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Change and Permanence in the Political Culture of Brazilian Metropolises
Abstract
This article discusses the formulations of the theoretical school known as the New Political Culture (NPC), seeking to evaluate the limits and possibilities of this approach for interpreting contemporary Brazilian culture. Based on research by the Network of Metropolitan Observatories in partnership with other Brazilian and international institutions, the authors argue that this approach is limited in its ability to analyze current changes in Brazil, where the values and behaviors related to NPC, although gaining strength in recent decades, are far from constituting the main existing cultural grammar.
The aim of this paper is to provide theoretical and empirical elements that allow us to reflect on the political culture as a condition for the exercise of active citizenship in a metropolitan context marked by a historical dynamics of segregation. Therefore, we sought to highlight the importance of taking into account the dimension of urban inequalities in order to understand the distinct political cultures hold by metropolitan citizens. For this purpose, we used data collected in a survey on political culture applied in 2006 in the Metropolitan Region of Rio de Janeiro. Also, aiming to illustrate the impact of socio-spatial differentiation on the political behavior of metropolitan citizens, we used spatialized information from the results elections for state legislature, in 2006, in the metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro. The data analysis indicate a significant internal differentiation according to the indicators of political culture used, and that this distinction largely corresponds to the socio-spatial differentiation of the metropolis. So, first, we confirmed the importance of taking into account the urban dimension in the analysis of political culture in metropolitan areas, and, secondly, the analysis of election results indicated possible connections between the political culture dimension, understood in its socio-spatial differentiation, and the dynamics of political representation.
In this article we intend to demonstrate that mainstream interpretations of international survey results on the value of interpersonal trust are often imprecise and mistaken, since they ignore the different roles conflict-adjudicating institutions play in mediating interpersonal relations in the societies the survey is applied, and thus the capacity this institutions have in fashioning civic and political cultures. Consequently, the answers obtained in public opinion polls referring to the concept of trust end up translating a very distinct dimension from that originally intended by those conducting the study. At the same time, the assumption that culture is an independent variable that determines social and political relations runs unchecked by the methodology and is confirmed in the final interpretation of results. In short, due to such analytical weakness, the concept of interpersonal trust is turned ineffective as a tool for empirical measurement, thus leading to erroneous nomological conclusions.
In this article we intend to demonstrate that mainstream interpretations of international survey results on the value of interpersonal trust are often imprecise and mistaken, since they ignore the different roles conflict-adjudicating institutions play in mediating interpersonal relations in the societies the survey is applied, and thus the capacity this institutions have in fashioning civic and political cultures. Consequently, the answers obtained in public opinion polls referring to the concept of trust end up translating a very distinct dimension from that originally intended by those conducting the study. At the same time, the assumption that culture is an independent variable that determines social and political relations runs unchecked by the methodology and is confirmed in the final interpretation of results. In short, due to such analytical weakness, the concept of interpersonal trust is turned ineffective as a tool for empirical measurement, thus leading to erroneous nomological conclusions.
Este artigo se propõe a discutir a prática do Orçamento Participativo implementado pelas três últimas administrações da Prefeitura em Belo Horizonte, um desses novos instrumentos que tem mostrado grande potencialidade de “accountability ”. Na primeira seção, analisamos, de forma sucinta, conceitos vinculados à ação coletiva, participação social e formato institucional. Posteriormente, realizamos um histórico da trajetória da política do Orçamento Participativo em Belo Horizonte, destacando suas potencialidades e principais constrangimentos. Por fim, realizamos um breve balanço dessa política, inspirado nos paradigmas discutidos inicialmente. PALAVRAS:CHAVE: Ação coletiva, participação, formato institucional, orçamento participativo, gestão local. THE PARTICIPATORY BUDGET PROCESS AS A PUBLIC POLICY: THOUGHTS ON BELO HORIZONTE’S CASE This paper proposes the discussion of the Participatory Budget process implemented in the last three administrations in Belo Horizonte’s Municipality, one of the new instruments that has showed a great accountability potential. In the first section we summarize the analysis of concepts associated to collective action, social participation and institutional format. Later on, we have traced the history of the Participatory budgeting Belo Horizonte, calling attention to its potentialities and major constraints. Finally, we make a quick balance of this politics, inspired on the paradigms that were discussed in the beginning. KEY WORDS: Collective action, participation, institutional format, participatory budgeting, local management Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br
The New Political culture, which began to take shape in the 1970s, continues to challenge many assumptions of traditional politics, especially on issues of environmentalism, growth management, gay rights, and abortion. Concerned mostly with home, consumption, and lifestyle, the New Politics emerges fully in cities with more highly educated citizens, higher incomes, and more high-tech service occupations. Leadership does not come from parties, unions, or ethnic groups but rather shifts from issue to issue: leaders on abortion are distinct from leaders on environmental issues. Based on data gathered by the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, the most extensive study of local government in the world to date, this book provides an explicit analysis of the social structural characteristics that encourage or discourage the New Political culture. The New Political culture, which began to take shape in the 1970s, continues to challenge many assumptions of traditional politics, especially on issues of environmentalism, growth management, gay rights, and abortion. Concerned mostly with home, consumption, and lifestyle, the New Politics emerges fully in cities with more highly educated citizens, higher incomes, and more high-tech service occupations. Leadership does not come from parties, unions, or ethnic groups but rather shifts from issue to issue: leaders on abortion are distinct from leaders on environmental issues. Based on data gathered by the Fiscal Austerity and Urban Innovation Project, the most extensive study of local government in the world to date, this book provides an explicit analysis of the social structural characteristics that encourage or discourage the New Political culture.
Surveys suggest an erosion of trust in government, among individuals, and between groups. Although these trends are often thought to be bad for democracy, the relationship between democracy and trust is paradoxical. Trust can develop where interests converge, but in politics interests conflict. Democracy recognizes that politics does not provide a natural terrain for robust trust relations, and so includes a healthy distrust of the interests of others, especially the powerful. Democratic systems institutionalize distrust by providing many opportunities for citizens to oversee those empowered with the public trust. At the same time, trust is a generic social building block of collective action, and for this reason alone democracy cannot do without trust. At a minimum, democratic institutions depend on a trust among citizens sufficient for representation, resistance, and alternative forms of governance. Bringing together social science and political theory, this book provides a valuable exploration of these central issues.
El presente texto es, básicamente, una revisión de la teoría democrática desde la perspectiva de su incapacidad de dar cuenta de la situación de muchas de las democracias recientemente surgidas, así como algunas más antiguas, ubicadas afuera del cuadrante noroccidental del mundo. El texto comienza con un examen crítico de varias definiciones de democracia, especialmente las que, argumentando que siguen a Schumpeter, dicen ser "minimalistas" o "procesalistas". Sobre esta base, se propone aquí una definición realista y restrictiva, pero no minimalista, del régimen democrático. Vinculado con ello, el texto explora determinadas conexiones del régimen con varios temas, incluyendo los derechos políticos, civiles y sociales; el estado, especialmente su dimensión legal; y algunas características del contexto social en general. El principal factor subyacente a estas exploraciones resulta ser la concepción moral y jurídica del ser humano como un agente, en especial tal como esta concepción fue plasmada en el sistema legal de las democracias originarias -aunque la efectividad de este sistema y de las concepciones de agencia registra importantes variaciones en diversos casos-. El texto recalca algunos factores históricos y legales, al mismo tiempo que traza, mediante digresiones comparativas, algunas importantes diferencias entre diversos tipos de democracias. Las principales conclusiones son resumidas en proposiciones, cuyo sentido principal apunta a lograr una ampliación teóricamente disciplinada del ámbito analítico y comparativo de la teoría democrática contemporánea. /// The present text is, basically, a revision of democratic theory from the perspective of its inadequacies for including into its scope many of the recently democratized countries, as well as some older democracies located outside of the Northwestern quadrant of the world. The paper begins by critically examining various definitions of democracy, especially those that, claiming to follow Schumpeter, are deemed to be "minimalist," or "procesualist." On this basis, a realistic and restricted, but not minimalist, definition of a democratic regime is proposed. After this step, the connections of this topic with several others are explored, including political, social, and welfare rights; the state, especially in its legal dimension; and some characteristics of the overall social context. The main grounding factor that results from these explorations is the conception of agency, especially as it is expressed in the legal system of existing democracies -although the effectiveness of this system and of its underlying conceptions of agency vary quite widely across cases. The approach of the text emphasizes legal and historical factors, while also tracing, in several comparative excursi, some important differences among various kinds of cases. The main conclusions are stated in several propositions, the major thrust of which entails an invitation toward a theoretically disciplined broadening of the analytical and comparative scope of contemporary democratic theory.
The problem of citizenship has re-emerged as an issue which is central, not only to practical political questions concerning access to health-care systems, education institutions and the welfare state, but also to traditional theoretical debates in sociology over the conditions of social integration and social solidarity. Citizenship as an institution is thus constitutive of the societal community. These sociological debates typically start with an analysis of the conceptual framework of citizenship in the work of T.H. Marshall. This article reviews the standard objections to Marshall's concept of citizenship and the hyphenated society, and develops a critique of the unitary character of the concept of citizenship in the Marshallian tradition. There are in fact, as the etymological development of the concept itself demonstrates, several distinct forms of citizenship. In reply to a recent contribution by Michael Mann to the theory of citizenship, the article contrasts the history of citizenship in Germany, France, Holland, England and the United States; on the basis of this overview, we can identify two crucial variables. The first concerns the passive or active nature of citizenship, depending on whether citizenship is developed from above (via the state) or from below (in terms of more local participatory institutions, such as trade unions). The second dimension is the relationship between the public and the private arenas within civil society. A conservative view of citizenship (as passive and private) contrasts with a more revolutionary idea of active and public citizenship. By combining these two dimensions, it is possible to produce a historically dynamic theory of four types of democratic polities as societal contexts for the realization of citizenship rights.
Considering the stabilization process of Latin American political institutions since the 1980s, this article asserts that the main challenge that democracy faces in the region is the context on which these institutions interact in relation to the internal-external interface rather than on their intrinsic qualities. This paper suggests that one of the possible sources of political instability is found on the lack of public opinion credibility of elected governments due to their incapability of promoting substantive changes through economic development policies. In Brazil, despite a complex institutional matrix that induces power dispersion, governability is not the central issue. The reduction of the degrees of freedom for the execution of the social and economic policies has consequences -at the end- for the legitimacy of representative institutions among the population. This makes institutions vulnerable to the pressure exerci- sed by the social movements as an alternative channel for political action.
The present article is a revision of democratic theory from the perspective of its inadequacies to account for the new - and not so new -, democracies located outside the Northwestern quadrant of the world. It begins by examining various definitions of democracy, especially those that claiming to be Schumpeterian, are deemed to be minimalist, or processualist; and proposes a realistic and restricted, but not minimalist definition of a democratic regime. The connections of this topic with several others are then explored, including political, social, and welfare rights; the state, mainly in its legal dimension; and some features of the overall social context. The main grounding factor that results from these explorations is the conception of agency, as it is expressed in the legal system of existing democracies, although widely variable across cases.
This article seeks to put the “public” back in public values research by theorizing about the potential of direct citizen participation to assist with identifying and understanding public values. Specifically, the article explores eight participatory design elements and offers nine propositions about how those elements are likely to affect the ability of administrators to identify and understand public values with regard to a policy conflict. The article concludes with a brief discussion about potential directions for future research.
há, na sociedade brasileira, uma distinção entre "pessoa"-digna de consideração quando a interpretação da lei é matizada de forma favorável-e "indivíduo"-que não possui relações privilegiadas
- Para Damatta
Para DaMatta (1979), há, na sociedade brasileira, uma distinção entre "pessoa"-digna de consideração quando a interpretação da lei é matizada de forma favorável-e
"indivíduo"-que não possui relações privilegiadas, correndo o risco de ser tratado
com os rigores da lei.
A maior parte dos entrevistados é solteira (49%), mas também é significativo o percentual de casados (37%). A amostra também contou com 7% de viúvos e 7% de separados ou divorciados. Em geral, o nível de escolaridade dos entrevistados é baixo
- Na
Na amostra nacional, foram entrevistadas 2.000 pessoas; e, complementarmente,
mais 2.804 pessoas, distribuídas pelas seguintes cidades: São Paulo (384), Rio de Janeiro (500), Porto Alegre (384), Belo Horizonte (384), Recife (384), Natal (384) e Goiânia (384). No que se refere à amostra nacional, temos 51,2% de mulheres e 48,9% de
homens, todos maiores de 18 anos, distribuídos entre as seguintes faixas etárias:
34,6% entre 18 e 29 anos; 31,6% entre 30 e 44 anos; 19,9% entre 45 e 59 anos; 11,8% entre
60 e 74 anos; e 2,2% com mais de 75 anos. A maior parte dos entrevistados é solteira
(49%), mas também é significativo o percentual de casados (37%). A amostra também
contou com 7% de viúvos e 7% de separados ou divorciados. Em geral, o nível de escolaridade dos entrevistados é baixo, prevalecendo pessoas que cursaram até o nível
médio incompleto (68% da amostra).
estatisticamente, a comparação das médias dos índices para cada cidade, realizamos uma análise de variância (Anova) para distinguirmos médias que não se diferenciam, significativamente, e formamos grupos de médias que diferenciam, significativamente
- Para Controlarmos
Para controlarmos, estatisticamente, a comparação das médias dos índices para cada
cidade, realizamos uma análise de variância (Anova) para distinguirmos médias que
não se diferenciam, significativamente, e formamos grupos de médias que diferenciam, significativamente, entre si.
O(A) senhor(a) diria que é interessado(a) em política? Sendo: (4) muito interessado; (3) interessado; (2) não muito interessado
- A Pergunta Do Questionário Foi
A pergunta do questionário foi: "O(A) senhor(a) diria que é interessado(a) em política? Sendo: (4) muito interessado; (3) interessado; (2) não muito interessado; e (1) não
tem interesse nenhum".
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há, na sociedade brasileira, uma distinção entre "pessoa" -digna de consideração quando a interpretação da lei é matizada de forma favorável -e "indivíduo" -que não possui relações privilegiadas, correndo o risco de ser tratado com os rigores da lei
- Para Damatta
Para DaMatta (1979), há, na sociedade brasileira, uma distinção entre "pessoa" -digna de consideração quando a interpretação da lei é matizada de forma favorável -e
"indivíduo" -que não possui relações privilegiadas, correndo o risco de ser tratado
com os rigores da lei.
Com que frequência o(a) senhor(a) faz cada uma das seguintes coisas?: (i) lê assuntos de política nos jornais; (ii) vê os noticiários na televisão; (iii) ouve os noticiários da rádio; (iv) utiliza a internet para obter notícias e informação política
- O Índice Corresponde À Média Alcançada Para A Seguinte Pergunta
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nos jornais; (ii) vê os noticiários na televisão; (iii) ouve os noticiários da rádio; (iv)
utiliza a internet para obter notícias e informação política. Sendo: (5) todos os dias;
Ciudad y Ciudadanía en Portugal. El 'Efecto-Metrópolis' sobre el Ejercicio de la Ciudadanía Política
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