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Fugitives in the United States
... Notwithstanding the fundamental right of a jurisdiction to seek extradition, electing the return of a fugitive is not universal. A jurisdiction issuing an arrest warrant has the ability to waive this obligation-to limit extradition (Bierie, 2014;Guynes & Wolff, 2004). 1 Empirical work suggests extradition limits on arrest warrants are common. Bierie (2014) examined a national census of arrest warrants from 2011, showing more than half carried some kind of extradition limit. 2 The most common limit was a complete denial of any extradition (34%), meaning the issuing agency would not pick up or pay for transport of the fugitive from any arresting agency outside the issuing jurisdiction (e.g., the county in which the issuing court is housed). ...
... Last, about 4% of the issued warrants allowed extradition only if the perpetrator was apprehended in an adjacent state. 3 These percentages are substantively interesting in and of themselves, but even more so because of the large number of fugitives in the U.S. Bierie (2014) found there were more than two million active arrest warrants in the U.S. on a typical day in 2011 including more than 1.2 million felonies. The study also reported extradition limitations were spread across all crime types and all states. ...
... The study also reported extradition limitations were spread across all crime types and all states. That is, there were more than one million fugitives with warrants lacking full extradition authority, thousands of whom were wanted for serious charges such as homicide, rape, and robbery (Bierie, 2014). These fugitives could, essentially, elect banishment rather than arrest and prosecution if they fled the warrant-issuing jurisdiction. ...
Arrest warrants are an important and pervasive aspect of crime and justice in the United States. There are nearly three million arrest warrants active on any given day, of which several hundred thousand were issued for serious violent crimes (SVCs) such as aggravated assault, robbery, forcible sexual assault, and homicide. In more than a third of those SVC warrants, however, extradition is conditionally waived such that an offender can avoid arrest by leaving town; they can elect banishment over prosecution. Studying extradition limits among these serious offenses presents an opportunity to illuminate both a challenge to public safety and justice, as well as forces underlying discretionary decision making by police. To that end, we study all arrest warrants issued in the United States for SVCs between 2017 and 2019. We model banishment rates at the county-level within a multivariate negative binomial framework. Analyses showed banishment varied as a function of policing capacity, firearm use in crimes, racial composition, and voting behavior during the 2016 presidential election.
... Individuals with misdemeanor warrants primarily utilized FSS, rather than individuals with felony warrants, which reflects a different population of participants than anticipated (Bierie, 2014;Cahill, 2012;Flannery & Kretchsmar, 2012;Tabarrok, 2012). Individuals are issued misdemeanor warrants for diverse reasons including suspicion of commission of a crime, failure to pay fees or fines, or failure to appear at a court hearing. ...
... However, they may also have major misdemeanors, such as domestic violence. Confirming past research, FSS participants reported failure to appear in court or failure to pay a fine as the most common reasons for having a warrant (Bierie, 2014;Guynes & Wolff, 2004). This suggests that FSS participants may be qualitatively distinct from the population of individuals with felony warrants. ...
... Warrant incidence data are limited (Bierie, 2014;Goldkamp, 2012). Bierie's (2014) examination of the national warrant database, maintained by the National Criminal Information Center (NCIC), provides the closest estimates to date on the incidence of felony-level warrants nationally. ...
The Fugitive Safe Surrender (FSS) program is a means for individuals with outstanding warrants to turn themselves in at a non-law-enforcement setting. Challenges remain in evaluating FSS program outcomes. Based on n = 211 participants’ demographic data and qualitative, open-ended written responses collected during an FSS event in a mid-sized Midwestern city, we analyze participants’ reasons for surrendering and anticipated outcomes of surrendering. Utilizing inductive thematic analysis of participants’ responses, we identify individual-level program outcomes that can be used for evaluating FSS. We additionally identify the intersection of codes amongst participant responses to demonstrate the inter-connectedness of FSS participants’ reasons and anticipated outcomes of surrendering. Family was identified as a life domain that cross-cut many identified themes in participants’ responses. The most prominent reasons for surrender included family, resolution of legal issues, and obtaining a driver’s license; the most common intersection of these themes included driver’s license/employment, employment/family, and decreasing worry/family. Common anticipated outcomes included obtaining a driver’s license, employment, and decreased worry; the most common intersection of these themes included driver’s license/employment; decreased worry/employment, and family/employment. We propose that these individual-level outcomes may be associated with increased social capital due to participants’ increased opportunities for maintaining familial networks and employment. Future evaluation of FSS should incorporate these individual-level outcomes to measure the effectiveness of warrant clearing for misdemeanors and felonies.
... has remained relatively stable throughout the past decade at approximately two million (Bierie, 2014;Craun & Detar, 2015). New warrants are added everyday as other fugitives are apprehended and their warrants closed. ...
... In their work on the arrest likelihood of geographically mobile offenders, Lammers and Bernasco (2013) methodologically equated identified offenders to arrested offenders, which is not always the case. Bierie (2014) found that 5% of active warrants in NCIC were issued prior to 2001 and 45% were issued at least 2 years before the study date. Further research by Lammers (2014) acknowledged that focusing on the data of arrested offenders could lead to biased results because those who managed to evade detection and arrest would not be included in the statistical analyses. ...
... Independent/control variables. Utilizing previous research on warrants to guide the variable selection, the analyses focused on four sets of independent variables to determine whether they affected time to arrest: the type of offense, the notation of the offender as armed/dangerous, extradition limitations of the warrant, and the seriousness of the infraction (felony/misdemeanor; Bierie, 2014;Craun & Detar, 2015). NCIC offense codes were used to categorize offenses into general offense categories as outlined by the NCIC manual. ...
To understand how offenders are caught, past research has focused on case closures, which combines the identification and apprehension of a fugitive. However, there is a gap in applied research concerning duration to apprehension and variation in time to capture by crime. This study examined the days to close arrest warrants using administrative data containing 1.3 million cases. A Cox proportional hazards model demonstrated that sex crimes involving contact or encompassing child pornography/exploitation, kidnapping, sex offender registration violations, and warrants involving assaults or an armed/dangerous notation had the strongest relationships to warrant closure. The results illustrate the prioritizing of cases involving sex offenders and violent offenders, as well as underscoring a need for future research on time to warrant closure.
... Finally, research should examine the use of sanctions and rewards to motivate MHC participants, and whether jail is an effective and humane sanction for PSMI. (Bierie, 2014). Over 1 million of these warrants are for felonies and approximately 100,000 are for serious violent crime (Bierie, 2014). ...
... (Bierie, 2014). Over 1 million of these warrants are for felonies and approximately 100,000 are for serious violent crime (Bierie, 2014). Law enforcement agencies invest significant resources in pursuing fugitives and processing warrant arrests (Goldkamp, 2012). ...
... Those with serious crime warrants may need to be held in custody regardless of self-surrender and for that reason experience job loss or other costs. But the majority of warrants are for nonviolent (Bierie, 2014) or traffic offenses (Guynes & Wold, 2004). It is likely that the majority of fugitives who self-surrender would indeed reap these benefits. ...
... criminal warrants in the United States on any given day (Bierie, 2014). Over 1 million of these warrants are for felonies and approximately 100,000 are for serious violent crime (Bierie, 2014). ...
... criminal warrants in the United States on any given day (Bierie, 2014). Over 1 million of these warrants are for felonies and approximately 100,000 are for serious violent crime (Bierie, 2014). Law enforcement agencies invest significant resources in pursuing fugitives and processing warrant arrests (Goldkamp, 2012). ...
... Those with serious crime warrants may need to be held in custody regardless of self-surrender and for that reason experience job loss or other costs. But the majority of warrants are for nonviolent (Bierie, 2014) or traffic offenses (Guynes & Wold, 2004). It is likely that the majority of fugitives who self-surrender would indeed reap these benefits. ...
Increasing the efficiency of warrant investigations would return substantial benefits to taxpayers. It could increase voluntary surrender among wanted persons, expedite the ability of citizens to offer tips, and address such high-cost problems as risk of false arrests due to errors in warrant databases. The author discusses the feasibility and advantages of a national public registry of active warrants as a way to address these needs.
... This capability extends the reach of law enforcement to influence justice beyond their jurisdictional boundaries and promotes officer safety when wanted individuals are encountered during traffic stops or calls for service. Although jurisdictions are not mandated to submit warrants to NCIC, approximately 8,800 different law enforcement originating agency identifiers (ORI) had active warrants in 2011 (Bierie, 2014). Due to database accessibility, there has been limited information about warrants throughout the United States. ...
... Recently, work was published that provided some description of the warrants within the United States. Bierie (2014) found that nearly 60% of the warrants in NCIC were for a court-related offense, such as parole/probation violations and failure to appear, while more serious crimes such as homicide, robbery, and weapons violations accounted for less than one percent of all warrants. 1 Likewise, researchers studying Fugitive Safe Surrender, a program that allowed offenders with outstanding warrants to turn themselves in, found most participants were wanted for failure to pay court fines or to appear in court (Flannery & Kretschmar, 2012). ...
... Due to previous work illustrating the importance of race, gender, and age at warrant issuance when examining NCIC warrants (Bierie, 2014), along with the work illustrating how demographics can influence police-offender interactions Craun et al., 2013;James et al., 2013), it was important to include offender demographics listed in the NCIC Person file as control variables. Table 1 shows the univariate distribution of the variables, along with their bivariate relationships to the dependent variable armed and dangerous. ...
Purpose
Within the National Crime Information Center (NCIC) warrant database law enforcement can indicate if an offender is believed to be armed and/or dangerous. This study’s purpose was to determine the percentage of NCIC warrants that had offender designated as armed and/or dangerous. Predictors of armed/dangerous status were also explored.
Methods
Data from NCIC for the first nine months of 2014 were used. For the multivariate analysis a bootstrapped logistic regression controlling for clustering at the state level was chosen.
Results
Approximately, three percent of warrants across the nation were categorized as armed/dangerous. Several crime-related predictors as well as demographic predictors of the armed/dangerous notation were found. Offenders with warrants for homicide, assault, robbery, and weapons offenses were more likely to be categorized as armed/dangerous. Warrants for non-contact sex crimes and pornography were less likely to be labeled as such.
Conclusions
The utilization of the terms armed/dangerous in NCIC serves as a warning for police arresting offenders. For public and officer safety, it is critical to understand how often the label is applied and under what circumstances. The findings are discussed in the context of what is known about warrants, along with factors impacting the dangerousness of criminals during arrest.
... Analysis of NCIC warrant data from all jurisdictions in the US found that 1.95 million warrants were active on a single, day in April 2011. About half of those warrants were issued within the last two years; 20% were issued more than five years prior (Bierie, 2014). Approximately 60% of all outstanding warrants were bench warrants related to probation/parole violations, bail violations, failure to appear, failure to comply, or related court-processing violations (Bierie, 2014). ...
... About half of those warrants were issued within the last two years; 20% were issued more than five years prior (Bierie, 2014). Approximately 60% of all outstanding warrants were bench warrants related to probation/parole violations, bail violations, failure to appear, failure to comply, or related court-processing violations (Bierie, 2014). The extensive use of warrants for non-compliance with court proceedings has been associated with racial and ethnic disparities unconstitutional policing behaviors (Sekhon, 2018). ...
The objective of this experiment was to test the efficacy of providing prioritized warrant lists to patrol officers. A field experiment was carried out with the Greensboro (NC) Police Department. Warrant risk profiles were calculated from an analysis of historical offending; historical risk factors were used to implement prospective risk assessment for committing a violent crime while having an outstanding warrant issued during the field experiment. During the period from March 01, through July 31, 2019, people with warrants were randomly allocated to treatment or control. Outcomes included: number of warrants served, time to service, and average risk score of warrants served. Prioritization was not effective in promoting additional warrant service. No differences were found in the risk scores of people served. However, assessment of time to service suggested that warrants were served more quickly during the experimental period. Implementation of warrant prioritization had limited impacts; the process evaluation demonstrated the difficulty in modifying police patrol behaviors.
... Fortunately, the Journal of Criminal Justice has allocated increasing attention to murder and rape, and indeed encourages much more research on these crimes and the perpetrators of them. An important trend among papers in the journal is a disproportionate focus on the more severe, exceptional , pathological offenders who not only commit more crime and violence, but also produce more costs for society and the criminal justice system (e.g., Barnes, 2014; Behnken, Caudill, Berg, Trulson, & DeLisi, 2011; Bierie, 2014; DeLisi, Neppl, Lohman, Vaughn, & Shook, 2013; Dooley, Seals, & Skarbek, 2014; Jennings, Fox, & Farrington, 2014; Knight, Sims-Knight, & Guay, 2013; Lussier & Beauregard, 2014; McCuish, Corrado, Lussier, & Hart, 2014; Piquero, Jennings, Piquero, & Schubert, 2014; Wu & Barnes, 2013; Yonai, Levine, & Glicksohn, 2013). For example , there are two million active warrants in the United States on any given day, and a non-trivial number of those are for murder and rape. ...
... In fact, murder and rape charges are among the strongest determinants of full extradition (Bierie, 2014) thus they are an essential part of the criminal justice process. And since theory and research tell us that career criminals, life-course-persistent offenders, and the severe 5% are the very individuals who rape and murder, they are a critical area of future inquiry. ...
... Fortunately, the Journal of Criminal Justice has allocated increasing attention to murder and rape, and indeed encourages much more research on these crimes and the perpetrators of them. An important trend among papers in the journal is a disproportionate focus on the more severe, exceptional , pathological offenders who not only commit more crime and violence, but also produce more costs for society and the criminal justice system (e.g., Barnes, 2014; Behnken, Caudill, Berg, Trulson, & DeLisi, 2011; Bierie, 2014; DeLisi, Neppl, Lohman, Vaughn, & Shook, 2013; Dooley, Seals, & Skarbek, 2014; Jennings, Fox, & Farrington, 2014; Knight, Sims-Knight, & Guay, 2013; Lussier & Beauregard, 2014; McCuish, Corrado, Lussier, & Hart, 2014; Piquero, Jennings, Piquero, & Schubert, 2014; Wu & Barnes, 2013; Yonai, Levine, & Glicksohn, 2013). For example , there are two million active warrants in the United States on any given day, and a non-trivial number of those are for murder and rape. ...
... In fact, murder and rape charges are among the strongest determinants of full extradition (Bierie, 2014) thus they are an essential part of the criminal justice process. And since theory and research tell us that career criminals, life-course-persistent offenders, and the severe 5% are the very individuals who rape and murder, they are a critical area of future inquiry. ...
... Wanted Persons file, regardless of whether the warrant was investigated by the USMS (see Bierie, 2012). The version of this data available for our analysis only contained warrant records from January 2006 through present. ...
... Although there are no published estimates on the prevalence of warrants among the U.S. population (or among offenders), recent research suggests the experience may be pervasive. Bierie (2012) found that there were more than 2 million active warrants in the U.S. on a randomly selected day in 2011, including 28,000 for a contact sexual offense, 13,000 sex offenders with warrants for court violations, and more than 7,500 with warrants for registry violations. The sheer volume of active warrants suggests that the experience of being a fugitive is far from rare. ...
The Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act (AWA) established the U.S. Marshals Service (USMS) as the nation’s lead agency in the pursuit of sex offenders who violate a sex offender registry and cross state, tribal, or national borders. This study examines the flight behavior of 195 AWA violators investigated by the USMS during 2011 and focuses on the strategic choices fugitives made including the distance offenders traveled, whether they lived alone or with others at capture, and whether they were arrested in a community they were familiar with (e.g., a city they had lived in before). A number of personal, criminal, geographic, and social indicators were taken from law enforcement and public records in an effort to model patterns across these three strategic choices. The data showed that 37% of AWA violators fled to a familiar area, 65% lived with friends or family at capture, and 50% traveled more than 370 miles (with 35% residing in an adjacent state to the last known address). Analyses also showed that these three outcomes varied as a function of offender demographics, geographic history, social networks, and criminal history. Implications for policy and research are discussed.
... One study estimates that 2 million criminal warrants may be active at any time. 16 In 2018, the US Marshals Service arrested 86 703 fugitives, which includes, but is not limited to, state and local fugitives, federal fugitives, sex offenders, gang members, homicide suspects, international and foreign fugitives, and organized crime fugitives. 17 In addition, some soldiers who are absent without leave or with unauthorized absence (AWOL/ UA) also are subject to criminal investigation. ...
A successful quarantine requires a high rate of compliance by individuals with potential exposure to a communicable disease.
Many individuals would be reluctant to comply with a quarantine because they fear that contact with government officials will place them in legal, personal, or economic jeopardy. These include undocumented immigrants and individuals with a substance use disorder. For a quarantine to succeed, individuals must be granted temporary immunity from arrest, deportation, or similar adverse consequences, but doing so will be politically unpopular.
We argue that public health considerations must take precedence over politics in protecting the health of the public.
... The FSS program has brought to light a number of important issues. First, the number of persons with open warrants in this country (or those who think they have an open warrant) probably runs into the millions (Bierie, 2014). Persons who voluntarily surrender at an FSS site most typically report that they are "tired of running" or that they want to take care of their warrant status because of family responsibilities or because they cannot obtain a valid driver's license or legitimate employment or education with an open warrant. ...
The Cambridge Handbook of Violent Behavior and Aggression - edited by Alexander T. Vazsonyi July 2018
... 3. It is common for criminal career researchers to utilize official data from a single state (e.g. Armstrong and Britt, 2004;Britt, 1996;DeLisi and Piquero, 2011) because NCIC data are not accessible for research purposes unless archival NCIC records are being used by criminal justice practitioners who also conduct research (Bierie, 2014;Craun and Detar, 2015). ...
Purpose
Most burglaries are property offenses yet some offenders perpetrate burglary for the purpose of violent instrumental crimes. Sexual burglars are distinct from non-sexual burglars because the former seek to rape or sexually abuse victims within the homes they burgle whereas the latter seek theft and material gain. It is unclear to what degree burglars who are armed with firearms or knives represent a type of sexual burglar, or perhaps a more severe type of offender who enters homes not merely to rape a victim, but to perhaps murder them as well. The paper aims to discuss these issues.
Design/methodology/approach
Drawing on data from 790 felons in Florida, t -test and negative binomial regression models were used to compare armed burglars to offenders who were not convicted of armed burglary.
Findings
Compared to offenders not convicted of armed burglary, armed burglars were involved in significantly more instrumental crimes of violence including first-degree murder, kidnapping, armed rape, armed robbery and assault with intent to murder. Armed burglary may be a marker of extreme instrumental violent offending and warrants further study.
Originality/value
To the authors’ knowledge, this is among the first studies of armed burglary offenders and adds understanding to the heterogeneity of burglary offenders and their criminal careers.
... In addition to males more likely to carry a handgun than females (Pickett et al., 2005), research has identified racial and ethnic differences. Studies in the U.S. indicate that African-Americans and Latinos are more likely to carry weapons such as handguns compared to Whites and Asians (e.g., Craun and Detar, in press;DuRant et al., 1999;Spano, 2012) in part because of more extensive and greater duration of involvement in criminal violence (Bierie, 2014;Craun and Detar, in press;Doherty and Ensminger, 2014). However, there is a relative dearth of nationally representative studies on racial/ethnic differences in handgun carrying among youth. ...
... In addition to males more likely to carry handgun than females (Pickett et al., 2005), research has identified racial and ethnic differences. Studies in the U.S. indicate that African-Americans and Latinos are more likely to carry weapons such as handguns compared to Whites and Asians (e.g., Craun & Detar, 2015;Durant, Krowchuk, Kreiter, Sinal, & Woods 1999;Spano, 2012) in part because of more extensive and greater duration of involvement in criminal violence (Bierie, 2014;Craun & Deter, 2015;Doherty & Ensminger, 2014). However, there is a relative dearth of nationally representative studies on racial/ethnic differences in handgun carrying among youth. ...
The objective of the present study was to examine trends and correlates of handgun carrying among adolescents ages 12-17 in the United States. Data was derived from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) involving non-Hispanic white, African American, and Hispanic respondents ages 12-17 (n = 197,313) and spanning the years 2002-2013. Logistic regression was used to examine significance of trend year and correlates of previous 12-month handgun carrying. The overall self-reported prevalence of handgun carrying was 3.4%. The prevalence of handgun carrying during 2004-2005 was significantly higher for African-Americans (4.39%) compared to non-Hispanic whites (3.03%). However, by 2012-2013, non-Hispanic whites (4.08%) completely diverged and reported carrying handguns significantly more than both African-American (2.96%) and Hispanic (2.82%) youth. Male gender and a number of externalizing behaviors were significant correlates of handgun carrying; however, we also found evidence of differential correlates with regard to such factors as drug selling, parental affirmation, and income by race/ethnicity. To our knowledge, this is the largest study of handgun carrying among youth in the United States. Findings indicate that although at historically low levels handgun carrying is on the rise but only among non-Hispanic Whites. Differential correlates among racial/ethnic groups suggest prevention programming and policies may need modifications depending on group and geographic locale targeted.
... 3. The criminal justice system also draws a distinction between sexual offenses, such as those relating to possession of pornography to contact violations. In a national examination of fugitives, for instance, Bierie (2014) found that contact sexual offenses were the strongest determinant of full-extradition warrants with contact sex offenses nearly nine times more likely to warrant full extradition. By comparison, the odds ratio for pornography crimes was just 1.5 times more likely to warrant full extradition. ...
Purpose
– The purpose of this paper is to examine the dark figure of crime among federal sex offenders from the USA to quantify crime victims and sex crime events among those with no official criminal record.
Design/methodology/approach
– Using data on 119 offenders selected from a five-year census of sex offenders selected from a federal probation jurisdiction in the Midwestern United States, descriptive, partial correlations, and ROC-AUC models were conducted.
Findings
– In total, 69 percent of offenders self-reported a contact sexual offense during polygraph examination. In total, 34 offenders had zero official record of sexual abuse but non-zero self-reported history of sexual abuse. These 34 clients offended against 148 victims that potentially denoted a minimum number of 148 sex crime events, a median number of 1,480 sex crime events, a mean number of 32,101 sex crime events, and a maximum number of 827,552 sex crime events. Total paraphilias were not predictive of self-reported sexual offending but were strongly associated with prolific self-reported sexual offending.
Originality/value
– The dark figure of sexual offending is enormous and the revelation of this information is facilitated by polygraph examination of federal sex offenders. Ostensibly non-contact sex offenders such as those convicted of possession of child pornography are very likely to have a history of contact sexual offending. Consistent with the containment model, polygraph examinations of the sexual history of offenders convicted of sexual offenses should be required to facilitate public safety.
... The prevalence of psychopathy is estimated at 1% which equates to 3,189,000 psychopaths. These assorted offenders are the most prolific and violent (Bierie, 2014;DeLisi, Neppl, Lohman, Vaughn, & Shook, 2013;Jackson & Beaver, 2013;Jennings, Fox, & Farrington, 2014;Jennings, Piquero, & Farrington, 2013;McCuish, Corrado, Lussier, & Hart, 2014), and often have extensive prison histories. Is the criminal justice system really missing this many severe offenders? ...
... Serious, violent offenders impose greater costs on society and problems for the criminal justice system (cf., Barnes, 2014;Bierie, 2014;Caudill et al., 2014;Cross & Pruitt, 2013;DeLisi, Neppl, Lohman, Vaughn, & Shook, 2013;Jennings, Piquero, & Farrington, 2013;McCuish, Corrado, Lussier, & Hart, 2014;Steiner, Butler, & Ellison, 2014;Yonai, Levine, & Glicksohn, 2013), and it should not be forgotten that sex offenders are among the serious and violent. Unfortunately, studies that focus on the putative effectiveness of criminal justice policies designed specifically for sex offenders (cf., Duwe, 2014;Hargreaves & Francis, 2014;van den Berg, Bijleveld, Hendriks, & Mooi-Reci, 2014) can potentially give the appearance of expressing solicitude for sex offenders, and instead reserving outrage toward the general public, politicians, or criminal justice practitioners. ...
... The Wanted Persons data set only overlaps with NIBRS in a fraction of cases. This is because many of the underlying crimes that generate warrants are not NIBRS crime (e.g., most warrants are for a probation, parole, or court order violation; Bierie, 2012). However, there is enough overlap to demonstrate the concept of linking NIBRS to other data systems. ...
The National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) is an important data set serving social scientists, policy makers, the business community, and the press. However, it is hampered by low participation rates among the nation's police agencies. This article outlines a strategy for enhancing NIBRS by (a) providing police agencies free and supported software to extract and transmit an agency's Record Management System (RMS) data in NIBRS format (or a data-entry system if an RMS does not exist), (b) including personal identifiers of arrestees, and (c) allowing police agencies to access the national data for routine police work. The article describes how taking these steps would decrease the costs of implementing and maintaining NIBRS, encourage widespread adoption, and increase data quality. These enhancements could foster substantial improvements in policing as well as other aspects of the criminal justice system. These changes would also open up new and exciting areas for academics and analysts, including the ability to study criminal careers over time as well as criminal networks within NIBRS.
Warrants are commonplace in the USA, especially bench warrants issued for non-compliance with court orders. Although warrants compel arrest, in practice, officers exercise discretion when enforcing low-level warrants; yet, this discretion goes undocumented and data on warrant enforcement are limited. This collaboration between St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department and the University of Missouri—St. Louis addresses these gaps. Using arrest data, we find that warrant arrests in St. Louis declined from 2002 to 2019. One-third of arrests involve a bench warrant, primarily stemming from traffic violations, and many involve no new charges. Racial disparities in warrant enforcement exist, but data are needed to uncover why. Informal focus groups and meetings with St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department personnel held from 2018 to 2021 provide insight into the role of warrants in officer decision making. We argue that reducing resources devoted to warrant enforcement and racial disparities requires collaboration between police and other stakeholders.
Two countries set their enforcement noncooperatively to deter native and foreign individuals from committing a crime in their territory. Crime is mobile, ex ante (migration) and ex post (fleeing), and criminals hiding abroad after committing a crime in a country must be extradited. When extradition is not too costly, countries overinvest in enforcement: insourcing foreign criminals is more costly than paying the extradition cost. When extradition is sufficiently costly, instead, significant enforcement may induce criminals to flee the country whose law they infringed on. The fear of paying the extradition cost enables the countries to coordinate on the efficient outcome.
Prosecutorial discretion is a key area of focus for criminologists and legal scholars. Although a great deal of research has shown legal and extra-legal factors impact prosecutorial decision making, little work to date has tested whether press coverage is relevant to decision making. This study addresses a key prosecutorial decision draws on the universe of homicide prosecutions occurring over a 10 years period in Baltimore City, Maryland, and analyses a key decision: whether the prosecutor elects to pursue life-without-parole. The analysis shows that prosecutors are significantly more likely to seek this additional penalty when homicides are covered in the press (prior to the decision point). The findings hold after controlling for legal factors (evidence, heinousness, and mitigation) and extra-legal factors (demographics of victims and offenders). The data show that press coverage is an important part of prosecutorial decision making.
The Adam Walsh Child Protection and Safety Act (AWA) established the U.S. Marshals Service (USMS) as the nation’s lead agency in the pursuit of sex offenders who violate a sex offender registry and cross state, tribal, or national borders. This study examines the flight behavior of 195 AWA violators investigated by the USMS during 2011 and focuses on the strategic choices fugitives made including the distance offenders traveled, whether they lived alone or with others at capture, and whether they were arrested in a community they were familiar with (e.g., a city they had lived in before). A number of personal, criminal, geographic, and social indicators were taken from law enforcement and public records in an effort to model patterns across these three strategic choices. The data showed that 37% of AWA violators fled to a familiar area, 65% lived with friends or family at capture, and 50% traveled more than 370 miles (with 35% residing in an adjacent state to the last known address). Analyses also showed that these three outcomes varied as a function of offender demographics, geographic history, social networks, and criminal history. Implications for policy and research are discussed.
One of the strongest findings in the juvenile delinquency literature is the relationship between a lack of school success, school disengagement, and involvement in the criminal justice system. This link has been deemed the "school-to-jail pipeline." To date, research has not clarified the antecedents or origins of this school failure and disengagement, although it is known that it occurs at relatively young ages. This study examines one possible source: racial bias in school discipline experienced during the elementary school years. Using a multi-level analysis, we examine whether African-American elementary school students are more likely to receive disciplinary infractions while controlling for individual-level, classroom-level, and school-level factors. Our findings, robust across several models, show that African-American children receive more disciplinary infractions than children from other racial categories. Classroom factors, school factors, and student behavior are not sufficient to account for this finding. We also find that school-level characteristics (e.g., percentage of black students) are related to overall discipline levels, consistent with a racial threat hypothesis. These findings have important implications for the school-to-jail literature and may point to one explanation for why minority students fare less well and are more likely to disengage from schools at a younger age than whites.
PurposeTo comprehensively review the literature on the number and shape of latent group-based trajectories of violence, aggression, and delinquency.Materials and MethodsA systematic and exhaustive search of several academic databases (e.g., Criminal Justice Abstracts, Web of Knowledge, EBSCO Host, PsychInfo, PubMed) was conducted. Google Scholar searches were conducted to locate articles that are currently “in press.”ResultsThis narrative meta-review identified 105 studies that used latent trajectory modeling to describe the number and shape of violence, aggression, and delinquency trajectories. The number of trajectory groups ranges from 2-7 groups. However, most studies report between 3 and 4 groups, loosely including life-course persistent or chronic offenders, a group of escalators or desistors, and one group that does not exhibit violent, aggressive, or delinquent behavior.Conclusions
There is substantial variability in the number and shape of trajectory groups across samples, measurement, developmental phase of the life-course captured, length of observation, and geographical context. However, the studies are largely consistent with Moffitt's taxonomy. Future research should extend trajectory modeling beyond description to examine theoretically relevant risk and protective factors for violence, aggression, and delinquency, investigate empirically relevant outcomes associated with violence, aggression, and delinquency, and focus on policy-relevant research.
This article investigates perceived danger among the nation’s confined youth. Although a number of studies have examined etiology of danger in prison, few have examined juvenile residents or focused on decomposing facility-level from individual-level effects. Addressing these limitations, this study draws on survey data at 48 juvenile institutions across the US and compares perceived danger between pooled and fixed-effects model specifications. The data showed juveniles who were younger and had prior maltreatment histories perceived more danger than others (within the same facilities). The data also showed that several variables ostensibly impacting perceptions were operating through contextual bias – including geographic background, criminal history, and race. For example, minorities perceived more danger than White adolescents overall (pooled models) but not within the same facilities (fixed effects). This may suggest minority adolescents serve time in ‘harsher’ facilities – an understudied form of disparity in the criminal justice system.
Criminologists agree that the gender gap in crime is universal: Women are always and everywhere less likely than men to commit criminal acts. The experts disagree, however, on a number of key issues: Is the gender gap stable or variant over time and across space? If there is variance, how may it best be explained? Are the causes of female crime distinct from or similar to those of male crime? Can traditional sociological theories of crime explain female crime and the gender gap in crime? Do gender-neutral or gender-specific theories hold the most explanatory promise? In this chapter we first examine patterns of female offending and the gender gap. Second, we review the “gender equality hypothesis” as well as several recent developments in theorizing about gender differences in crime. Third, we expand on a gendered paradigm for explaining female crime first sketched elsewhere. We conclude with recommendations for future work.
Prior theory and research on sentencing oversimplify the role of race, gender and age in judicial decision making. In this article we present a “focal concerns” theory of judicial decision making to frame hypotheses regarding the effects on sentencing of these social statuses, both singly and in combination. Analyzing statewide sentencing outcomes in Pennsylvania for 1989–1992, we find that, net of controls: (1) young black males are sentenced more harshly than any other group, (2) race is most influential in the sentencing of younger rather than older males, (3) the influence of offender's age on sentencing is greater among males than females, and (4) the main effects of race, gender, and age are more modest compared to the very large differences in sentencing outcomes across certain age-race-gender combinations. These findings demonstrate the importance of considering the joint effects of race, gender, and age on sentencing, and of using interactive rather than additive models.
Security designation tools are a key feature of all prisons in the United States, intended as objective measures of risk that funnel inmates into security levels-to prison environments varying in degree of intrusiveness, restriction, dangerousness, and cost. These tools are mostly (if not all) validated by measuring inmates on a set of characteristics, using scores from summations of that information to assign inmates to prisons of varying security level, and then observing whether inmates assumed more risky did in fact offend more. That approach leaves open the possibility of endogeneity-that the harsher prisons are themselves bringing about higher misconduct and thus biasing coefficients assessing individual risk. The current study assesses this potential bias by following an entry cohort of inmates to more than 100 facilities in the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) and exploiting the substantial variation in classification scores within a given prison that derive from systematic overrides of security-level designations for reasons not associated with risk of misconduct. By estimating pooled models of misconduct along with prison-fixed effects specifications, the data show that a portion of the predictive accuracy thought associated with the risk-designation tool used in BOP was a function of facility-level contamination (endogeneity).
Fixed effects regression methods are used to analyze longitudinal data with repeated measures on both independent and dependent variables. They have the attractive feature of controlling for all stable characteristics of the individuals, whether measured or not. This is accomplished by using only within-individual variation to estimate the regression coefficients. This paper surveys the wide variety of fixed effects methods and their implementation in SAS, specifically, linear models with PROC GLM, logistic regression models with PROC LOGISTIC, models for count data with PROC GENMOD, and survival models with PROC PHREG.
Purpose The criminal career paradigm is a major research focus in criminology, and the current state-of-the-art review explicates research published between 2000 and 2011.Materials and methods Keyword searches of Science Direct, Scopus, and the National Criminal Justice Research Service produced 364 studies on criminal careers.Results A narrative meta-review summarizes essential findings on the parameters of the criminal career, investigates emerging theoretical and disciplinary extensions that utilize the criminal career framework, and identifies 16 pressing research gaps.Conclusions Although the study of criminal careers has been a dominant research area in criminology, its presence is likely to expand as research becomes more interdisciplinary and a longitudinal, biosocial perspective takes hold in the criminological sciences.
Within the past three decades, social and legal changes have transformed the juvenile court from a nominally rehabilitative welfare agency into a second-class criminal court for young offenders. Recent efforts to "toughen" juvenile justice policies have resulted in increasingly harsh sanctions that fall disproportionately on minority youths. In this provocative new book, Barry Feld examines what went wrong with the juvenile court and proposes an alternative model for youth crime control and child welfare. The Progressive reformers who created the juvenile court a century ago saw children as relatively blameless and innocent. But recent decades of rising crime rates associated with urban decay have strained this tolerant view of young offenders. Feld relates the 1967 Supreme Court decision In re Gault to the broader social and legal changes associated with the civil rights movement and the Warren Court's "Due Process Revolution." Although gault mandated more elaborate procedural safeguards in delinquency hearings, ironically, those protections legitimated the imposition of more punitive sanctions. Since Gault, Feld argues, three decades of judicial, legislative, and administrative reforms have conducted a form of "criminological triage." At the "soft end," reforms have shifted noncriminal status offenders, primarily female and white, out of the juvenile justice system into a "hidden system" made up of private sector mental health and chemical dependency facilities. At the "hard end," states transfer increasing numbers of young offenders, disproportionately minorities, to criminal court for prosecution as adults. Meanwhile, juvenile courts punish more severely those delinquents-again disproportionately minorities-who remain within the increasingly criminalized juvenile justice system. Feld attributes the current state of affairs to a conceptual flaw inherent in the juvenile court. The juvenile justice system attempts to combine social welfare and social control functions in one organization, but inevitably fulfills both missions badly because of the inherent and irreconcilable contradictions between them. Progressive reformers situated the juvenile court on a number of cultural, legal, and criminological fault lines, where the ideas of child and adult, determinism and free will, immature and responsible, treatment and punishment collide. The past three decades have witnessed a shift from the former to the latter of these binary pairs in response to the racial transformation of cities, the increase in serious youth crime, and the erosion of the rehabilitative assumptions of the juvenile court. The solution, Feld argues, is to uncouple social welfare from criminal social control. States could try all offenders in one integrated criminal justice system with appropriate modifications to accommodate the youthfulness of younger defendants: a graduated, age-culpability sentencing system, separate youth correctional facilities, and the like. Formally recognizing youthfulness as a mitigating factor would provide youths with greater protections and justice than they currently receive in either the juvenile or criminal justice systems. At the same time such a strategy would enable public policies to address directly the social welfare needs of all young people.
In this book Kathleen Daly explores whether men and women who are convicted of similar crimes are punished differently. Analyzing cases of homicide, aggravated assault, robbery, larceny, and drug offfenses, she challenges the common assumption that women are treated more leniently than men and shows that in fact gender disparaties in sentencing are negligible and are not always advantageous to women.
This study describes the implementation and initial descriptive findings from the Fugitive Safe Surrender (FSS) program, conducted in 20 cities, where 35,103 individuals who believed they had a warrant for their arrest surrendered voluntarily at a local church. A total of 3,501 felony persons had 4,238 felony warrants, and 18,400 misdemeanants accounted for 44,971 misdemeanor warrants. Nearly 1 in 5 had no warrant located, and less than 2% were arrested. For those with a new court date, 94% appeared as scheduled. An anonymous self-report survey showed 73% of respondents indicated it was important or very important that the surrender location was a church. The most common reasons cited for surrendering were to obtain a driver's license (47%), wanting to start over (42%), and fear of arrest (40%); many participants did not surrender previously because they did not have money to pay bail or fines.
Purpose
A large body of empirical research finds a significant racial gap in the use of exclusionary school discipline with black students punished at rates disproportionate to whites. Furthermore, no variable or set of variables have yet to account for this discrepancy, inviting speculation that this association is caused by racial bias or racial antipathy. We investigate this link and the possibility that differential behavior may play a role.
Methods
Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Class (ECLS-K), the largest sample of school-aged children in the United States, we first replicate the results of prior studies. We then estimate a second model controlling for prior problem behavior.
Results
Replicating prior studies, we first show a clear racial gap between black and white students in suspensions. However, in subsequent analyses the racial gap in suspensions was completely accounted for by a measure of the prior problem behavior of the student – a finding never before reported in the literature.
Conclusions
These findings highlight the importance of early problem behaviors and suggest that the use of suspensions by teachers and administrators may not have been as racially biased as some scholars have argued.
Objective:
This paper reviews a century of research on creating theoretically meaningful and empirically useful scales of criminal offending and illustrates their strengths and weaknesses.
Methods:
The history of scaling criminal offending is traced in a detailed literature review focusing on the issues of seriousness, unidimensionality, frequency, and additivity of offending. Modern practice in scaling criminal offending is measured using a survey of 130 articles published in five leading criminology journals over a two-year period that included a scale of individual offending as either an independent or dependent variable. Six scaling methods commonly used in contemporary criminological research are demonstrated and assessed using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979: dichotomous, frequency, weighted frequency, variety, summed category, and item response theory ‘theta’.
Results:
The discipline of criminology has seen numerous scaling techniques introduced and forgotten. While no clearly superior method dominates the field today, the most commonly used scaling techniques are dichotomous and frequency scales, both of which are fraught with methodological pitfalls including sensitivity to the least serious offenses.
Conclusions:
Variety scales are the preferred criminal offending scale because they are relatively easy to construct, possess high reliability and validity, and are not compromised by high frequency non-serious crime types.
One of the most consistent findings in the criminological literature is that African American males are arrested, convicted, and incarcerated at rates that far exceed those of any other racial or ethnic group. This racial disparity is frequently interpreted as evidence that the criminal justice system is racist and biased against African American males. Much of the existing literature purportedly supporting this inter-pretation, however, fails to estimate properly specified statistical models that control for a range of indi-vidual-level factors. The current study was designed to address this shortcoming by analyzing a sample of African American and White males drawn from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). Analysis of these data revealed that African American males are significantly more likely to be arrested and incarcerated when compared to White males. This racial disparity, however, was com-pletely accounted for after including covariates for self-reported lifetime violence and IQ. Implications of this study are discussed and avenues for future research are offered.
Disproportionate minority contact during traffic stops has been a consistent source of commentary and study in recent years. While various theoretical perspectives have been employed to explain these empirical findings, the differential offending hypotheses has been largely ignored as a viable alternative explanation. Building on existing empirical evidence regarding criminal offending patterns and driving patterns, we examined the veracity of this explanation using data from an observational study of urban driving behavior.
Objective: This study explicitly articulates a criminal justice epidemiology by examining the behavioral and physical health of probationers and parolees derived from a nationally representative sample of adults in the United States. Methods: Using public-use data from the 2009 National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), this study employed binary logistic regression with adjustments for complex survey sampling and compared probationers and parolees to the general population with respect to past-year substance use, risk perception, treatment experiences, and health. Results: After controlling for the effects of age, gender, race, income, and education probationers and parolees are far more likely to report using alcohol and drugs in the past year, have reduced risk perception, and are far more likely to have had some kind of treatment for substance abuse or dependence. Probationers and parolees are also significantly more likely to experience anxiety and depression, asthma, and sexually transmitted diseases. Conclusions: This criminal justice epidemiology study indicates that the behavioral health of probationers and parolees hamper efforts to increase public safety goals. Forging closer ties between criminal justice and public health systems is necessary to reach these goals.
Although recent increases in imprisonment are concentrated in poor Black communities, we know little about how daily life within these neighborhoods is affected. Almost all ethnographic work in poor minority neighborhoods was written before the expansion of the criminal justice system, and the bulk of research on “mass imprisonment” relies on survey data, field experiments, or interviews, conceptualizing its impact in terms of current or former felons and their families. Drawing on six years of fieldwork in Philadelphia, this article shifts the focus from imprisonment and criminal records to the increase in policing and supervision in poor Black neighborhoods, and what this has meant for a growing status group of wanted people. For many young men, avoiding jail has become a daily preoccupation: they have warrants out for minor infractions, like failing to pay court fees or breaking curfew, and will be detained if they are identified. Such threat of imprisonment transforms social relations by undermining already tenuous attachments to family, work, and community. But young men also rely on their precarious legal standing to explain failures that would have occurred anyway, while girlfriends and neighbors exploit their wanted status as an instrument of social control. I discuss the implications of my ethnographic observations relative to prior treatments of the poor and policing, and with regard to broader sociological questions about punishment and surveillance in the modern era.
OBJECTIVE: Criminological research consistently demonstrates that approximately 5% of study populations are comprised of pathological offenders who account for a preponderance of antisocial behavior and violent crime. Unfortunately, there have been no nationally representative epidemiological studies characterizing the severe 5% group. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Data from the 2001-2002 National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC), a nationally representative sample of 43,093 non-institutionalized U.S. residents aged 18 years and older were analyzed using latent class analysis to assess sociodemographic, psychiatric, and behavioral characteristics. RESULTS: Four-classes of respondents were identified vis-à-vis lifetime externalizing behaviors. A normative class (66.1% of respondents) demonstrated little involvement in antisocial conduct. A low substance use/high antisocial behavior class (20.7% of respondents) and high substance use/moderate antisocial behavior (8.0% of respondents) class evinced diverse externalizing and psychiatric symptoms. Finally, a severe class (5.3% of respondents) was characterized by pathological involvement in more varied and intensive forms of antisocial and externalizing behaviors and extensive psychiatric disturbance. CONCLUSIONS: The current study is the first nationally representative epidemiological study of criminal careers/externalizing behavior spectrum in the United States and validates the existence of the 5% pathological group demonstrated by prior research.
Research on targeted enforcement in high-crime places has focused on direct crime-reduction impacts, possible displacement of crime, and more recently, diffusion of benefits to adjacent areas. Studies have ignored other unanticipated negative effects that a place-oriented enforcement intervention may have on the justice system overall. Using the generation of fugitive defendants as one possible example of an important system side effect, this study proposes hypotheses relating to adverse, generalized, system side effects of a place- and crime-focused intervention, and it tests for target area and targeted crime-type effects, nontarget area and nontargeted crime-type effects, and overall system effects.
The analysis employs a multiple interrupted time-series design [auto-regressive integrated moving average (ARIMA)] to test the impact of one widely publicized, geographically targeted drug-enforcement strategy in Philadelphia (Operation Sunrise, formally launched in June 1998) on the incidence of bench warrants as a measure of fugitives (weekly aggregate bench warrants series for the period January 1994–May 2005; N= 590 observations). The findings appear to support all hypotheses as they relate to the example of the generation of fugitives, and suggest a generalized system adverse side effect from the circumscribed place- and crime-focused intervention. The implications of the findings for both research and policy relating to targeted enforcement interventions are discussed.
Although racial discrimination emerges some of the time at some stages of criminal justice processing-such as juvenile justice-there is little evidence that racial disparities result from systematic, overt bias. Discrimination appears to be indirect, stemming from the amplification of initial disadvantages over time, along with the social construction of "moral panics" and associated political responses. The "drug war" of the 1980s and 1990s exacerbated the disproportionate representation of blacks in state and federal prisons. Race and ethnic disparities in violent offending and victimization are pronounced and long-standing. Blacks, and to a lesser extent Hispanics, suffer much higher rates of robbery and homicide victimization than do whites. Homicide is the leading cause of death among young black males and females. These differences result in part from social forces that ecologically concentrate race with poverty and other social dislocations. Useful research would emphasize multilevel (contextual) designs, the idea of "cumulative disadvantage" over the life course, the need for multiracial conceptualizations, and comparative, cross-national designs. Sociology
"Delinquency in a Birth Cohort is a turning point in criminological research in the United States," writes Norval Morris in his foreword. "What has been completely lacking until this book is an analysis of delinquency in a substantial cohort of youths, the cohort being defined other than by their contact with any part of the criminal justice system." This study of a birth cohort was not originally meant to be etiological or predictive. Yet the data bearing on this cohort of nearly ten thousand boys born in 1945 and living in Philadelphia gave rise to a model for prediction of delinquency, and thus to the possibility for more efficient planning of programs for intervention. It is expert research yielding significant applications and, though largely statistical, the analysis is accessible to readers without mathematical training. "No serious scholar of the methods of preventing and treating juvenile delinquency can properly ignore this book."âLeRoy L. Lamborn, Law Library Journal "The magnitude of [this] study is awesome. . . . It should be a useful guide for anyone interested in the intricacies of cohort analysis."âGary F. Jensen, American Journal of Sociology "A book the student of juvenile delinquency will find invaluable."âCriminologist
This text is a Stata-specific treatment of generalized linear mixed models, also known as multilevel or hierarchical models. These models are "mixed" in the sense that they allow fixed and random effects and are "generalized" in the sense that they are appropriate not only for continuous Gaussian responses but also for binary, count, and other types of limited dependent variables.
Fugitives fleeing criminal prosecution and punishment are a major obstacle in the effort to fight crime, and conventional wisdom holds that publicity, such as the television program America's Most Wanted, successfully locates wanted fugitives. This paper estimates a hazard model of fugitive flight using a sample of recently pursued fugitives and tests whether a fugitive's appearance on the television program America's Most Wanted hastens apprehension. The estimates show that broadcasting a fugitive's profile on America's Most Wanted substantially raises the apprehension hazard by a factor of seven and shortens the expected fugitive spell by roughly a fourth. The estimates also suggest that the television program provides a net social benefit. A fugitive's demographic and offense characteristics also correlate with the apprehension hazard.
On the day of their trial, a substantial number of felony defendants fail to appear. Public police have the primary responsibility for pursuing and rearresting defendants who were released on their own recognizance or on cash or government bail. Defendants who made bail by borrowing from a bond dealer, however, must worry about an entirely different pursuer. When a defendant who has borrowed money skips trial, the bond dealer forfeits the bond unless the fugitive is soon returned. As a result, bond dealers have an incentive to monitor their charges and ensure that they do not skip. When a defendant does skip, bond dealers hire bounty hunters to return the defendants to custody. We compare the effectiveness of these two different systems by examining failure-to-appear rates, fugitive rates, and capture rates of felony defendants who fall under the various systems. We apply propensity score and matching techniques.
Data were analyzed for 11,553 California offenders who in 1980 were convicted of assault, robbery, burglary, theft, forgery,
or drug crimes. Whether an offender was given probation or sentenced to prison for such crimes could be predicted with about
80 percent accuracy from a combination of variables that described defendant and crime characteristics and criminal justice
processing. The addition of race to the prediction equation for a given crime type did not improve the accuracy of the prediction.
In addition, there was no evidence that other factors related to imprisonment (for example, number of conviction counts, going
to trial) masked a relation between race and imprisonment. Race also was not related to the length of prison term imposed.
A dual taxonomy is presented to reconcile 2 incongruous facts about antisocial behavior: (a) It shows impressive continuity over age, but (b) its prevalence changes dramatically over age, increasing almost 10-fold temporarily during adolescence. This article suggests that delinquency conceals 2 distinct categories of individuals, each with a unique natural history and etiology: A small group engages in antisocial behavior of 1 sort or another at every life stage, whereas a larger group is antisocial only during adolescence. According to the theory of life-course-persistent antisocial behavior, children's neuropsychological problems interact cumulatively with their criminogenic environments across development, culminating in a pathological personality. According to the theory of adolescence-limited antisocial behavior, a contemporary maturity gap encourages teens to mimic antisocial behavior in ways that are normative and adjustive.
Fixed effects regression methods in SAS: Statistics and Data Analysis. Retrieved from. http://www2.sas.com/proceedings
- P Allison
Allison, P. (2010). Fixed effects regression methods in SAS: Statistics and Data Analysis. Retrieved from. http://www2.sas.com/proceedings/sugi31/184-31.pdf D.M. Bierie / Journal of Criminal Justice 42 (2014) 327–337 Beaver, K. M., DeLisi, M., Wright, J. P., Boutwell, B. B., Barnes, J. C., & Vaughn, M. G. (2013).
New frontiers in criminal careers research
- M Delisi
- A R Piquero
DeLisi, M., & Piquero, A. R. (2011). New frontiers in criminal careers research, 2000-2011:
A state-of-the-art review. Journal of Criminal Justice, 39(4), 289-301.
Fugitive Safe Surrender: An important beginning
- J Goldkamp
Goldkamp, J. (2012). Fugitive Safe Surrender: An important beginning. Criminology and
Public Policy, 11(3), 429-432.
Un-served warrants: An exploratory study. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice (Retrieved from The fugitive: Evidence on public versus private law enforcement from bail jumping
- R Guynes
- R Wolff
- E Helland
- A Tabarrok
Guynes, R., & Wolff, R. (2004). Un-served warrants: An exploratory study. Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Justice (Retrieved from: http://www.ilj.org/publications/docs/ Unserved_Arrest_Warrants.pdf) Helland, E., & Tabarrok, A. (2004). The fugitive: Evidence on public versus private law enforcement from bail jumping. Journal of Law and Economics, 47(1), 93–122.
NCIC 2000 Operating Manual: Wanted Persons File
- D C Washington
NCIC (2000). NCIC 2000 Operating Manual: Wanted Persons File. Washington, D.C.: Federal Bureau of Investigation (Retrieved from: http://xlms.gbi.state.ga.us/xlms/ncic/NCIC_ Operating_Manual.htm)
Pretrial failure to appear and pretrial re-arrest among domestic violence defendants in New York City
- R Peterson
Peterson, R. (2006). Pretrial failure to appear and pretrial re-arrest among domestic violence
defendants in New York City. New York, NY: New York City Criminal Justice Agency Inc.
Marshals puts 345 Dangerous Sex Offenders Behind Bars13-ag-512.html U.S. Marshals Service (2014) Fact Sheet: Fugitive Operations Toward a criminal justice epidemiology: Behavioral and physical health of probationers and parolees in the United States
- U S Department
- Justice Beaver
- K M Perron
- B E Abdon
U.S. Department of Justice (2013). Nationwide Sweep by U.S. Marshals puts 345 Dangerous Sex Offenders Behind Bars. Retrieved on April 24, 2014 from. http://www.justice.gov/ opa/pr/2013/May/13-ag-512.html U.S. Marshals Service (2014). Fact Sheet: Fugitive Operations. Retrieved on April 24, 2014 from. http://www.usmarshals.gov/duties/factsheets/fugitive_ops-2014.pdf Vaughn, M. G., DeLisi, M., Beaver, K. M., Perron, B. E., & Abdon, A. (2012). Toward a criminal justice epidemiology: Behavioral and physical health of probationers and parolees in the United States. Journal of Criminal Justice, 40(3), 165–173.
Racial and Ethnic disparities in Crime and Criminal Justice in the United States. Crime and Justice: A Review of Research
- R Sampson
- J Lauritsen
Sampson, R., & Lauritsen, J. (1997). Racial and Ethnic disparities in Crime and Criminal
Justice in the United States. Crime and Justice: A Review of Research, 21, 311-374.
Un-served warrants: An exploratory study
- R Guynes
- R Wolff
Guynes, R., & Wolff, R. (2004). Un-served warrants: An exploratory study. Washington, D.C.:
National Institute of Justice (Retrieved from: http://www.ilj.org/publications/docs/
Unserved_Arrest_Warrants.pdf)