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El sindicalismo como vía de ciudadanía laboral. El caso de las cuidadoras y cuidadores migrantes en Israel
Abstract
Resumen
El artículo examina la viabilidad del sindicalismo para ciertos trabajadores migrantes del cuidado. Primero revisa las concepciones básicas de la acción sindical y después, apoyándose en un análisis detallado de una campaña reciente de sindicación de cuidadores migrantes en Israel, demuestra la aportación única del enfoque sindical frente al de otras asociaciones cívicas que apoyan a estos trabajadores: a pesar de los muchos problemas que entraña su sindicación, en razón de la naturaleza de su trabajo y de obstáculos jurídicos e institucionales, el sindicalismo es la única vía para dotar a los trabajadores migrantes de ciudadanía laboral y de agencia política.
Resumen
La negociación colectiva del trabajo doméstico es un fenómeno infrecuente y poco estudiado, pese a su importancia para la regulación y formalización del sector. Italia es uno de los países europeos con mayor número de trabajadores domésticos y uno de los pocos con convenio colectivo nacional. Los sindicatos y las asociaciones de familias empleadoras negocian convenios desde 1974. Los resultados de este estudio cualitativo basado en entrevistas a expertos ponen de manifiesto retos y limitaciones, pero también una formalización en curso del trabajo atípico en este sector pujante, dominado por trabajadoras migrantes, gracias a la negociación colectiva y al compromiso de los interlocutores sociales.
This contribution focuses on the empowering political practices of RESPECT, the European network for migrant domestic workers. The paper contrasts RESPECT's empow-ering approach with that of other actors in which migrant domestic workers are presented as victims and in which the struggle is situated within the discourse of combatting illegal immigration and trafficking in women. The central hypothesis of this paper is that this distinction between fe-male migrant domestic workers constructed as victims of trafficking or as migrant women with subjectivity, voice, and agency is crucial in determining the type of advocacy strategy and (self-)representation of the women.
The Article traces recent trends in the management and distribution of citizenship within the Israeli context of the 1990s, as they have evolved in the wake of new modes of migration that are neither Jewish nor Palestinian and that stem from liberalized market policies. The Article focuses on administrative and policy initiatives taken since September 2003 that deal with the naturalization of the children of undocumented labor migrants. The vulnerable situation of these migrants in lacking resident status and being eligible for deportation, as well as the predominant Jewish ethno-national character of the Israeli state, make these initiatives and policy measures particularly surprising. However, these measures also reveal the boundaries of liberalizing reforms, as they become part of general trends in the nation-state towards deeming membership manageable without upsetting its national politics of identity. Indeed, it will be argued that, though this liberalizing legal reform is part of a larger context of demystification of national citizenship taking place in Israel following the adoption of socio-economic liberal policies, it is also indicative of the adaptability of the nation-state as it seeks to reprioritize ethno-national definitions of citizenship in the face of new challenges.
The article addresses the significance of migrant associations and of their participatory practices as a vehicle by which migrant workers become political actors and negotiate membership in Israel. We offer a comparative analysis of black African and Latin American undocumented migrant communities to suggest the very fact that they manage to organize in autonomous associations in order to protect their interests, have the ability to mobilize support over issues of concern and raise claims before political authorities unwilling to accord them recognition, attest to the process whereby migrants become political actors and open new platforms of deliberation that enlarge de facto the limits of the Israeli public sphere. Moreover, by articulating their claims in terms of universalized themes such as "human suffering" and "human rights" migrants attempt at participating in the host society in the name of a generic category of "personhood", one that transcends state-embedded conceptions of citizenship.
This article analyses the formulation and implementation of a relatively
new statutory programme of care services for dependent elderly people in
Israel, which has as a basic characteristic the supply of services by non-state
agencies. The analysis serves as a basis for an exploration of the
effects of privatisation and the emergence of quasi-markets upon the
functioning of the welfare state both as a benefits provider and as a major
employer. In contrast to the perspectives that consider privatisation as
leading to the weakening of the state in the welfare domain, we argue
that through the transfer of services supplied by non-state agencies the
state protects itself from demands and pressures from clients, while
maintaining its control and regulation capabilities. This process
decreases the state's accountability towards its citizens, enhancing in
turn its autonomy. Privatisation policies do not imply, therefore, the dissolution
of the welfare state, but rather the emergence of a new mode of
state intervention.
Given the vast scope and magnitude of the phenomenon of so-called “illegal” migration in the present historical moment, this article contends that phenomenologically engaged ethnography has a crucial role to play in sensitizing not only anthropologists, but also policymakers, politicians, and broader publics to the complicated, often anxiety-ridden and frightening realities associated with “the condition of migrant illegality,” both of specific host society settings and comparatively across the globe. In theoretical terms, the article constitutes a preliminary attempt to link pressing questions in the fields of legal anthropology and anthropology of transnational migration, on one hand, with recent work by phenomenologically oriented scholars interested in the anthropology of experience, on the other. The article calls upon ethnographers of undocumented transnational migration to bridge these areas of scholarship by applying what can helpfully be characterized as a “critical phenomenological” approach to the study of migrant “illegality” (Willen, 2006; see also Desjarlais, 2003). This critical phenomenological approach involves a three-dimensional model of illegality: first, as a form of juridical status; second, as a sociopolitical condition; and third, as a mode of being-in-the-world. In developing this model, the article draws upon 26 non-consecutive months of ethnographic field research conducted within the communities of undocumented West African (Nigerian and Ghanaian) and Filipino migrants in Tel Aviv, Israel, between 2000 and 2004. During the first part of this period, “illegal” migrants in Israel were generally treated as benign, excluded “Others.” Beginning in mid-2002, however, a resource-intensive, government-sponsored campaign of mass arrest and deportation reconfigured the condition of migrant “illegality” in Israel and, in effect, transformed these benign “Others” into wanted criminals. By analyzing this transformation the article highlights the profound significance of examining not only the judicial and sociopolitical dimensions of what it means to be “illegal” but also its impact on migrants' modes of being-in-the-world.
In all countries of the European Union domestic work performed by migrant women, often in an irregular legal status, is increasing. Many workers face poor living and exploitative working conditions. Over the last decades, migrant domestic workers and advocacy organizations have developed multi-level strategies to improve those living and working conditions. In the contribution different and sometimes contradicting strategies of how a European network of migrant domestic workers and other actors mobilize will be identified and analyzed. It will be argued that the resonance the network achieved in the European Union was ambivalent and encompassed unintended consequences: On the one hand it allowed structural access to EU policy makers but on the other hand it narrowed down the political opportunities due to a fusion of migration policies and security policies.
This paper sketches the rise and fall of industrial citizenship in Canada, and presents two very different models of citizenship that might replace it. It begins by defining the concept citizenship, and explaining how industrial citizenship has conventionally been understood. It then traces the genealogy of industrial citizenship in Canadian labour law, and how the processes of feminization, deregulation, and globalization have challenged it as a normative ideal and undermined the conditions that have sustained it. The paper concludes by considering two scenarios for industrial citizenship in the future; one in which the substance of citizenship is circumscribed by an emphasis on the market, and the other in which citizenship is extended beyond employment to work.
Rights and obligations are confusing. When people really want or need something they call it a right. Can they simply attach this word to anything they want? Can people disregard obligations with impunity? This book argues that they cannot. One must understand those relationships in specific ways to really know what can or can not be done with rights and obligations in public discourse and politics. They must create a web of interaction between citizens so that more long-term social investments may be made. Professor Janoski shows that individual rights protecting privacy, free speech, and legal access are more highly developed in social democratic countries than in liberal countries. On the other hand, obligations in those same social democratic countries are higher. On the whole, rights and obligations are in balance; or, you get what rights you pay for in terms of fulfilling obligations to the state and society.
This paper examines the challenges facing California homecare workers in their historic struggle to unionize from the 1980s through the 90s. Three inter-related components were critical to their ultimate success: 1) grassroots organizing, 2) changing policy at the state and county level and 3) working in coalition with groups of senior and disabled care recipients. Now that the union repre sents more than 100,000 workers, consolidation of those victories involves challenges such as developing leadership among the new membership and strengthening the labor-consumer coalition that will be critical to further improvements in homecare services and working conditions. This campaign has already had significant impact on the structure of this emerging workforce, and will have long-term effects on social policy for care of the elderly and disabled.
This book investigates the experiences of older people who remain at home with care. It examines the transition points for the important life changes faced by family members who take on a greater care-giving role. The book draws on demographic analyses and qualitative fieldwork to explore the shift from independence to increasing dependence, and suggests that this transition constitutes movement into a new stage of life, that of an Age of Supported Independence. Applying the anthropological concept of rites of passage in their analysis, the authors focus on the changes in everyday living within the spatial environment of the home, the temporal organization of daily life, and the reshaping of relationships. They suggest that many older people - as well as the family members who become carers - remain in a state of 'liminality': unable to make sense of their new situation and experience and, despite assumptions that ageing-in-place sustains social connectedness, excluded from their communities.
This article seeks to describe the piecemeal process of creation of what may, arguably, be a new immigration regime in Israel. In order to do so, we focus on three distinct waves of non-Jewish entry to Israel. The first is the day-labor entry of Palestinian workers from the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) since 1967; the second is the entry of migrant workers from various countries, primarily since 1993; and the third is the entry of asylum-seekers, primarily from Africa, since 2007. Each of these waves was carved out by the state as a distinct sphere of migration, a narrow exception to Israel’s general Jewish Settler Regime, which is based on a different functional imperative. The entry of Palestinians is justified primarily by a political imperative – the political relationship between Israel and the Palestinians under occupation. The entry of migrant workers is, first and foremost, seen as the result of economic imperatives – a way to supply cheap labor to cater to the needs of the domestic labor market and fulfill the economic needs of the state. The entry of asylum-seekers (and their rights upon entry) rests primarily on a universal humanitarian imperative led by the state’s moral and convention-based responsibility toward those who are in dire need, and particularly in need of a safe territorial haven.
Transnational Migration to Israel in Global Comparative Context explores both how and why the recent influx of approximately 200,000 non-Jewish migrants from dozens of countries across the globe has led state officials to declare in definitive terms that Israel "is not an immigration country" despite its unwavering commitment to welcoming unlimited numbers of "homeward-bound" Jewish immigrants. As this innovative volume illustrates, the arrival of these economically motivated migrants, about half of whom are defined by the state as "legal" and half as "illegal," has dramatically transformed the local labor economy of Israel/Palestine. Moreover, the presence of labor migrants, along with smaller groups of asylum seekers and victims of trafficking in women, has also generated a wide array of complicated legal, policy-related, cultural, and ideological questions and dilemmas for the Israeli state, local municipalities, and civil society.Taking both the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Israel's newfound embeddedness in globalizing labor markets as backdrop, this multidisciplinary collection investigates the causes as well as the consequences of these new waves of transnational migration to Israel both in comparison to other world regions and in terms of three interrelated levels of analysis: first, the micro-level of migrants' everyday experience; second, the meso-level of state and institutional policies and practices; and finally, the macro-level of global political economic trends and processes.
In the past the Israeli industrial relations system was corporatist, characterized by high levels of membership in trade unions and employers' associations, as well as broad coverage of collective agreements. The corporatist system gradually eroded from the mid‐1980s, but its major transformation came with the removal of the Ghent‐like system in 1995. The article observes data collected since the transformation, distinguishing between membership and coverage trends. These distinctions aid in revealing that a hybrid of two distinct industrial relations subsystems has developed. The notion of hybridization suggests that unlike past accounts, which described the substitution of the corporatist industrial relations system by a liberal‐pluralist system, what actually emerges is their coexistence. Despite the path‐determined nature of the Israeli hybrid, the interaction between coverage and membership is instructive for understanding strategic choices made in other European countries in which a similar gap emerged. The article notes the potential for synergy between the two subsystems and notes the actual development of rivalry and friction.
This paper examines the challenges facing California homecare workers in their historic struggle to unionize from the 1980s through the 90s. Three inter-related components were critical to their ultimate success: 1) grassroots organizing, 2) changing policy at the state and county level and 3) working in coalition with groups of senior and disabled care recipients. Now that the union repre- sents more than 100,000 workers, consolidation of those victories involves challenges such as developing leadership among the new membership and strengthening the labor-consumer coalition that will be critical to further improvements in homecare services and working conditions. This campaign has already had significant impact on the structure of this emerging workforce, and will have long-term effects on social policy for care of the elderly and dis- abled.
This chapter outlines the legal and social status of foreign home care workers in Israel, a country that identifies itself
as a Jewish state, yet increasingly relies on foreigners to provide the most intimate personal care to older adults and frail
individuals. Currently, there are 52,000 documented foreign home care workers and at least 40,000 undocumented workers in
Israel. Most of these workers are from the Philippines, but workers from other Asian and East European countries are also
represented. Several human rights organisations have been working towards improving the status of foreign workers in the country.
Their efforts as well as potential achievements and drawbacks are discussed in detail in the chapter.
The Article critically examines the adaptation of citizenship rights to industrial relations and labor law. Starting with T.H. Marshall's discussion of industrial citizenship, the Article examines the coupling of industrial citizenship with trade unions. While Marshall's concept of industrial citizenship may seem to be in decline, other labor market institutions are trying to bridge the divide between citizenship and labor rights: workplace democracy, which assumes the constituency of workers in the corporation; and corporate citizenship, which is used to entrust corporations with obligations that are traditionally expected of human citizens. Citizenship's contribution to the analysis of labor market institutions lies in the emphasis on the public nature of workers ' rights, in the association of rights with obligations, and in the emphasis on active participation. However, citizenship also has "blind spots" that other theories address more coherently. Human rights are a preferred concept for distinguishing fundamental rights (including rights of citizenship) from "ordinary" rights. Labor rights are more effective in identifying power structures that citizenship rights may overlook. Consequently, the concept of citizenship may compromise workers' capacity to negotiate fair remuneration, protection from dismissal and the dignity of labor.
This article explores different notions of social justice implied in the concept of compensation in social welfare. Compensation is a primary allocative principle according to which programs are structured and eligibility for benefits is determined. While familiar in legal terms, the notion of compensation within the social welfare domain has a very different meaning. This article clarifies the meaning of compensation in the social welfare context and distinguishes it from two other principles: need and insurance. The implications of employing these principles in social welfare programs is illustrated by an examination of disability policy in Israel.
The emergence and transformation of disputes, especially before they enter formal legal institutions, is a neglected topic in the sociology of law. We provide a framework for studying the processes by which unperceived injurious experiences are—or are not—perceived (naming), do or do not become grievances (blaming) and ultimately disputes (claiming), as well as for subsequent transformations. We view each of these stages as subjective, unstable, reactive, complicated, and incomplete. We postulate that transformations between them are caused by, and have consequences for, the parties, their attributions of responsibility, the scope of conflict, the mechanism chosen, the objectives sought, the prevailing ideology, reference groups, representatives and officials, and dispute institutions. We believe the study of transformations is important. Formal litigation and even disputing within unofficial fora account for a tiny fraction of the antecedent events that could mature into disputes. Moreover, what happens at earlier stages determines both the quantity and the contents of the caseload of formal and informal legal institutions. Transformation studies spotlight the issue of conflict levels in American society and permit exploration of the question of whether these levels are too low.
Unionization of home care has depended on the state location of the occupation. Government social policies and funding created home care, shaping the structure of the industry and the conditions of work. The welfare nexus, linking old age, disabil- ity, health, and welfare policies, however, also transformed care hidden in the home into a public service. Through case studies of California and Oregon, leaders in deinstitutionalizing care of the elderly and disabled, we explore the social struggles that forced the state to recognize its invisible workforce. The home location of per- sonal attendants and other health aides has entailed not only organizing challenges but policy innovation as well. Using the welfare state location of the labor, workers allied with consumers to develop the public authority as a new structure of represen- tation. The history of home care shows that social welfare and health policy have long been entangled with labor policy.
This paper analyzes recent union efforts to organize low-wage workers in the home- and community-based segments of homecare, childcare, and services to people with developmental disabilities in the US. In these sectors, consumer demand has combined with privatization to create an army of “flexible”, part-time, poverty-wage workers, most of them women, people of color, and immigrants. This workforce is profoundly fragmented due to the preponderance of small nonprofit employers, widespread self-employment, and spatially atomized labor performed within myriad private homes. However, service sector unions have adapted creatively to these opportunities and constraints by implementing two interlinked scale-jumping strategies to overcome care workers’ spatial and organizational atomization. One is state-by-state policy advocacy to raise labor (and service) standards industry-wide and to aggregate employment through various organizational and legal interventions. The other is coalition building with consumers and advocates at the local, state, and national level to generate essential political support for these measures. We find that the success of this strategy has been shaped in large part by the political landscape of region and the political economy of distinct care industry segments. Finally, the resulting care industry unionism constitutes a distinct strand of an emergent public services unionism—in which consumers and workers struggle to define care labor as a socially necessary public good, and workers pushed into the nebulous zone between state and market struggle to define themselves as public workers.
The Paper offers a new analytical framework for the study of the regulation of family relations. The framework builds on distributive models of the welfare state, and goes beyond the family-state dyad to include the market as a sphere in which the family is meaningfully regulated. The offered framework challenges the traditional boundaries of family law and suggests an understanding of the institution of the family as defined through its interaction with the institutions of the labor market and the welfare state. The framework is applied to welfare state regimes of familial care in the United States and Israel-child care in the United States (federal), and long-term care for the elderly in Israel. The comparative distributive analysis shows that viewing the family from outside traditional Family Law leads to a relaxation of some of the exceptional characteristics of the legal concept of the family, as well as to a realization that family regulation is intimately connected to broad social policy debates about citizenship, social status, labor market, and wealth distribution.
This article maps the precarious and unintended consequences that may emerge from the exceptional treatment of domestic work as “work like no other,” through an examination of the controversy over overtime pay for live-in care workers in Israel. While the case law from the Israeli labour courts provides a continuum of solutions to the question of overtime pay to live-in care workers, the current legal interpretation of the national law by the Supreme Court of Israel denies overtime pay to this group of workers due to the unique nature of live-in care arrangements. The exclusion of domestic workers from the general nationallaw of overtime pay provides several reasons to be wary of exceptional treatment of domestic work at the international level as well. The ideological roots of the exceptional treatment in the national level - identified in the article as a form of commodification anxiety - coupled with the economic interest in cheap domestic labour have served to entrench substandard working conditions in the domestic work sector rather than counter them. In addition, experience with other protective governmental programs, such as employment accommodation mandates for vulnerable groups of employees and residual benefits in the welfare context, have shown that exceptional treatment and residual regulation tend to backfire and garner unintended and unwanted consequences, including harming the very groups they were set out to protect. Using the Israeli case study, the article suggests that exceptional treatment of domestic workers risks reflecting and further constituting the fundamental expressive, economic, and institutional disadvantage of domestic workers.
This article offers a framework to analyze the role of immigration law in shaping familial care provisions and markets of care. The framework builds on distributive models of the welfare state, and extends beyond the family-state dyad to include the market as a sphere in which the family is meaningfully regulated. The framework is then applied to the three very different immigration regimes that prevail in the U.S., Australia, and Israel: specifically, how they relate to the migration of care workers. The analysis exposes the distributive effects of migration regimes on different groups of migrant care workers, and on the men and women in the households that employ them. The analysis further shows the effects immigration regimes have on the bargaining positions, the familial expectations, and on the division of labor within families in the three jurisdictions. The comparative distributive analysis suggests that the details of the legal regime of migration are crucial to understanding the overall effects of the phenomenon of migrant care work on markets of care and families alike. Accordingly, general claims about the significant harms and risks that characterize the migration of care workers or the immense benefits and redistributive qualities of remittances, make very little sense absent a specific legal context.
The paper describes and analyses selected issues related to the provision of home care services to frail elderly people following the Israeli Long-Term Care Insurance Law (1988). The goals and principles of the Law, which mandates the provision of home care services to frail elderly people, are presented. The paper also evaluates its contribution toward enhancing the well-being of elderly clients. Several major dilemmas that arose following implementation of the Law are analysed and evaluated in comparison with other countries that have enacted and implemented similar laws. These dilemmas are community vs institutional care; services in kind vs monetary allowances; service provision through contracting out with nongovernmental agencies; unstable and unskilled labour force; and service quality. Finally, policy implications are discussed, mainly in the following areas: investment in human resources as a condition for achieving high service quality, and the need for coordination between the agencies that provide long-term care services to elderly people.
This article addresses the growing disjuncture between urban and national policies regarding the incorporation of labor migrants in Israel. Drawing on fieldwork, in-depth interviews with Tel Aviv municipal officials, and archive analysis of Tel Aviv municipality minutes, we argue that urban migrant-directed policy elicits new understandings of membership and participation, other than those envisaged by national parameters, which bear important, even if unintended, consequences for the de facto incorporation of non-Jewish labor migrants. The crux of the Tel Aviv case is that its migrant-directed policy bears especially on undocumented labor migrants, who make up approximately 16 percent of the city's population and who are the most problematic category of resident from the state's point of view. In demanding recognition for the rights of migrant workers in the name of a territorial category of “residence,” and by activating channels of participation for migrant communities, local authorities in Tel Aviv are introducing definitions of “urban membership” for noncitizens which conflict sharply with the hegemonic ethnonational policy. We suggest that the disjuncture between urban and national incorporation policies on labor migrants in Israel is part of a general process of political realignment between the urban and the national taking place within a globalized context of labor migration.
[Excerpt] This book surveys Israeli labor law from 1920 to the present. The process of writing and publishing a book does not always conform to the pace of events, particularly when the subject matter is contemporary history. The book is therefore updated until the end of 2005. References to court cases and events that began before 2005 were updated at the end of 2006. However, no developments since that time have been integrated into the text. In my opinion, no such event undermines the central argument of the book; several reinforce it.
Presenting a book in English that focuses on Israel's labor law presents many editorial dilemmas. Moreover, the book's claim is that Israeli law developed on the basis of continental European systems and is now adopting features of American law. Hence it is difficult to determine how to translate the law and how to convey a "feel" of the Israeli story. While providing a consistent method was the most important goal, I have also attempted to keep the book as simple and user-friendly as possible.
Emerging Labor Market Institutions for the Twenty-First Century provides the first in-depth assessment of how effectively labor market institutions are responding to the decline of private sector unions. This important volume provides case studies of new labor market institutions and new directions for existing institutions. While non-union institutions are unlikely to fill the gap left by the decline of unions, the findings suggest that emerging groups and unions might together improve some dimensions of worker well-being. Emerging Labor Market Institutions is the story of workers and institutions in flux, searching for ways to represent labor in the new century.
"Beginning in 1993, Israel began importing large numbers of foreign workers, replacing its traditional Palestinian labor force. This article presents a descriptive history and theoretical analysis of the migration, placing it in the context of Israel's reliance on noncitizen labor from the occupied territories. Dual labor market theory is particularly helpful in analyzing labor migration to Israel, but only by also analyzing the determinants of state policy can we understand how these recent flows began. The Israeli case thus suggests a cumulative model of the initiation of labor migration flows: structural factors create a predisposition toward use of foreign labor, and political factors determine whether and how that predisposition will be actualized."
«Litigating citizenship beyond the law of return», en Sarah S. Willen (directora): Transnational migration to Israel in global comparative context
- Mundlak
- Guy
- Mundlak
- Guy
«The globalized economy: An end to the age of industrial citizenship», en Ton Wilthagen (director): Advancing theory in labour law and industrial relations in a global context. Amsterdam, Royal Netherlands Academy, págs
- Crouch
- Colin
- Crouch
- Colin
'Foreigners' in a Jewish State: The new politics of labour migration in Israel
- Adriana Kemp
- Rebeca Raijman
- Adriana Kemp
- Rebeca Raijman
Organizing the unorganizable: Private paid household workers and approaches to employee representation
- Smith Peggie
Building power among low‐wage immigrant workers: Some legal considerations for organizing structures and strategies
- Rivchin Julie Yates
The current trade union situation in Nepal biblioteca digital Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) disponible en
- Raj Dahal Dev
Report of the Committee for Policy Making on non-Israeli Workers [The «Eckstein Committee»]
- Gobierno Israel
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Reforming policies on foreign workers in Israel, OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers No
- Adriana Kemp
«The wages of care-workers: From structure to agency», en Judy Fudge, Shae McCrystal y Kamala Sankaran (directores): Challenging the legal boundaries of work regulation
- Guy Mundlak
«Two logics of collective action», en Claus Offe y John Keane (directores): Disorganized Capitalism: Contemporary transformation of work and politics, págs
- Claus Offe
- Wiesenthal
- Helmut
Labour migrants in Israel Informes sobre desigualdad del Instituto Adva Disponible en <
- Adriana Kemp
- Rebeca Raijman
«Promoting domestic workers' human dignity through specific regulation», en Antoinette Fauve-Chamoux (directora): Domestic service and the formation of European identity: Understanding the globalization of domestic work
- Adelle Blackett
Migrant workers in Israel: A contemporary form of slavery Informe de una misión conjunta a Israel para investigar la situación de los trabajadores migrantes, Federación Internacional para los Derechos Humanos. Disponible en <
- Michael Ellman
- Laacher
- Smain
«The globalized economy: An end to the age of industrial citizenship», en Ton Wilthagen (director): Advancing theory in labour law and industrial relations in a global context
- Colin Crouch
'Foreigners' in a Jewish State: The new politics of labour migration in Israel
- Kemp Adriana
Informe de una misión conjunta a Israel para investigar la situación de los trabajadores migrantes Federación Internacional para los Derechos Humanos
- Ellman Michael Ylaacher Smain