before the crisis, the coalition was represented positively while Houthis was presented negatively, while after the crisis, the tone towards these social actors was completely reversed. The various discursive strategies used in the articles across both periods thus show that the coverage of the Yemen crisis was intended to ideologically and politically guide readers’ understanding of the crisis.
... Arab news media is more concerned with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict than other issues (Ayish, 2002) and is biased against Israel in favor of the Palestinians (Elmasry et al., 2013). ...
... According to Ayish (2002), the pan-Arab satellite stations provided a considerable amount of coverage to the Palestinian issue and emphasized the suffering of Palestinian, showing a strong support for the Palestinian cause. On the other hand, Ackerman (2001) highlighted that the US media is biased in favor of Israel. ...
This study examines the influence of the official signing of the Abraham Accords on the Arab media visual coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This study operationalized visual frames in terms of the human-interest vs technical frame and peace vs war frame, and explored the use of graphic portrayal as a framing device, in order to compare between the Arab media visual framing of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict before and after the official signing of the Abraham Accords to examine the impact of foreign policy on the coverage among news outlets of different Arab countries. A comparative analysis was conducted relying on the collection of visuals from the digital websites of three Arab television stations: Saudi Arabia-government owned Al Arabiya (reflecting a conservative stand towards the normalization), the Qatar-government owned Al Jazeera (reflecting an opposing stand towards the normalization) and Sky News Arabia, co-owned by Abu Dhabi Media Investment Corp, owned by a member of the Abu Dhabi Emirate ruling family, and British Sky Broadcasting (reflecting a supportive stand towards the normalization). The study examined a total of 3,298 visuals from two Gaza wars: the 2014 Gaza war that took place before the signing of the Abraham Accords and the recent Gaza war in 2021 which came after. The results show significant differences between the visual coverage of both wars as well as between the three news websites. This study contributes to the current understanding of how conflicts are framed on multi-levels, where peace vs war frames act as an outline framework reflecting the actual events, followed by more specific frames related to the attributes of war.
... At the same time, some have pointed out that the rise of this power is not entirely fair (Ayish, 2002). While Al Jazeera has worked hard to build an "Arab public sphere" by giving a voice to as many people and ethnicities as possible. ...
... This was a major departure from past Arab media practices and a shock not only to the Arab public, but certainly to the Arab governing elite (Boyd- Barrett and Xie, 2008). Some studies have shown that the Arab news media is more interested in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict than other issues (Ayish, 2002) Despite Israeli accusations of political bias against Al Jazeera, it is considered by many Israelis to be an important media force in the Arab world (Boyd-Barrett and Xie, 2008). ...
The rise of third world media in recent years seems to be starting to change the monopoly of Western journalism by media outlets like the BBC and CNN. This article critically analyses the current situation of local media through the perspectives of anti-hegemonic journalism, soft power, press freedom and orientalism, with examples such as Al Jazeera, RT and Phoenix TV. The analysis reveals that the local media do have a limited freedom of the press through an independent business model that plays a counter-hegemonic journalistic role. At the same time, however, the complexity of political, economic and religious beliefs still severely restricts its growth.
... To make certain no critical views were communicated to the public, a strong censorship was in place. All media actors were members of the ruling Ba'ath Party and were treated as a member of the Ba'ath party (Ayish, 2002;Rugh, 2004;Sinjari, 2006). Just like in other Middle Eastern countries, the media were employed for Ba'athist propaganda and served government policies (McDowall, 2003:11;Sheyholislami, 20). ...
This thesis has chosen the Kurdistan Region of Iraq as a case study to examine the media’s function in newly democratised countries. In any new transitional democracy, the media will be influenced by the new political system and they will frequently be criticised for being unable to act as a watchdog because of the close relationship with the political elites. However, there are also many other factors, such as cultural, political and economic pressures that affect the development of the media. This thesis makes an original contribution by furthering understanding of the role of the media in supporting an emerging democracy in the Kurdistan Region after 2003. It argues that there is also an assumption the news media will try to keep their independence from political dominance, and work actively to expose the political and government wrongdoings. Therefore, this thesis aims to examine the state of the news media in playing the role of watchdog and holding power to account. It also assesses the working environment for journalists in Kurdistan to see whether the general situation encourages media to the same degree as in established democratic societies.
To understand the current situation of the media and how the news media take a critical stance towards political corruptions, this thesis has conducted in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The results show that the media have demonstrated good practice in exposing corruption and malfeasance in the government. It argued that the media are present in the political scene and have performed their task as a forum for the public, providing the public with the necessary information. However, as a newly democratised country, the general environment in the political system is not helpful, for example, the executive, legislative and judicial authorities do not have enough power to play a key role in the democratic system. Various pressures on the media still exist, and the country lacks effective democratic institutions supporting the media, which are essential to build a strong democratic system. This has certainly limited the media's ability to stand against political corruption and hold the government to account.
... Whereas since the 1950s, MENA region citizens were able to watch these culturally significant sports events for free through the government-controlled channels. Ayish (2002) under AJS's new monopoly, many citizens, particularly from the poorer MENA countries such as Egypt, Morocco, and Jordan, which have relatively strong football teams but widespread poverty (and thus many are unable to afford AJS subscription fees), feel that the rich Qataris who sponsor AJS are trampling on their rights. ...
Toward better understanding the nature of sport global protest, this article examines the profiles of users of the #boycottqatar2022 ( N = 111,172), a global initiative calling to boycott the 2022 World Cup on grounds of Qatar’s alleged breach of human rights. A social network analysis identified that 82% of users of the hashtag were from North America and Western Europe, that 88% of the uses of the hashtag were on Twitter (and a minority on Facebook and Instagram), and that the users’ political inclination was mostly liberal in comparison to random users. Overall, the findings indicate that the hashtag was used almost exclusively by activists from the so-called Global North on the more elitist Twitter platform, thus portraying a picture as an act of the global elite rather than a truly inclusive and overarching global initiative. We discuss further theoretical and practical implications of the findings.
... Because of the coverage burden, Arab affairs experts rely on several "listeners"/monitors who function as sensors, reviewing the Arab printed press and broadcasts from various Arab stations, covering hundreds of satellite channels and countless radio stations, daily newspapers and other publications originating in Arab countries (Miles 2005;Ayish 2002;Kraidy 2002). Despite the logistic assistance, which is not available in every organization, Arab affairs experts have considerable difficulty keeping up to date on highly significant developments in the Arabic world, if only because they are dependent on intelligence personnel. ...
The impacts of lasting occupation:
... This research strengthens the discussion about the role of mass media as a means of political communication and the formation of public opinion (Santosa, 2017;Wulandari, 2016;Ayish, 2002). If the previous research looked at how television, especially news, builds an agenda and discourse, this research has a dialogue program as its object. ...
The mass media construct discourses with major impact on the formation of public opinion. This study identifies mass media discourse of the Job Creation Law produced in the 22 television dialogue programs aired by TV One, Metro TV, Kompas TV, and CNN Indonesia. By focusing on indicators of discourses, sources, and duration of speakings this study finds the dominant discourse of positive sentiment towards the Job Creation Law – which is mainly brought by the government elite and businessmen – namely economic improvement and investment. In contrary, television program shaped negatif sentiment of the Law in narrower space – which was brought mainly by activists, academics and laborers – including the Job Creation Law disserve labours, endangers the environment and sighned in unprocerudal mecanism. The data shows that the television dialogue has provide more space for the elite than the public in discussing the controversial issue of the Job Creation Law.
... Furthermore, the exploration of news selection priorities for fact-checking organizations reveals a higher frequency of human interest topics focusing on rumors, hoaxes, myths and urban tales. Over the past decades, political news became a priority for media outlets in the region, exceeding soft human interest and cultural news (Ayish, 2002). Yet, fact-checking organizations represent a different focus that prioritizes human interest news over political news. ...
This study examines the news selection processes followed by fact-checking organizations in the Middle East, specifically Egypt, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates, and gatekeeping such organizations face while working under authoritarian rule. By reviewing fact-checked news posted on the Facebook pages of six Arabic language organizations: Da Begad, HereszTruth, Fatabyyano, Matsad2sh, MisbarFC, and Saheeh Masr, this study manually analyzes about 5,000 fact-checked news stories to understand the extent of political fact-checking performed on Arab presidents, heads of government, and rulers, along with the most verified news topics. Results show that organizations in the Middle East rarely fact-check Arab rulers or refute their claims, while their news selection process prioritizes human interest topics. The study suggests that Arab fact-checkers resort to self-censorship due to gatekeeping influences that impact the region’s media climate.
... In a similar vein, Ayish (2002) states that visual frames of Al-Jazeera TV emphasize deaths and injuries and were presented for reporting conflicts in Iraq and Palestine. The statements of Al-Jazeera officials support this literature as well. ...
This comparative study employs the theoretical frameworks of framing and hierarchy of influences model to analyze the ethical forces affecting journalists on Twitter and simultaneously their visual frames constructed in their images on Twitter. It investigates the portrayal of the Yemen conflict in the personal Twitter accounts of Yemeni journalists who were affiliated with the United States (US) and Qatari news organizations. Several studies have pointed out the graphic war coverage of Arab news organizations whereas scholars argue that US news organizations provide sanitized coverage on war zones (Johnson & Fahmy, 2007; Silcock, Schwalbe, & Keith, 2008; Karniel, Lavie-Dinur, & Azran, 2014). This study makes an important contribution to the literature of conflict reporting by adopting a comparative perspective to analyze the Yemeni war-related images of journalists affiliated with different news organizations on social media. Employing a content analysis over a time frame between 2014 and 2019, a total of 1272 Yemen-related tweet images were examined. Results showed differences in the graphic nature and visual narratives of the coverage on Twitter. The findings showed that Yemeni journalists affiliated with US news agencies visually portrayed the Yemen conflict by placing a large focus on the humanitarian consequences of the war. On the other hand, the Yemeni journalists affiliated with Qatari news agencies framed the Yemen conflict from diverse perspectives, including demonstrations and official meetings. Further, results indicated that journalists, who were affiliated with US news agencies, were more likely to share a graphic visual on Twitter than journalists affiliated with Qatari news agencies. Overall, the current study reveals that individual-level influences might be more powerful than organizational-level influences with regard to journalists’ ethics-related decisions of showing graphic visuals on social media platforms.
... Otra de las variables a considerar cuando se estudia el modo en que se informan los individuos en los países árabes es conocer qué importancia le dan a cada uno de los medios principales como fuente de información. Se ha constatado que la TV es el medio más importante todavía (Ayish, 2002), 84 % así lo estiman, aún por delante de internet (65 %) y desde luego muy por delante de la prensa escrita, en claro retroceso (53 %). ...
El objetivo de esta investigación es describir el uso que se hace en los países árabes de las nuevas tecnologías de comunicación, y explicar los factores socio-demográficos y actitudinales que conducen a la utilización de unos medios y no de otros. Se han testado dos hipótesis: 1) que la homogeneidad lingüística en estos países explica que cada medio de comunicación de un país puede ser consumido en los demás de la región, y 2) que la edad y el nivel educativo de la población son los principales factores que explican el mayor o menor uso de los medios. Para ello se han utilizado los datos para 13 países árabes incluidos en la sexta oleada de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores, comparados con 59 países del resto del mundo. El análisis realizado permite no rechazar las hipótesis, y confirmar la validez de la teoría centro-periferia y el índice de posición social.
... For new broadcasters, what makes news is not a personality-centered event or issue, but a host of values and norms that derives from their perceptions of the public interest. 1 To this end, the launch of commercial television in the Arab world has not only broadened viewers' programming choices, but it has also provided them with better access to new formats hardly visible on government-controlled television. ...
... This media vision is similar to that that is followed by totalitarian secular states including the former Baath regime in Iraq. For example, media is largely expected to mobilize the public and propagate for the state in Baathist Syria and Iraq during Saddam Hussein's rule, Sudan, and Libya during Muammar Qaddafi's rule (Al-Rawi, 2012;Ayish, 2002;Rugh, 2004, pp. 29-31). ...
In its efforts to establish order and legitimacy among the people it once controlled, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria followed standardized and systematic nation-state building policies. The terrorist group attempted to establish an imagined jihadist nation-state with the assistance of standardized media productions and practices. These media productions that are examined in this article reflect Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’s unified vision of the ultra-conservative society that it once intended to form in its different territories. I argue here that Islamic State in Iraq and Syria used standardized media productions to promote strict sharia laws including emphasis on men and women’s garments, distrust in secular rule, and calls for jihad in the different cities that it controlled. For Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, media is jihad and journalists are Mujahideen whose main purpose is to mobilize the masses and assist in creating a jihadist nation-state.
... In other words, MB eventually grew bigger than Qatar itself. Accordingly, Al Jazeera might have started out with 'independent journalism' when it was launched in 1996 (Al Jenaibi, 2010;Al-Nsairat, 2010;Ayish, 2002;Lynch, 2006). Nevertheless, 'independence' (reflecting values of freedom, transparency, and diversity in opinions) morphed into the 'occupation of the channel by a particular Islamism-tinted networked clique'. ...
This article argues that, although Al Jazeera may have been founded with the idea of giving Qatar influence in the Arab world and beyond, it was through a form of slow Islamist takeover within Al Jazeera Network that first the new Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr (Al Jazeera Live from Egypt) and second the classic Al Jazeera Arabic were ideologically transformed. This transformation led both of these Al Jazeera subsidiaries to damage Qatar’s political relations with its neighboring states of Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Analysis reveals that Al Jazeera and Qatar’s foreign policies are not identical. Rather, each institution manifests its own internal logic and enforces external ties. Moreover, there are many Al Jazeera(s): Al Jazeera Arabic (AJA), Al Jazeera English (AJE), Al Jazeera Mubasher Misr (AJMM), Al Jazeera Documentary etc. Each one is different. The article also examines the case of the three Al Jazeera English journalists who were jailed, tried, and eventually pardoned, in Egypt, as an example of the worsening political relations that developed between Qatar and Egypt as a result of confusing AJE’s professional work with the ultimately shut down AlJazeera Mubasher Misr’s Islamist editorial policy and unprofessional journalistic practices. Methods include: examining primary documents, qualitative content analysis of officials’ media interviews, fieldwork research in Egypt, and anthropological research in Qatar, interviewing journalists, public officials, and academics on various research trips between 2007 and 2017.
... Although a range of topics, issues, and frames are depicted in traditional Arabic news sources, some of the common ones relate to crises, conflicts, and politics. Political news stories, especially those relevant to pan-Arab interests such as civil unrest, are popular and serve as key gatekeepers in influencing political agenda in the region (Ayish, 2002). ...
The mass exodus of millions of Syrians from their country due to worsening war conditions has become a serious global humanitarian crisis. As the number of displaced refugees rises, so does the number of those living in inhuman conditions. This content analysis examines how popular news discourses shape the geopolitics of the Syrian refugee crisis. We use framing theory to explore the main frames that emerged in a comparison of 10 Arabic news sources with seven English news sources in their coverage of the crisis. Based on a systematic random sample, 278 Arabic news stories and 210 English news stories were selected for further analysis. Qualitative data analysis software was used to code and analyze the content of news stories at the article and sentence levels. Four main frames emerged from the analysis: border, institutional, victim, and war frames. Although the border frame was popular across all news sources, English sources were more likely than Arabic sources to use the victim frame and less likely to use the war frame. Implications as well as directions for future research are discussed.
This study applies a media systems approach to examine the performance of journalistic roles in the news of five Arab countries: Egypt, Kuwait, Lebanon, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. The content analysis of 13,299 news stories in newspapers, radio, television, and online sites revealed the practice of loyal-facilitator, watchdog, interventionist, service, civic, and infotainment roles is a result of the intersection of several factors. Overall, findings point to the overarching power of the political system that is manifested in media ownership, media political alignment, and countries’ specific conditions.
This research examines strategies and models of women's political communication in East Java, focusing on the case of Khofifah Indar Parawansa, a prominent figure from Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Despite losing two consecutive gubernatorial elections, she successfully secured victory in 2018. Using a qualitative approach grounded in a constructivist paradigm, this study analyzes primary data collected through field research, website reviews, and in-depth interviews with relevant informants. The findings highlight the critical role of NU's charismatic clerics (Kyai) in mobilizing support for Khofifah's campaign. This study underscores the importance of political education for Indonesian women, emphasizing effective communication with religious leaders to navigate male-dominated governance at both local and national levels. Kajian ini meneliti strategi dan model komunikasi politik wanita di Jawa Timur, dengan fokus pada kes Khofifah Indar Parawansa, seorang tokoh terkemuka dari Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Walaupun mengalami kekalahan dalam dua pilihan raya gabenor berturut-turut, beliau berjaya meraih kemenangan pada tahun 2018. Menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif berasaskan paradigma konstruktivis, kajian ini menganalisis data utama yang dikumpulkan melalui penyelidikan lapangan, ulasan laman web, dan wawancara mendalam dengan informan yang berkaitan. Hasil kajian menekankan peranan penting ulama karismatik NU (Kyai) dalam menggerakkan sokongan terhadap kempen Khofifah. Kajian ini menyoroti kepentingan pendidikan politik untuk wanita Indonesia, dengan memberi penekanan pada komunikasi yang berkesan dengan pemimpin agama bagi menghadapi cabaran dalam pentadbiran yang didominasi lelaki di peringkat tempatan dan nasional.
يعد المجال العام واحدًا من أهم المفاهيم المفتاحية التي يُعتمَدُ عليها في قراءة العلاقة بين السلطة والمجتمع في المجال السياسي الحديث ومضمونه. هذا الكتاب محاولة للتفكير في مكونات المجال العام المصري، وثقافته، وخصائصه الاتصالية على المستويين الواقعي والرقمي.
Palestinians have suffered greatly under the occupation of Israel, the expanded construction of settlements around Jerusalem, the fighting between Fatah and Hamas after the 2006 election, and the Israeli military attack on Gaza in the December 2008 and January 2009. It might be assumed that these pressures would cause the Palestinian people to lose hope for the future. But historically, Palestinians have overcome many difficulties, just like the ones they face now. They persevere and remain focused on regaining their sovereignty and dignity. Therefore, it is clear that many Palestinians hold their own opinions about Middle Eastern politics, even under such difficult conditions. Our research project team developed a method to illustrate a typical population’s perception of international relations in the Middle East. It is a Political Mental Map, which relies on public opinion data on the subjects of the contributions that their own government, other Arab states, and Western countries have made toward political stability in the Middle East. With the cooperation of the Jerusalem Media & Communication Centre, our project team conducted a poll in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and occupied Jerusalem, in May 2009. The study attempts to sketch a broad outline of how Palestinians regard the image of the “Middle Eastern regional system,” based on their responses to our questions. The result is our “Political Mental Map of the Palestinians,” which examines Palestinian responses to the international contributions of 23 nations with regard to political stability in the Middle East. This Political Mental Map shows the relative positions of the Arab states, the neighboring non-Arab states (Turkey, Iran, and Israel), and the major powers outside the Middle East. The map shows us the relationship between Palestine and other countries, and gives us a visualization of Palestinians’ thoughts on Middle Eastern politics.
This article reports results of an empirical study of Slovak media coverage of international affairs. The goal of the article is to determine whether the outputs of selected Slovak media correspond to the expectations of the Propaganda Model. In order to accomplish this goal, a content analysis of coverage of two cases of international conflict was performed and two hypotheses were evaluated. The hypotheses amount to an expectation that there will be a quantitative and qualitative difference in the way that selected Slovak media cover civilian casualties and potential breaches of international law based on the relationship of Slovak elites to the perpetrator. The analysis concludes that the degree of quantitative and qualitative inconsistency in the coverage of the selected issues could not be attributed to factors external to Slovak media and therefore have to be attributed to structural factors of Slovak media space, which need to be further examined.
در مقاله حاضر چهارچوبی نظری به نام اصل «سیاست-رسانه-سیاست» تشریح میشود. هدف این اصل، فراهم آوردن بنیادی مفهومی است که بر اساس آن، روشی جامع برای شرح نقش رسانههای خبری در فرآیندهای سیاسی دولتها ایجاد شود. اصل سیاست-رسانه-سیاست بر اساس دو ادعای محوری بنا شده است. نخست اینکه، به خوبی میتوان نقش رسانهها را در فرآیندهای سیاسی، بهصورت چرخهای درک کرد که در آن، نوسانات در محیط سیاسی یک دولت به نوسانات در جریان رسانهای منجر شده و این امر متعاقباً موجب نوسانات بیشتر در محیط سیاسی میشود. دوم، رسانهها با توجه به تواناییشان برای تبدیل واقعیتهای سیاسی به روایتهای خبری (که برخی مواقع تأثیر به سزایی بر روی نتایج سیاسی دارند) میتوانند نقشی مستقل در پروسههای سیاسی داشته باشند. این بحث به سه بخش عمده تقسیم میشود. در بخش نخست، برخی از نظریههای مهم ارتباطات سیاسی بررسی شده که درواقع اصول مبنایی اصل سیاست-رسانه-سیاست هستند. در بخش دوم، از یافتههای محدوده متنوعی از مطالعات استفاده شده تا سودمندی این اصل را تشرح شود. در نهایت در بخش سوم این مقاله برخی استثنائات این اصل بیان شده است
The chapter investigates media control and authoritarianism in the Arab world, particularly within the Palestinian internal conflict. It examines the way political powers manipulate media messages to influence public perception and maintain authority. The impact on freedom of expression and democratic processes is discussed, emphasizing the dominance of state-run or politically influenced media that restrict diverse viewpoints. The role of Arabic-speaking transnational satellite TV (TSTV) journalism is analyzed, notably channels like Al Jazeera, which challenge traditional media control by authoritarian regimes. The interplay between politics and media is scrutinized, highlighting TSTV journalism’s pivotal role in shaping political cultures, public discourse, and conflict reporting. Through examining news framing, value, and message manipulation, the chapter provides insights into how TSTV journalism affects political processes and public engagement amid complex conflict dynamics in the ME region.
The chapter examines the evolving role of transnational satellite TV (TSTV) news networks in shaping politics, focusing on their influence on public opinion, political engagement, and conflict dynamics. It analyzes news framing, news value, and media manipulation, illustrating their impact on political realities. The pivotal role of news media in shaping public discourse amid political shifts is highlighted, along with the instrumentalization of media by political actors to advance agendas and manipulate public perception. The impact of TSTV journalism on public opinion and political trajectories, especially in conflict zones like the Palestinian split, is explored. The chapter further scrutinizes the competitive landscape of pan-Arab satellite TV networks like Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya, and Al Mayadeen, providing a comprehensive understanding of TSTV journalism’s influence on political processes and conflict reporting dynamics.
This chapter embarks on a critical discussion about the interplay among news networks and owners, and the deployment of public diplomacy tactics in contemporary transnational broadcasting. Looking at the current thinking around public diplomacy and journalism, as well as the three models of international broadcasting in public diplomacy, it puts forth the emerging model for guiding the engagement of broadcasting with mediated public diplomacy within the digital media landscape. The discussion is based upon the seminal work of Philip Seib and others supported by the empirical observation of the journalistic practice of international broadcasters in the virtual space. It specifically discusses the dilemma between public diplomacy and propaganda within international broadcasting in journalistic practice.
The history of the Arab world is fundamentally driven either by the alliance or by the conflict relationships between internal ruling and economic elites and external colonial or postcolonial actors. This chapter is based on the argument that where there is an alliance or conflict relationships, cross-border journalism (CBJ) is found. The dominant forces involved in the alliance or the conflict relationships have determined the structures, practices and objectives of CBJ throughout history. As such, CBJ has served two opposing roles—supporting the political survival of the alliance’s actors or changing the structure of power and counter-power of the conflict relationships. There is no need to confirm that the two explanatory perspectives are not mutually exclusive.
This article examines the extent to which mediatization, as a western-centric metatheory central to an understanding of how the media logic comes to influence the political logic, applies to the study of non-western case studies. Considering the case of the 2006 Palestinian internal conflict (the split), the article examines the role of pan-Arab transnational satellite TV (PTSTV) journalism in covering the conflict’s trajectories. Building on primary qualitative data, gathered via semi-structured interviews with prominent stakeholders/insiders in the two parties and relevant sectors of news media and politics, the article explores the interplay between regional and Palestinian politics, evident in PTSTV’s coverage, and shows how available western-centred theoretical paradigms that draw on mediatization – in examining mediatized conflicts – fell short in examining such interplay for contextual, structural and sociocultural challenges in PTSTV’s operating milieu. Alternatively, the study inductively explored this interplay, overcoming the aforesaid contextual challenges, and provided evidence on how, with the lack of democratic principles in PTSTV’s operational milieu, structural/internal characteristics in these channels interacted with peripheral/external dimensions in their milieu and adversely affected their cultural dimension (coverage). PTSTV produced escalatory journalism that disseminated inflammatory content within a politically fractured culture, exacerbating the conflict and expanding the gap between the two rivals. This inductive approach in tracing the interplay – and its concurrent bargaining process – revealed five pivotal characteristics in PTSTV performance that are unique to those postulated in mediatization. They stand in this article as an authentic theoretical contribution that facilitated the handling of analytical challenges in the case study.
A close listening to most lyrics of some top female Afro hip hop music artistes in Nigeria reveals a lot of erotic, misogynistic and demeaning sexual lines laced in their songs, and lately, this has been seen in Afro-Arab hip hop which challenges Arabness. Actually, they are supposed to use their lyrics to correct the perception painted by their male counterparts in the industry that women are not to be seen as sex objects. The communicativeness of music in African culture and society is enormous and its usage is encompassing. Its ethics, norms, values and other cultural aspects needed for the co-existence of the society are mostly channeled through music. Music is one of the most common forms by which man expresses his emotions, feelings and sentiments. The last two decades have witnessed tremendous growth in the Afro hip hop music culture in Nigeria. Numerous studies have equally demonstrated the significant rise and development of the genre among the youths. Because of its enormous appeal, it has been used as a medium for expressing varieties of ideas, feelings and emotions. However, there has been a growing concern on the negative impact of music on the perception of women in the society. Recently, frequent rape cases in Nigeria are reported on the pages of newspapers on an unprecedented scale. The sudden upsurge of the number of rape cases in Nigeria has been condemned by several quarters, and it is becoming worrisome. Highly placed people in the society in Nigeria, non-governmental organizations, governments and pressure groups including Afro hip hop artistes have come up using their social media handles to condemn the ugly development. Fingers are pointed to the moral decadence among the youths in the society due to the erotic and sexually laced lyrics of Afro hip hop music they consume daily. The Afro hip hop music industry is massively dominated by the male folks, and when listening to their lyrics, it closely communicates misogynistic tendencies by reducing women to mere sex objects to be desired, used and dumped at will by men. And their female counterparts also use the lyrics of their song to showcase their body as a sex object. The question is after churning out lyrics that communicate and promote sexual abuse, do the Afro hip hop music artistes (both male and female) have the moral justification to join other highly placed Nigerians to condemn the spate of rape and sexual violence against women? The author empirically analyzes the communicativeness of the lyrics of these top female Afro hip hop music artistes and how their lyrics promote and encourage sexual abuse against fellow women. This is because not only has music been able to, most often, alter people’s way of thinking and mood; it is also evident that routine playing and focused practice of music lyrics can strengthen and affect the way people think and react. Social Identity theory and Uses and Gratification theory were used as the theoretical frameworks for this discussion. Thematic analysis of Nigerian female Afro hip hop and Afro-Arab hip hop female artistes’ lyrics teeming with sexual and erotic notes was carried out to find out the symbiotic relationship between such lyrics and violent sexual behaviors against women and how the lyrics have challenged Arabness. It was recommended that instead of joining the band wagon, female Nigerian and Afro-Arab hip hop artistes can use their lyrics to counter and promote values, virtues and as well discourage, reduce and mitigate vices such as rape in the society that their male counterparts in the industry are promoting.
The authors examine the trends of Iraqi television after 2011, when the national broadcasting reached a new level. During this period, cultural programs with the aim of stabilizing the public mood and moral recovery began to be developed and popularized. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of the cultural programs of the Iraqi satellite channel, taking into account the socio-historical background. A general analysis of modern Iraqi television, which was formed after the end of the protracted military conflict with the United States, is given. The general thesis is put forward that the tense military and political situation in Iraq was naturally reflected in the airwaves of TV channels in the country, where the volume of the cultural component is extremely small. As the country goes through the post-war years, stabilizing the public mood is very important, and cultural programs can play an important role in this aspect. Modern Iraqi satellite television is in its formative and developmental stage due to external social and political factors. The research contributes to the development of scientific methodological and theoretical basis for the further study of Iraqi media.
This chapter focuses on the regional and geopolitical reasons behind the foundation of Al-Jazeera Arabic (AJA) in 1996 and Al-Jazeera English (AJE) in 2006. It thoroughly explains the background and history of the relationship between Al-Jazeera and its sponsor, Qatar. It sheds light on the network coverage and representation of conflicts in the Middle East. It also discusses the extent of differences and similarities between AJA and AJE. The chapter argues that before the so-called Arab Spring uprisings, the channel acted as an effective “public diplomacy” tool. Indeed, Al-Jazeera was largely seen by media and politics scholars as showcasing “pan-Arab and pan-Islamist public diplomacy”, with some commentators going so far as to describe it as a “virtual state”. This success could be attributed to—the chapter argues—the channel’s high popularity, credibility, unprecedented criticisms towards Arab regimes and relative independence from Qatar’s foreign policy. However, the chapter contends that the sudden change in Qatar’s foreign policy from a “cordial state” to an aggressive interventionist during the Arab Spring in 2011 has been followed by a similar shift in Al-Jazeera’s coverage. It demonstrates how this shift has altered the channel from providing effective public diplomacy to broadcasting blatant propaganda that directly serves Qatar and its agenda.
The relevance of the study is determined by the need to study the modern Syrian media system in the conditions of a long-term armed conflict in Syria. The object of the research is the scientific literature devoted to media studies. The subject of the study is the interpretation of the concept of "media system" contained in the works of Russian, Western and Arab authors in the context of modern Syrian media. The purpose of the study is to define the concept of "media system" applicable to the study of modern Syrian media. To achieve the purpose of the study, the authors, having set a number of criteria, conduct a comparative analysis of the definitions of the concept of "media system" contained in the works of the Russian scientific school, researchers of the Western school (including the works of Arab authors integrated into this direction), Syrian official and scientific sources. The scientific novelty of the study is an attempt to generalize the definition of "media system" in the works of representatives of various scientific schools, as well as to develop their own definition of the media system of Syria, applicable to the current state of the country's media during a protracted armed conflict. As a result of the comparative analysis of the definitions of the media system, the authors conclude that the media system of modern Syria is a set of mass media in the territory controlled by the legitimately elected government of the country, functioning in conditions of temporary fragmentation of the country's territory in order to restore information sovereignty. This definition is debatable, but, according to the authors of the article, it is applicable to the Syrian media in conditions of armed conflict.
Few studies on female TV journalists in the Middle East have been conducted. Neither have Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts been used to analyse women journalists’ experiences of their professional practice and their strategies for navigating a male-dominated media world in the Middle East. For this unique study, ten Kurdish women journalists that work for six different TV stations in Iraqi Kurdistan were interviewed. Informed by different forms of capital, the thematic analysis revealed four themes that capture the respondents’ experiences and strategies: coping with perceptions of pretty dolls and honorary men; coping with the threat of violence and a bad reputation; coping with the gendered distribution of news assignments; and tackling glass ceilings and unwritten rules. A particularly interesting result of the study was that while the strategies range from proclaiming any news hard news to openly defying orders from the managers, and to claiming that one’s ability to advance depends on having a strong personality, the focus is consistently on individualistic survival strategies. When masculinity and male norms still dominate the contents of symbolic capital, it may result in seemingly counterproductive practices such as the lack of a distinct ‘we’ feeling among women journalists. For women journalists, the cost of transforming their cultural and social capital into symbolic capital that is effective in the journalistic field is affected by both the journalistic field and the society at large, which creates contextually bound obstacles to women journalists in Iraqi Kurdistan.
The Ebola virus is a rare but often, severe and fatal illness in humans. It spreads from animals to humans and then transgresses through human-to-human transmission. The 2014 Ebola virus disease outbreak captured substantial media attention around the world, which is the cornerstone of our study since it can inform us about the current news coverage on the COVID-19 pandemic. This article investigates the media coverage of Ebola in five pairs of English and Arabic international television media outlets (BBC, CNN, SkyNews, RT and France24) by examining the headlines of 298,559 news stories that those respective organizations posted on their official Twitter accounts. Methodologically, we extracted headlines from news outlets that addressed the news on the Ebola virus in two languages: English and Arabic. The media outlets include the following: CNN (English and Arabic), BBC (English and Arabic), SkyNews (English and Arabic), RT (formerly known as Russia Today) (English and Arabic) and France24 (English and Arabic) from late 2013 to early 2015 during which the Ebola epidemic intensified. We then used descriptive statistics to understand the volume of news coverage and calculate the frequencies, percentages, mean, median and standard deviations for these channels. Further, we continued to model time series regression between the five pairs of news outlets using Granger causality tests. The findings show that over the course of approximately one year's worth of coverage on these networks, Ebola was mentioned in the headlines of 4138 stories, which constitutes 1.38 per cent of the total news coverage of all media outlets. Building on the theory of intermedia agenda-setting that outlines the ways in which major news organizations influence the agendas of other news outlets, the findings reported here indicate strong, time-ordered patterns where English-language coverage consistently precedes and helps to significantly explain the distribution of Arabic media coverage. In addition to providing evidence of intermedia agenda-setting from a comparative perspective in this context, this article expands on this theory and suggests that it can be applied to multilingual outlets from the same news organizations.
This essay provides a brief overview of the dominant trends in Arab media research, paying particular attention to the most common methodologies they rely on. To understand the current state of Arab media scholarship, the article explores the various influences that have played a decisive role in determining the quality and quantity of research productivity. Factors such as the Arab countries’ historical roots, traditional societies, patterns in education, and current conflicts in the region are shown to have an impact on Arab scholars’ engagement with research. To aid the advancement of theory of Arab media research, this essay advocates for conducting collaborative research and proposes a hybrid approach that merges epistemologies in a culture-sensitive, empirical manner that is capable of making universal generalizations while staying true to the specificities of the region itself.
Scholars from the neurosciences, cognitive psychology, and communication disciplines have devoted a significant amount of attention to the role of image processing in individuals. They have examined the influence of visuals from conflict and crises on viewers’ emotional responses. Much of the research into the visual content and structure in news from and/or about the MENA region has been approached through visual framing. Many of the visual framing studies have focused on images of natural disasters, conflict, war, or terrorism. This chapter highlights studies that have examined the specific breakdown of generic visual frames, like the human‐interest frame, in Middle Eastern conflict coverage from various national and international news organizations. Additionally, studies of visual framing alone provide only partial understanding of the communication taking place around Middle Eastern risk and crisis coverage. Closer examination of the broader literature of visual framing reinforces the need for the type of theoretical and methodological consistency.
This article investigates the ideologisation of Arab media discourse and takes as a case in point the ideological construction of the Gulf crisis in the headlines of Al Arabiya English and Al Jazeera English. A corpus of 515 headlines produced between May and June 2017 is examined using an interdisciplinary critical discourse analytic framework. Analysis is conducted at two levels: a textual level concerned with the analysis of the semantic and syntactic aspects of headlines and a socio-cognitive level informed by insights from Van Dijk’s ideological square concept and his mental model theory and Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. Findings indicate that both platforms are ideologically biased toward the political perspectives of their host states, although in a lesser degree in Al Jazeera English, and also reveal the various discursive strategies used to construct subjective mental models and reference frames to guide readers understanding of the crisis.
Militant groups introduce a layer of complexity to existing theories of media systems. Operating as a protostate, ISIS defies the common understandings of Hallin and Mancini’s four dimensions of national media systems by blurring the lines among the media, journalists, and the state. This study offers a first step toward understanding the role of content in this emerging media system by analyzing the most recurring components (photographs) during a key transitional period (Mosul battles). A mixed-methods analysis of 1,204 images that one ISIS province disseminated under immense military pressure breaks the photographic campaign into nine military and nonmilitary visual frames and identifies key visual semiotic tools that delineate among the group’s militants, Iraqi forces, and civilians. The study reveals that ISIS has established an enduring, highly visual protostate media system, in which frames and semiotics serve to help sustain the system and retain meaning in online circulation. The article concludes with a discussion about how a protostate media system may be countered.
Full article available on IJOC's website: https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/download/9856/3027
Several legal mechanisms regulate and influence domestic business journalism in the United Arab Emirates and encourage it to conform within a Loyalist Press environment. These include Article 81 in Federal Law 15 of 1980 (Concerning Publications and Publishing) directly addressing business coverage, and portions of Federal Law 3 of 1987 (Concerning the Penal Code) that broadly define defamation. Another significant law, Federal Decree-Law 5 of 2012 (On Combating Cybercrimes), established a number of potential limitations on journalistic digital media use and content. Domestic business journalism also contends with a low number of publicly traded firms – hence there is little systematically disclosed financial data – and a region-wide tradition of discretion in business matters.
New technologies enabled the media trusts to implement various techniques to advance the interaction with the audiences. Al Jazeera (AJ) is using Internet Protocol Television (IPTV), a system through which services are delivered using the Internet instead of being delivered through traditional signal formats. Unlike downloaded media, IPTV offers the ability to stream the media directly from the source. As a result, a client media player can begin playing the data (such as a movie) before the entire file has been transmitted. Al Jazeera Media Network, a fast-growing media organization, improved its operational methods by developing its own cloud system which takes the news production infrastructure to a new level. This shows the commitment of Al Jazeera to always being at the top of the game when it comes to investing in new technologies. Al Jazeera Plus (AJ+), an online news and current events channel run by AJ and available on its mobile app, was launched in 2014. The Arabic Language Channel followed. In April 2016 it won two Webby Awards beating all competitors, including the Huffington Post and Vice. AJ+ is present on Instagram, Twitter and Apple TV, targeting younger audiences adept with social media. Technological developments initiated new types of journalistic practices such as networked journalism, neogeography and mobile journalism. Al Jazeera Media Network integrates the newly constructed practices and continuously strives to innovate in terms of television and online presence.
Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a government control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader’s opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader’s opinion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capability of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days’ war from 8 July – 26 August 2014 by Ma’an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma’an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma’an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days’ war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.
Since the TV broadcasting was established in Arab countries until the 1990s, broadcasting during this specific time was based on a gov-ernment control model, which derived from the view of broadcasting as an instrument of state advance that must be under the control from government. This kind of TVs, limits the broadcasting to highlight the government issue (1). In these kind of TVs, they focus with the leader's opinion more than the Palestinian problem. By the way, the theme in Arab media determined to highlight the leader's opin-ion who claims the right to speak on behalf of Palestinians. In September 1991, the first private TV in the Arab world was established when MBC went on the air from London. More private TVs followed after that like: Orbit in 1994 and ART in 1995, both based in Italy owned by Saudi businessmen, Future Television and LBC, both Lebanese based in Beirut, in 1995, and Al-Jazeera based in Qatar in 1996. In 2002 the number of the Arab TV stations was expanded to more than 150 TVS as government or privately owned, with capabil-ity of reaching the Arab people in any place in the world. This paper focuses on the media coverage of the conflict between two parties Palestine and Israel. The preview studies show that, in a conflict the media has an influential role and has responsibility for increasing violence or contributing to the resolution of conflict and mitigation of violence (2). This study examined 61 news coverage and framing of the Israel and Palestine conflict, known as the 50 days' war from 8 July - 26 August 2014 by Ma'an News Agency, which delivers news to Ma'an TV (Palestinian satellite television station). A quantitative content analysis was employed to examine the news published during the war using five generic frames developed by (3). Holsti Inter-coder reliability and validity test value is 0.988 or 98% agreement. The results showed that conflict and human-interest frames were significantly visible compared to other frames in Ma'an news coverage. Portrayal of images of civilian killing, children and women killed in their homes and suffrage news coverage, in this war. Responsibility frame stressed on hospitals bombing and embargo of medications which reduced chances for Palestinian of immediate medical help. The economic frame highlighted the economic and financial losses of Palestinians as consequences of 50 days' war. Most of them lost their income, businesses, agriculture land and homes and became refugees.
The article explores the relation between identity definition and trust in different information sources in Morocco, Jordan and Tunisia following the 2011 Uprisings. While prior to 2011 literature mostly highlighted the role of pan-Arab news channels in consolidating a transnational Arab public sphere, recent studies argued that there has been a reinforcement of national media and identities in the Middle East and North Africa, as a consequence of a partial liberalisation of national broadcasting. Our study is based on the Arab Transformations survey (2014), which unlike previous surveys included questions covering both media consumption and identity definition. We looked at how in the three countries the choice of Muslim, Arab or national identity definition was associated with the preference for distinct sources of political news. The results only partially confirmed the hypothesis of a renewed importance of national media and showed that in the three countries people tended to attribute very different values to the same news sources.
Arapça ve İngilizce yayınlarıyla Ortadoğu'da ve küresel düzeyde alternatif bir haber kaynağı haline gelen El Cezire yayıncılık politikaları sebebiyle bölgesel bir krizin parçası haline gelmiştir. 2017 Haziran ayında Körfez ülkeleri ve Mısır ile Katar arasında başlayan kriz halen çözüme kavuşturulmuş değildir. Katar'a uygulanan yaptırımların kaldırılması karşılığında sunulan taleplerin arasında El Cezire ve ona bağlı tüm kuruluşların kapatılmasının istenmesi medya tarihinde eşine az rastlanır bir sansür örneği olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Katar Devleti'nin yerine getirmeyi reddettiği bu talep bundan sonraki süreçte kamu yayıncılığının uluslararası sorunların bir parçası olabileceği ihtimalini göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada Katar krizi bağlamında El Cezire'nin diplomatik bir krizin parçası olduğu süreç örnek olay olarak incelenmiştir. El Cezire ve kamu yayıncılığı üzerine oluşan literatürden ve sürece ilişkin haberlerden yola çıkarak oluşturulan araştırma sorularına cevap aranmıştır. El Cezire'nin yayın politikalarına getirilen eleştirilerin kanalın kapatılması talebine gerekçe olamayacağı ve böyle bir talebin küresel düzeyde özgür medya ekolojisine zarar vereceği sonucuna varılmıştır. Çalışmanın otoriter rejimlerle idare edilen Ortadoğu ve Arap ülkelerinde Katar Krizi'nin ardından objektif yayıncılığın geleceği ve mevcut kamu yayıncılığı modelleri üzerine bir tartışma alanı açılacağı umulmaktadır.
Arapça ve İngilizce yayınlarıyla Ortadoğu’da ve küresel düzeyde alternatif bir haber kaynağı haline gelen El Cezire yayıncılık politikaları sebebiyle bölgesel bir krizin parçası haline gelmiştir. 2017 Haziran ayında Körfez ülkeleri ve Mısır ile Katar arasında başlayan kriz halen çözüme kavuşturulmuş değildir. Katar’a uygulanan yaptırımların kaldırılması karşılığında sunulan taleplerin arasında El Cezire ve ona bağlı tüm kuruluşların kapatılmasının istenmesi medya tarihinde eşine az rastlanır bir sansür örneği olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Katar Devleti’nin yerine getirmeyi reddettiği bu talep bundan sonraki süreçte kamu yayıncılığının uluslararası sorunların bir parçası olabileceği ihtimalini göstermektedir. Bu çalışmada Katar krizi bağlamında El Cezire’nin diplomatik bir krizin parçası olduğu süreç örnek olay olarak incelenmiştir. El Cezire ve kamu yayıncılığı üzerine oluşan literatürden ve sürece ilişkin haberlerden yola çıkarak oluşturulan araştırma sorularına cevap aranmıştır. El Cezire’nin yayın politikalarına getirilen eleştirilerin kanalın kapatılması talebine gerekçe olamayacağı ve böyle bir talebin küresel düzeyde özgür medya ekolojisine zarar vereceği sonucuna varılmıştır. Çalışmanın otoriter rejimlerle idare edilen Ortadoğu ve Arap ülkelerinde Katar Krizi’nin ardından objektif yayıncılığın geleceği ve mevcut kamu yayıncılığı modelleri üzerine bir tartışma alanı açılacağı umulmaktadır.
This study of the main evening television news programs in four European countries focuses on the framing of news surrounding a major European event, the January 1, 1999, introduction of the common European currency, the euro. We investigated the visibility of political and economic news in general and of the launch of the euro in particular. We found variations across countries in the emphasis on political and economic news, with the proportion of the newscast normally devoted to these sub- jects ranging from 45% to 60%. Journalists in all countries were more likely to emphasize conflict (rather than economic consequences) in framing general political and economic news. In the coverage of the launch of the euro, there was a greater emphasis on framing the news in terms of economic consequences. The findings are discussed in terms of influences on framing practices internal and external to jour- nalism and the value of the cross-national comparative approach.
The rapidly changing social and political situation in the Arab World has combined with new digital technology to bring about dramatic changes in the way people in the Middle East utilize television. This study traces the beginnings of Arab television, identifies that have fostered changes, and outlines how new satellite transmission and reception technology is transforming what has been government-controlled broadcast information and entertainment programming. The writer identifies five major trends in Arab World television development: commercialization, program innovation, technological development, liberalization and intense competition. It was noted that the value of those developments should be judged in light of the uses into which television is being put in the Arab World. While privately-operated television may prove far superior to government-controlled television in programming outputs, its profit-making logic could bring about damage to television's role in national development.
Despite movement toward democracy throughout the Middle East, limitations to political participation persist. In Jordan, the accomplishments of democratic political reform are marred by continued authoritarian tendencies. The presence of repression in the midst of democratic change reflects the regime's intent to perpetuate its political control. This article examines the limiting effect of regime practices on voluntary organizations, demonstrations, the press, and formal political institutions.
Peter Partner. Arab voices: The BBC Arabic Service, 1938‐1988. London: BBC External Services, 1988. 165 pp. 28.00 (cloth)Mallory Wober & Barrie Gunter. Television & social control. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988. 273 pp. 29.95 (cloth)Peter J. Boyer. Who killed CBS? New York: Random House, 1988. 384 pp. 19.95 (cloth)Gladys D. Ganley & Oswald H. Ganley. Global political fallout: The VCR's first decade. Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1987. 166 pp. 29.50 (cloth)Marike Finlay. Powermatics: A discursive critique of new communication technology. New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987. 398 pp. 69.95 (cloth).
This article brings a synthesis of the recent literature about the role the media have played in the transformation of the public sphere. Departing from this literature, a general research framework for a critical political economy of the public sphere is presented. The central thesis of this approach is that a political economy of the public sphere should not be restricted to an analysis of its institutional configuration and the actual labour process, but must extend its radius of action from the production of media messages to a political economy of reception and its signification.
In updating a 1983 study, a 1988 sample from 13 weeks of Jordan Television's Arabic nightly newscast was analyzed. Newsfilm items were coded according to originating source, topic, duration (in seconds), and geographic area of coverage. In comparison with the 1983 data, the findings indicate a considerable proportional increase in the amount of time and number of locally‐originated news film items, a continued dominance by western news film sources of externally‐originated materials, and low usage of newsfilm items received via ARABSAT news exchange. It is argued that domestic and regional political and economic imperatives adversely affected the quality of JTV's usage of newsfilm materials originated by different sources.
In one of the first studies of its kind, all the wire stories used and all those rejected by a non-metropolitan newspaper over a seven-day period are classified by content, and the reasons given by the telegraph editor for his choices are analyzed. Dr. White is research professor of journalism at Boston University.
Supporters of public journalism hope to reengage citizens with politics and overcome the shortcomings of contemporary political journalism. However, there has been little systematic study of how public journalism differs from mainstream journalism. During the 1996 general election campaign in New Zealand, the first under proportional representation, three newspapers, conscious of the challenges imposed by electoral changes, experimented with public journalism coverage. This presented an opportunity to study how coverage as a whole differed from coverage of the previous elections and what specific changes were the result of public journalism initiatives. The researchers analyzed 1,938 stories from a 12-day sample of the New Zealand general election campaign coverage in 1993 and 1996. A total of seven metropolitan and provincial papers were included. The results showed public journalism articles covered proportionally more policy issues and concentrated less on personality than conventional campaign stories. Public journalism stories also were less negative and more neutral in tone and were more inclined to be ''soft'' news, reflecting a tendency to cover issues rather than events. Public journalism articles also were less likely than conventional coverage to cover the campaign from a ''horse race'' angle. The findings provide support for the utility of public journalism in campaign reporting.
How these concepts served to legitimize the role of the commercial prese as the “protector of the public good.”
Who Wins the Million
- See
See " Who Wins the Million? " 2001, p. 7.
Gov-ernments in these countries were infuriated by JSC's critical discussion of their domestic political affairs and by the hosting of opposition figures on its talk shows. In most cases, the Qatari gov-ernment has responded by highlighting JSC's editorial independence and professional integrity
- Examples
- Jordan
- Tunisia
- Libya
- Egypt
- Morocco
- Mauritania
Examples include Jordan, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Morocco, Mauritania, and Kuwait. Gov-ernments in these countries were infuriated by JSC's critical discussion of their domestic political affairs and by the hosting of opposition figures on its talk shows. In most cases, the Qatari gov-ernment has responded by highlighting JSC's editorial independence and professional integrity.
Transnational media and social change in the Arab world
- J Alterman
Alterman, J. (1999). Transnational media and social change in the Arab world. Transnational Broadcasting Studies, 2. Retrieved November 8, 2001, from http://www.tbsjournal.com/ Archives/Spring00/Articles4/Ali/ali.html Amin, H. (2000). Satellite broadcasting and civil society in the Middle East: The role of Nilesat. Transnational Broadcasting Studies, 4. Retrieved November 1, 2001, from http://www.tbsjournal.com/ Archives/Spring00/Articles4/Ali/ali.html Ayish, M. I. (1989). Newsfilm in Jordan television's Arabic nightly newscasts. Journal of Broad-casting and Electronic Media, 33, 453–460.
The changing face of Arab communications: Media survival in the informa-tion age Broadcasting in the Arab world: A survey of the electronic media in the Middle East. Ames: Iowa State University Press Framing politics at the launch of the Euro: A cross-national comparative study of frames in the news
- M I Ayish
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- C Vreese
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