Gender and Perceptions of Leadership Effectiveness: A Meta-Analysis of Contextual Moderators

Abstract

Despite evidence that men are typically perceived as more appropriate and effective than women in leadership positions, a recent debate has emerged in the popular press and academic literature over the potential existence of a female leadership advantage. This meta-analysis addresses this debate by quantitatively summarizing gender differences in perceptions of leadership effectiveness across 99 independent samples from 95 studies. Results show that when all leadership contexts are considered, men and women do not differ in perceived leadership effectiveness. Yet, when other-ratings only are examined, women are rated as significantly more effective than men. In contrast, when self-ratings only are examined, men rate themselves as significantly more effective than women rate themselves. Additionally, this synthesis examines the influence of contextual moderators developed from role congruity theory (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Our findings help to extend role congruity theory by demonstrating how it can be supplemented based on other theories in the literature, as well as how the theory can be applied to both female and male leaders. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved).

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Journal of Applied Psychology
Gender and Perceptions of Leadership Effectiveness: A
Meta-Analysis of Contextual Moderators
Samantha C. Paustian-Underdahl, Lisa Slattery Walker, and David J. Woehr
Online First Publication, April 28, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036751
CITATION
Paustian-Underdahl, S. C., Walker, L. S., & Woehr, D. J. (2014, April 28). Gender and
Perceptions of Leadership Effectiveness: A Meta-Analysis of Contextual Moderators. Journal
of Applied Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036751

Gender and Perceptions of Leadership Effectiveness: A Meta-Analysis of
Contextual Moderators
Samantha C. Paustian-Underdahl
Florida International University Lisa Slattery Walker and David J. Woehr
University of North Carolina at Charlotte
Despite evidence that men are typically perceived as more appropriate and effective than women in
leadership positions, a recent debate has emerged in the popular press and academic literature over the
potential existence of a female leadership advantage. This meta-analysis addresses this debate by
quantitatively summarizing gender differences in perceptions of leadership effectiveness across 99
independent samples from 95 studies. Results show that when all leadership contexts are considered, men
and women do not differ in perceived leadership effectiveness. Yet, when other-ratings only are
examined, women are rated as significantly more effective than men. In contrast, when self-ratings only
are examined, men rate themselves as significantly more effective than women rate themselves.
Additionally, this synthesis examines the influence of contextual moderators developed from role
congruity theory (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Our findings help to extend role congruity theory by demon-
strating how it can be supplemented based on other theories in the literature, as well as how the theory
can be applied to both female and male leaders.
Keywords: gender, leadership, leader effectiveness, gender roles
Supplemental materials: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036751.supp
Although the proportion of women in the workplace has in-
creased remarkably within the past few decades, women remain
vastly underrepresented at the highest organizational levels (U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Women occupy a mere 3.8% of
Fortune 500 chief executive officer seats (Catalyst, 2012b) and
represent only 3.2% of the heads of boards in the largest compa-
nies of the European Union (European Commission, 2012). The
numbers are only slightly better in the political arena. In 2012
women held only 90 of the 535 seats (16.8%) in the U.S. Congress
(Center for American Women and Politics, 2012b) and 19.1% of
parliamentary seats globally (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2012).
Why are women so underrepresented in the most elite leadership
positions? For decades researchers have proposed several expla-
nations (e.g., Berger, Fisek, Norman, & Zelditch, 1977; Eagly &
Karau, 2002; Heilman, 2001; Schein, 1973, 2007).
One explanation for women’s underrepresentation in elite lead-
ership positions points to the undervaluation of women’s effec-
tiveness as leaders. This explanation is supported by several the-
oretical perspectives including lack of fit theory (Heilman, 2001),
role congruity theory (RCT; Eagly & Karau, 2002), expectation
states theory (Berger et al., 1977; Ridgeway 1997, 2011), and the
think manager–think male paradigm (Schein, 1973, 2007). Despite
research showing that men may be perceived as better suited for
and more effective as leaders than women (e.g., Carroll, 2006;
Eagly, Makhijani, & Klonsky, 1992), some popular press publica-
tions have reported the opposite: that there may be a female gender
advantage in modern organizations that require a “feminine” type
of leadership (e.g., Conlin, 2003; R. Williams, 2012).
The New York Times concluded that “no doubts: women are
better managers” (Smith, 2009), and an article in the Daily Mail
agreed (“Women in Top Jobs Are Viewed as ‘Better Leaders’
Than Men,” 2010). An article published in Psychology Today
reported new data exploring “why women may be better leaders
than men. [Is] women’s leadership style more suited to modern
organizations?” (R. Williams, 2012). The arguments for a “female
advantage” in leadership generally stem from the belief that
women are more likely than men to adopt collaborative and
empowering leadership styles, while men are disadvantaged be-
cause their leadership styles include more command-and-control
behaviors and the assertion of power. Yet, an academic discussion
among leadership and gender researchers criticized the simplicity
of these arguments, proposing that studies should not be asking
whether there is a perceived gender difference in leadership but
rather when and why there may be gender differences in perceived
leadership effectiveness (Eagly & Carli, 2003a, 2003b; Vecchio,
2002, 2003).
Vecchio (2002) discussed the importance of examining the
leadership context, proposing that “advocates of a gender advan-
tage perspective offer a simplistic, stereotypic view that largely
ignores the importance of contextual contingencies” (p. 655).
Samantha C. Paustian-Underdahl, Department of Management and In-
ternational Business, Florida International University; Lisa Slattery
Walker, Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina at Char-
lotte; David J. Woehr, Department of Management, University of North
Carolina at Charlotte.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Samantha
C. Paustian-Underdahl, Department of Management and International
Business, Florida International University, 11200 Southwest 8th Street,
Miami, FL 33174. E-mail: spaustia@fiu.edu
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2014, Vol. 99, No. 4, 000 0021-9010/14/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0036751
1

Eagly and Carli (2003a) agreed, stating that “contemporary jour-
nalists, while surely conveying too simple a message...must
approach these issues with sophisticated enough theories and
methods that they illuminate the implications of gender in organi-
zational life” (p. 808). These arguments support the use of meta-
analysis to address gender differences in perceptions of leadership
effectiveness because of its ability to summarize a large body of
studies while taking into account the influence of contextual mod-
erators.
Such contextual moderators were discussed in Eagly and
Karau’s RCT (2002), which suggested that, in general, prejudice
toward female leaders follows from the perceived incongruity
between the characteristics of women and the requirements of
leader roles. Eagly and Karau (2002) also proposed that prejudice
toward female leaders can vary depending on features of the
leadership context as well as characteristics of leaders’ evaluators.
An early meta-analysis on gender differences in leadership effec-
tiveness conducted by Eagly, Karau, and Makhijani (1995) re-
flected this RCT that two of its authors later published (Eagly &
Karau, 2002). The current meta-analysis also uses RCT as a
theoretical framework, yet we believe that our study can extend
this theory in two ways. First, due to the recent cultural shifts
supporting a possible female advantage in leadership, we argue
that RCT can be applied beyond female leaders, to also explain
perceptions of incongruence affecting male leaders.
Second, we aim to supplement RCT by considering how aspects
of the double standards of competence model (Foschi, 2000), the
cognitive load paradigm (Macrae, Hewstone, & Griffiths, 1993),
and tokenism (Kanter, 1977a) offer theoretical explanations that
contrast with or add to what is proposed by RCT. For instance,
RCT proposes that men may be seen as more effective leaders in
male-dominated or senior leadership positions, due to the mascu-
line nature of those roles. Yet, Foschi (1996, 2000) argued that a
woman’s presence in a top leadership role or a male-dominated
position provides information about her abilities to others in the
organization (i.e., that she must be exceptionally competent to
have made it in such a high-status and challenging leadership role).
Thus, in this study we are able to examine which perspective is
empirically supported by meta-analytic data, and, thus, we can
provide insight into ways RCT can be supplemented by other
theoretical perspectives.
In addition to examining these contributions to RCT, we address
a call in the literature to examine the unique effects of self-ratings
versus other-ratings of leadership effectiveness. Vecchio (2002)
criticized Eagly and Johnson (1990) for including self-ratings of
leadership effectiveness in their meta-analysis, as he believed “this
type of assessment is presently regarded as highly suspect in the
field of leadership research” (p. 650). Eagly and Carli (2003a)
refuted his point by arguing that ignoring self-ratings “violates the
meta-analytic principle of including a wide range of methods and
disaggregating based on method” (p. 814). Yet, in their meta-
analysis, Eagly et al. (1995) examined how the summary effect for
gender differences in leadership effectiveness varied based on rater
source, but they did not conduct hierarchical subgroup analyses to
examine the effects of each moderator separately per rater group.
We believe that by examining the effects of moderators on
gender differences in self-ratings compared to other-ratings of
leadership effectiveness, we can clarify how role incongruity may
vary depending on aspects of the context as well as the source of
the rater. As such, the current comprehensive meta-analysis an-
swers a call in the literature to clarify gender advantage and
disadvantage through “systematic research integration” that exam-
ines gender differences between self-ratings and other-ratings of
leadership effectiveness across a variety of leadership contexts
(Eagly & Carli, 2003b, p. 851).
Our meta-analysis makes three primary contributions to the
literature on gender and perceptions of leadership effectiveness.
First, we expand upon and update an early meta-analysis con-
ducted by Eagly et al. (1995), which integrated relevant research
conducted in the United States until 1989. In the past 23 years, not
only have new perspectives and research appeared but also more
rigorous meta-analytical methods have been developed, which we
use in the current study (i.e., random- and mixed-effects models;
Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2009; Hedges & Ve-
vea, 1998; Lipsey & Wilson, 2001). Second, we aim to extend
RCT by applying it to both men and women and by examining
how other theories can supplement aspects of RCT. Finally, we
address an important point of contention raised in the academic
discussion of gender advantages in leadership effectiveness: the
importance of examining self-reported and other-reported leader-
ship effectiveness (Eagly & Carli, 2003a, 2003b; Vecchio, 2002,
2003).
Theory and Hypotheses
RCT was developed in part from social role theory, which
argues that individuals develop descriptive and prescriptive gender
role expectations of others’ behavior based on an evolutionary
sex-based division of labor (Eagly, 1987; Eagly & Wood, 2012).
This division of labor has traditionally associated men with bread-
winner positions and women with homemaker positions (Eagly &
Wood, 2012). Based on these social roles, women are typically
described and expected to be more communal, relations-oriented,
and nurturing than men, whereas men are believed and expected to
be more agentic, assertive, and independent than women. The
agentic characteristics associated with men are consistent with
traditional stereotypes of leaders (Schein 1973, 2007). RCT builds
upon social role theory by considering the congruity between
gender roles and leadership roles and proposing that people tend to
have dissimilar beliefs about the characteristics of leaders and
women and similar beliefs about the characteristics of leaders and
men (Eagly & Karau, 2002).
According to the theory, when occupying leadership positions,
women likely encounter more disapproval than men due to per-
ceived gender role violation (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Yet, Eagly
and Karau (2002) also proposed that perceptions of incongruity
can vary depending on features of the leadership context as well as
characteristics of leaders’ evaluators. Indeed, Eagly et al. (1995)
surveyed respondents and found that a leadership role requiring
behaviors consistent with encouraging participation and open con-
sideration was considered to be feminine, while a role requiring the
ability to direct and control people was rated as masculine in
nature. On the basis of this notion, we argue that RCT can also be
applied to men when occupying certain leadership positions that
may be seen as incongruent with the agentic characteristics asso-
ciated with the male gender role. As organizations have become
faster paced, globalized environments, some organizational schol-
ars have proposed that a more feminine style of leadership is
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2PAUSTIAN-UNDERDAHL, WALKER, AND WOEHR

needed to emphasize the participative and open communication
needed for success (e.g., Hitt, Keats, & DeMarie, 1998; Volberda,
1998).
Helgesen (1990) and Rosener (1995) proposed that female lead-
ers are more inclined to fill this leadership need than men, by
drawing upon characteristics they are encouraged to uphold as part
of their femininity including an emphasis on cooperation rather
than competition and equality rather than a supervisor–subordinate
hierarchy. More recently, Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell, and Ristikari
(2011) conducted a meta-analysis examining the extent to which
stereotypes of leadership are culturally masculine and determined
that “leadership now, more than in the past, appears to incorporate
more feminine relational qualities, such as sensitivity, warmth, and
understanding” (p. 634). To the extent that organizations shift
away from a traditional masculine view of leadership and toward
a more feminine and transformational outlook, women should
experience reduced prejudice, while men may be seen as more
incongruent with leadership roles. We propose, based on RCT, that
key aspects of the leadership context will affect the extent to which
leadership roles are seen as congruent or incongruent with both
male and female gender roles, which may help to explain whether
men or women are seen as more effective leaders in different
situations. To address these contextual moderators of gender dif-
ferences in leadership effectiveness, we undertook a quantitative
synthesis of studies that compared men and women on measures of
leadership effectiveness.
Time of Study as a Moderator
RCT proposes that it is important to consider how time may
moderate gender differences in perceptions of leadership effective-
ness (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Over the past several decades, more
women have entered the paid labor force and increased their
representation in many leadership roles. Women’s participation in
the U.S. labor force has increased from 33% in 1950 to 59.2% in
2012 (U.S. Department of Labor, 2012). Additionally, women
currently represent 14.3% of corporate officers in America’s 500
largest companies (vs. 8.7% in 1995; Catalyst, 2012b). Women
have also become more active in political leadership positions,
making up 16.8% of the U.S. Congress (vs. 2% in 1950; Center for
American Women and Politics, 2012b) and holding 12% of gov-
ernor seats (vs. 0% in 1950; Center for American Women and
Politics, 2012a). The same pattern is being observed in countries
other than the United States as well (see European Commission,
2012; Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2012).
This increase in female participation in leadership roles may be
associated with a weakening of the perceived incongruity between
women and leadership. Powell, Butterfield, and Parent (2002)
proposed that stereotypes may change over time in the presence of
disconfirming information. According to the bookkeeping model
of stereotype change, stereotypes are open to revisions and may
change gradually if there is a steady stream of disconfirming
information (Rothbart, 1981; Weber & Crocker, 1983). Thus, as
more women have entered into and succeeded in leadership posi-
tions, it is likely that people’s stereotypes associating leadership
with masculinity have been dissolving slowly over time. Addition-
ally, researchers have proposed that definitions of effective man-
agerial behaviors have changed in response to features of modern
organizational environments, to include less masculine practices
(relations-oriented and team-focused practices; McCauley, 2004).
Koenig et al. (2011) conducted a meta-analysis on the stereotypes
of leadership and masculinity and found that leadership percep-
tions became less masculine over time. Given the decrease over
time in the perceived incongruity between women and leadership,
RCT proposes that assessments of men’s and women’s leadership
effectiveness will be more similar now than in the past.
Hypothesis 1: Publication date will moderate gender differ-
ences in perceptions of leadership effectiveness such that there
will be greater gender differences (favoring men) seen among
older studies and smaller gender differences or differences
that favor women seen among newer studies.
Type of Organization as a Moderator
RCT highlights the importance of the fit between gender roles
and the requirements of leader roles, and it proposes that the
relative success of male and female leaders should depend on the
particular demands of these roles (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Accord-
ing to the theory, organizations that are highly male dominated or
culturally masculine in their demands present particular challenges
to women because of the incompatibility of these demands with
people’s expectations about women. This incompatibility not only
restricts women’s access to such organizations but also can com-
promise perceptions of women’s effectiveness. When leader roles
are particularly masculine, people may suspect that women are not
qualified for them and may resist women’s authority (Eagly &
Karau, 2002; Heilman, 2001). Although leadership positions are
typically considered to be masculine and male typed, they can vary
widely in these aspects. Some types of organizations are consid-
ered to be feminine and are occupied by more women than men
(e.g., social service and educational organizations; United States
Government Accountability Office, 2010).
Studies have found support for the effect of organization on
perceptions of gender differences in leadership effectiveness. A
meta-analysis that integrated the results of 76 effect sizes found
that male leaders were seen as more effective than female leaders
in organizations that were male dominated or masculine in other
ways (i.e., numerically male-dominated organizations; military
roles; Eagly et al., 1995). Additionally, female leaders were seen
as more effective than male leaders in less male-dominated or less
masculine organizations (i.e., educational, governmental, and so-
cial service organizations). Thus, the extent to which organizations
are male dominated is one moderator proposed by RCT.
Hypothesis 2: In organizations that are male dominated,
women will be considered to be less effective leaders than
men, and in organizations that are female dominated, men will
be considered to be less effective leaders than women.
Hierarchical Level as a Moderator
Eagly and Karau (2002) reviewed research pertaining to the
kinds of leader behaviors associated with different hierarchical
levels of leadership (e.g., Martell, Parker, Emrich, & Crawford,
1998; Pavett & Lau, 1983). Research has supported the idea that
different hierarchical levels require different types of behaviors
(e.g., McCauley, 2004; Paolillo, 1981). Lower level managers
have reported relying on abilities involving direct supervision of
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3
GENDER AND LEADERSHIP EFFECTIVENESS

employees’ task involvement, such as monitoring potential prob-
lems and managing conflict. Eagly et al. (1995) argued that such
characteristics may be considered masculine in nature, leading to
greater perceived congruity for men than women in lower level
supervisory positions. However, more recent studies have shown
that the characteristics associated with lower level leadership po-
sitions may be considered to be gender neutral in nature. Mumford,
Campion, and Morgeson (2007) discussed that the majority of
skills needed in lower level supervisor roles involve “cognitive”
skills including effective communication, active learning, and crit-
ical thinking. Given the gender neutrality of these skills, at the
lowest hierarchical levels there may not be a gender advantage for
men or women in leadership effectiveness.
In contrast, middle level managers believed that their roles
required greater relational skills, such as fostering cooperative
effort and motivating and developing subordinates. In middle
management positions, more relational and transformational lead-
ership behaviors are needed, and women are considered to be more
likely than men to engage in such behaviors; thus, women may be
seen as more effective in middle management than men (Eagly &
Karau, 2002).
RCT also proposes that perceptions of leadership are likely to be
the most masculine for higher status, senior leadership positions,
thereby increasing role incongruity for women in these positions
(Eagly & Karau, 2002). Indeed, research has shown that the higher
the level of leadership, the more masculine and agentic are the
expected behaviors for the leader (Eagly & Karau, 2002; Hunt,
Boal, & Sorenson, 1990; Lord & Maher, 1993; Martell et al.,
1998). Eagly and Karau (2002) proposed that as the incongruity
between the female gender role and the leadership roles increases,
so should the discrepancy in gender differences of perceived
leadership effectiveness. However, recent research on double stan-
dards of competence (Foschi, 1996, 2000) proposes a different
hypothesis.
Though double standards can produce barriers to women’s
career advancement (Lyness & Thompson, 2000), there is also
reason to believe that these double standards can provide a basis
for an advantage for women leaders who reach the highest posi-
tions. Foschi (1996, 2000) argued that a woman’s presence in a top
leadership position provides information about her abilities to
others in the organization: that she must be exceptionally compe-
tent to have made it in such a high-status and agentic leadership
position. When positive evaluations regarding a leader’s skills or
abilities can be viewed as occurring in spite of some shortcoming,
the individual is likely to be perceived as possessing a particularly
high level of competence (Crocker & Major, 1989; Rosette & Tost,
2010). A recent laboratory study using fictitious leader vignettes
supported this prediction (Rosette & Tost, 2010). Rosette and Tost
found that top female leaders received more positive evaluations
than top male leaders, as well as mid-level managers who were
male or female, because women at the top were perceived to have
faced higher standards than their male counterparts or those at
lower levels.
We propose, based on RCT, that there will not be a gender
difference in perceptions of men and women’s congruity and
effectiveness in lower level leadership positions; in middle man-
agement positions, however, women will be seen as more congru-
ent and effective than men. Finally, on the basis of the double
standards of competence model, we argue that women who reach
and succeed at the very top of organizations may be evaluated
favorably than men. They have demonstrated that they have over-
come double standards both to arrive in their top position and to
excel in that top position that is dominated by men and perceived
to be particularly masculine.
Hypothesis 3: Hierarchical level will moderate gender differ-
ences in perceived leadership effectiveness, with female lead-
ers being rated as more effective than male leaders at middle
and upper hierarchical levels (with no differences in ratings
expected at lower hierarchical levels).
Study Setting as a Moderator
RCT proposes that as cognitive resources become limited, raters
are likely to rely on stereotypes in making judgments of leadership
effectiveness (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Research in social cognition
has demonstrated that when individuals experience high cognitive
load, feel tired, or are under time pressure, they tend to rely more
on stereotypes to form impressions of others (e.g., Macrae, Boden-
hausen, Milne, & Ford, 1997; Pendry & Macrae, 1994). Many
studies of assessments of leaders’ performance are conducted in
organizational settings. Such settings are often busy and noisy,
with organizational members frequently distracted by multiple
tasks, responsibilities, and interruptions (Banks & Murphy, 1985).
Yet, other studies of gender differences in leadership effective-
ness are conducted in laboratory settings. These types of studies
often involve a group of undergraduate students working together
on a task, while being “led” by their group’s student leader (e.g.,
Eskilson, 1975; Jacobson & Effertz, 1974; York, 2005). The group
members are typically focused on the task at hand and thus may
have few distractions when they assess the leaders’ effectiveness.
Given the reduced cognitive load of participants in laboratory
settings compared to those in organizational settings, these indi-
viduals may be less likely to rely upon think manager–think male
stereotypes and biases in making judgments of leadership effec-
tiveness.
Hypothesis 4: Gender differences in perceptions of leadership
effectiveness will be greater (favoring men) in organizational
settings than in laboratory settings.
Percent of Male Raters as a Moderator
Many studies of assessments of leaders’ performance occur in
lab or organizational group settings where the members of a
leader’s work group assess the leader’s effectiveness. RCT pro-
poses that sex ratios in work groups should moderate gender
differences in perceived leadership effectiveness based on the
concept of tokenism (Kanter, 1977a as cited in Eagly & Karau,
2002). The theory argues that as the percentage of male raters
increases, the female-stereotypical qualities of women leaders
become more salient; thus, their perceived “lack of fit” in leader-
ship positions should become stronger. Kanter’s (1977a) research
and theoretical development of the construct of tokenism included
a case study of 20 saleswomen in a 300-person sales force at a
multinational, Fortune 500 corporation. Kanter found that token-
ism has several consequences for minority group within the work-
place: higher visibility (and increased scrutiny), exaggeration of
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4PAUSTIAN-UNDERDAHL, WALKER, AND WOEHR

differences from majority group members, exclusion from infor-
mal workplace interactions, and assimilation.
These findings have been replicated across a variety of settings.
The first women to enter the U.S. Military Academy at West Point
reported feeling highly visible, socially isolated, and gender ste-
reotyped (Yoder, Adams, & Prince, 1983). Similar patterns can be
seen in a study of enlisted military women (Rustad, 1982), by the
first women to serve as corrections officers in male prisons (Jurik,
1985), and by the first policewomen on patrol (Martin, 1980).
These findings are explained with the concept of numeric gender
imbalance. Kanter (1977b) proposed that the unique effects of
numerical underrepresentation will take place for both male and
female tokens; yet, for high-status tokens (men), the outcomes may
differ. A high-status token might receive more positive than neg-
ative attention, and perceptions of his behaviors may be distorted
such that he is seen as more rather than less competent. Similarly,
research on the glass escalator effect has shown that men are
likely to be promoted to leadership positions more quickly than
women in female-dominated groups or organizations (e.g.,
Maume, 1999; C. Williams, 1995).
Thus, we argue that as the percentage of male raters becomes
very high, women may be seen as less effective due to the
increased perceptions of their femininity and lessened leadership
abilities. Yet, when the percentages of male and female raters are
close to equal, gender-related characteristics should become less
salient to the group, and there should be small or nonexistent
gender differences in perceptions of leadership effectiveness (Ea-
gly & Carli, 2007). Finally, when there is a majority of female
raters in the group, men may be seen as more effective than
women, due to the increased perceptions of their masculinity,
competence, and leadership abilities. Thus, as the percentage of
male raters reaches either low or high extremes, men may be seen
as more effective due to the salience of gender to the context.
Hypothesis 5: There will be a nonlinear relationship between
percentage of male raters and gender differences in percep-
tions of leadership effectiveness such that as the percentage of
male raters is close to 50%, gender will be less salient and
gender differences in perceived effectiveness will be small. At
the extremes, men will be seen as more effective.
Rating Source as a Moderator
Use of self-ratings versus other-ratings of leadership effective-
ness has consistently been a point of contention in the literature on
gender and leadership (e.g., Eagly & Carli, 2003a, 2003b; Vec-
chio, 2002, 2003). Additionally, there is considerable literature
highlighting the importance of gender to self-evaluations of lead-
ership. Social role theory argues that individuals develop descrip-
tive and prescriptive gender role expectations based on an evolu-
tionary sex-based division of labor in which women were
historically homemakers and men were breadwinners (Eagly,
1987; Eagly & Wood, 2012). As such, gender may play a critical
role in self ratings of performance in work settings, such that men
may see themselves as more suited for and effective in leadership
roles than women may consider themselves to be.
Consistent with this notion, research using 360-degree perfor-
mance evaluations found that male managers were more likely to
overestimate their effectiveness, while female managers were
more likely to rate themselves consistently with ratings by their
peers and subordinates (Brutus, Fleenor, and McCauley, 1999;
Vecchio and Anderson, 2009). A study on causal attributions
suggested that women have a greater tendency to underrate their
performance because they tend to attribute their success to external
factors more than men do (Parsons, Meece, Adler, & Kaczala,
1982). Men, on the other hand, have been shown to have higher
self-esteem than women do (Kling, Hyde, Showers, & Buswell,
1999), which may explain why men tend to have higher self-
evaluations than women. For these reasons, we argue that gender
differences in perceived leadership effectiveness may depend on
the source of the rating.
Hypothesis 6a: The source of the rating will moderate gender
differences in perceptions of leadership effectiveness such that
there will be greater gender differences favoring men seen
among self-ratings than among other-ratings.
Yet, we contend that the degree to which self-ratings reflect a
gender advantage in leadership effectiveness for men may be
stronger in male-typed settings or when leaders are engaged in
male-typed tasks (Beyer, 1990, 1992). Eagly and Karau (2002)
proposed that, in addition to being affected by contextual moder-
ators impacting perceptions others have regarding the incongruity
between the female gender role and leadership roles, women in
leadership positions may be impacted by contextual factors such
that they themselves can exhibit diminished self-confidence
(Lenny, 1977) and expectancy-confirming behavior (Geis, 1993)
in certain environments. Thus, despite the tenets of RCT being
primarily focused on other-ratings of leaders, we argue that self-
ratings will also be moderated by the contextual variables pre-
sented above.
An empirical study examining gender differences in self-rated
job performance found that women significantly underrated their
performance and recalled more task failure than had actually
occurred when they had engaged in masculine tasks but not when
they had engaged in gender neutral or feminine tasks (Beyer, 1990,
1992). Additionally, Correll (2001) examined men’s and women’s
perceptions of their mathematics ability, an academic area that is
generally considered to be male-typed. She found that, controlling
for positive performance feedback about mathematical ability,
men’s assessments of their own mathematical competence were
higher than women’s assessments. When comparing self-
assessments of verbal ability, an academic area that is generally
considered to be female-typed, women rated themselves as more
competent than men (Correll, 2001). We propose, based on these
arguments and findings, that the contextual moderators described
above may moderate the extent to which self-ratings as well as
other-ratings of leadership effectiveness favor males versus fe-
males.
Hypothesis 6b: Gender differences in self-ratings and other-
ratings of perceived leadership effectiveness will be moder-
ated by the contextual moderators presented above.
Method
Literature Search and Inclusion Criteria
To gather primary studies to include in this meta-analysis, we
conducted an extensive literature search to select studies published
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5
GENDER AND LEADERSHIP EFFECTIVENESS

through 2011, initially using the keywords leadership performance
and leadership effectiveness. Studies found using these keywords
were manually searched for data on gender differences in these
leadership outcomes. Additionally, the keywords of leader, lead-
ership, manager, and supervisor were used and were paired with
terms such as gender, sex, sex differences, and women. We also
searched through numerous review articles, books, and recent
Academy of Management and Society for Industrial and Organi-
zational Psychology conference proceedings (2010–2012), as well
as the reference lists of other related meta-analyses (Eagly et al.,
1992, 1995). In addition, we completed a manual search through
journals that might have had relevant articles, including the Jour-
nal of Applied Psychology, Academy of Management Journal,
Personnel Psychology, Journal of Management, and Psychologi-
cal Bulletin. Finally, e-mails were sent to relevant listservs and
research groups (OB listserv; GDO listserv; SPSP listserv; Orga-
nizations, Occupations, and Work ASA listserv; LDRNET list-
serv) to request in press or unpublished manuscripts and data sets.
The search yielded 270 potential articles and dissertations, which
were reviewed for their ability to meet the specific inclusion
criteria discussed below.
Consistent with Eagly et al. (1995), our criteria for including
studies in the meta-analysis consisted of the following: (a) the
study compared male and female leaders, executives, managers,
directors, supervisors, principals, or administrators; (b) partici-
pants were at least 18 years old; (c) the study assessed the effec-
tiveness of at least five leaders of each sex; and (d) measures of
leaders’ effectiveness included one of the following: performance
or leadership ability; ratings of satisfaction with leaders or satis-
faction with leaders’ performance; coding or counting of effective
leadership behaviors; or measures of organizational productivity or
group performance. Authors were contacted for more information
if the appropriate data appeared to have been collected but were
not reported in the paper.
If a study reported data separately for different countries or
different types of organizations, the samples of leaders were
treated as independent. The first author carefully tracked authors of
multiple studies in order to determine if the same sample and data
may have been reported in multiple studies. If the same sample
was used in more than one study, only data from one of the studies
were coded (e.g., Bolman & Deal, 1991, 1992). Lab studies that
involved leaderless group discussions in which no one was desig-
nated to fill a leadership role were excluded. Also, studies of
nonsupervisory employees performing “in-basket” exercises or
any other kind of management simulation not involving group
interaction were excluded, because the participants in these studies
did not assume an actual leadership role. Application of these
criteria resulted in a final sample of 95 studies and 99 independent
effect sizes. Citations of studies considered but excluded from the
meta-analysis are available as online supplemental materials.
Coding the Studies
Each of the studies included in the analyses was coded with
respect to the moderator variables described above as well as
general study characteristics. A thorough coding manual including
instructions for coding articles and abstracting appropriate effect
sizes was developed in order to aid in the coding process. All
studies were coded by at least two researchers. The researchers
agreed on 89.5% of the initial codes, and disagreements were
resolved via discussion. Additionally, reliability estimates (alpha)
of the effectiveness measure from each study were recorded.
Finally, all relevant information was coded to aid in the calculation
of the standardized mean difference effect size.
Cohen’s d(Cohen, 1988) was the effect size used in this study.
It is the effect size for the standardized mean difference between
two groups on a continuous variable (e.g., the mean difference
between males and females on a continuous measure of leadership
effectiveness). A positive sign indicates that men were more ef-
fective than women, and a negative sign indicates that women
were more effective than men. The denominator is the pooled
value of the male and female group standard deviations. If means
and standard deviations were not available, the effect size was
computed from other statistics, such as t, F, or r, according to
formulas provided by Lipsey and Wilson (2001).
To reduce computational error, we calculated effect sizes with
the aid of a computer program (Borenstein et al., 2009). Research-
ers recommend that the best way to average a set of independent
standardized mean difference effect sizes is by weighting each
effect by its inverse variance (Hedges & Olkin, 1985; Sanchez-
Meca & Marin-Martinez, 1998). Thus, in the current study, each
effect size was weighted by its inverse variance such that effects
with greater precision received greater weight (Borenstein et al.,
2009). Recommended transformation calculations were used to
help resolve artifacts, which can be due to unreliability in the
dependent variable (Hunter & Schmidt, 2004). Because not all of
the individual studies provided alpha coefficients for reliability
information, the effect sizes were corrected following the optimal
two-stage procedure recommended by Hunter and Schmidt (2004,
pp. 173–175). In the first step, individually known artifacts were
corrected. The distributions of the artifacts available from the first
step were then used to correct for the remaining artifacts (Hunter
& Schmidt, 2004, pp. 174–175).
Moderator Analyses
Multiple methods—the chi-square-based Qstatistic and the 75%
rule—were used to assess for the need to test for moderators.
Categorical moderator variables were examined with subgroups
analyses, and continuous moderators (percentage of male raters
and time of study) were examined with meta-analytic regression
analyses. Calculating the categorical models results in the
between-class goodness-of-fit statistic Q
b
, which is equivalent to a
main effect in an analysis of variance and indicates whether the
categorical moderator fully explains variance in the data (Cortina,
2003).
Results
In total, 99 effect sizes from 58 journal publications, 30 unpub-
lished dissertations or theses, 5 books, and 6 other sources (e.g.,
white papers, unpublished data) were examined in this meta-
analysis. The sample sizes ranged from 10 to 60,470 leaders, and
the mean sample size across all the samples was 1,011 leaders
(SD ⫽6,151). The majority of samples reported data from studies
conducted within the United States or Canada (86%). The mean
age of leaders across the 40 samples in which age was reported
was 39.04 years (SD ⫽9.72). These studies were conducted
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6PAUSTIAN-UNDERDAHL, WALKER, AND WOEHR

between 1962 and 2011. Thirty-six of the 99 studies included in
the present meta-analysis were also included in the Eagly et al.
(1995) meta-analysis, representing a 37% overlap.
Magnitude of Gender Differences
The distribution of effect sizes was approximately normal and
centered around zero. The overall analysis of effectiveness mea-
sures resulted in a mean corrected dof ⫺.05 (K⫽99, N⫽
101,676), which is not significantly different from zero (see Table
1). We examined the data for any extreme outliers (⫾3SD) and
found two effect sizes that met this criteria (d⫽1.44, N⫽30 and
d⫽1.52, N⫽40). Hunter and Schmidt (2004) argued that, when
sample sizes of outliers are small to moderate, extreme outliers can
occur due to sampling error. They noted that such outliers should
not be removed from the data, because removing them could result
in an overcorrection of sampling error. We reanalyzed the data
with these two effect sizes removed from the sample, and the
overall effect size changed slightly (by .01), becoming d⫽⫺.06.
Due to the small sample sizes associated with these outliers and to
the small change in the summary effect size that resulted from
removing the effects from the data, they were not eliminated from
the data. The Qtest of homogeneity for the summary effect
indicated that moderation is likely (i.e., Q⫽415.3, p⬍.01),
suggesting that there is substantial variation in estimated popula-
tion values and that in some cases males are more effective
(positive values) and that in a some cases females are more
effective (negative values).
Moderator Analyses
Publication date as a moderator. To test Hypothesis 1, that
there will be greater gender differences (favoring men) seen
among older studies and smaller gender differences or differences
that favor women seen among newer studies, we utilized both
subgroup analyses and meta-analytic regression techniques. The-
oretically meaningful subgroups were created with data on the
percent of women in management in the United States from 1960
to the present day (Catalyst, 2012a). The subgroup categories were
developed based roughly on token status percentage groups devel-
oped by Kanter (1977a). Kanter (1977b) referred to percentages of
15% or less as skewed, percentages between 15% and 40% as
tilted, and percentages between 40% and 50% as balanced. Too
few studies were published when women made up 15% or less of
management positions, so this grouping was extended to include
studies published when women occupied close to 25% or less of
management positions. The approximate percentages of women in
management per each time-based subgroup can be seen in Table 1.
The time categories exhibited a nonsignificant moderating effect
on gender differences in overall leadership effectiveness (Q
b
⫽
3.349, p⫽.34). Although the effects for each time period were not
significantly different from zero, the direction of effect sizes
indicates that men were seen as more effective leaders in the oldest
group of studies and that women were seen as more effective
leaders in subsequent years.
We used weighted least squares analysis (Neter, Wasserman, &
Kutner, 1989) in SPSS/ PASW 18 to examine the effect of the
continuous variable of time on overall gender differences in lead-
ership effectiveness following Steel and Kammeyer-Mueller
(2002) and Geyskens, Krishnan, Steenkamp, and Cunha (2009),
who found it the most accurate method. The weights were the same
as used in the subgroup meta-analyses, the inverse variance of each
effect size. The unstandardized beta term for time was not statis-
tically significant (␤⫽.001, p⬎.05, R
2
⫽.005); however, the
pattern of the effect was consistent with Hypothesis 1 (see Figure
1). Overall, Hypothesis 1 was not supported, although results
were in the predicted direction such that male leaders are seen as
more effective in older studies and female leaders are seen as more
effective in newer studies.
Organization as a moderator. To test Hypothesis 2, regard-
ing the extent to which the organization is male dominated
influences gender differences in leadership effectiveness, we
used secondary data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
(2011) as well as the “Statistics on Women in the Military”
report (Women in Military Service for America Memorial
Foundation, 2011). Heilman (1983) suggested that one way to
conceptualize the masculinity or femininity of an organization
is by the percentage of men and women occupying that orga-
nization. The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics database reports
the average percent of men and women in different types of
organizations, and the “Statistics on Women in the Military”
report includes the percent of women in the U.S. military.
Organization exhibited a significant moderating effect on gen-
der differences in leadership effectiveness (Q
b
⫽11.72, p⬍
.05), providing preliminary support of Hypothesis 2.
Consistent with RCT (Eagly & Karau, 2002), organizations
that are more masculine in nature and male dominated numer-
ically tended to show that male leaders are more effective (see
Table 1). Government organizations (37.3% female) exhibited a
significant effect, d⫽.27 (K⫽5, N⫽1,113, 95% CI [.02,
.51]). The other types of masculine organizations exhibited
nonsignificant differences; yet, the pattern of effects generally
supports the RCT hypothesis. The effect size for military orga-
nizations was positive (14.5% female), d⫽.12 (K⫽6, N⫽
2,505, 95% CI [⫺.09, .32]). In addition, as expected based on
RCT, organizations that are more feminine and female domi-
nated had negative effect sizes, indicating that women were
seen as more effective than men. The direction of the (nonsig-
nificant) effect sizes indicated that females were seen as more
effective in social service organizations (85% female), with a d
of ⫺.23 (K⫽2, N⫽369, 95% CI [⫺.58, .13]), and as slightly
more effective in education organizations (68.4% female), with
adof ⫺.03 (K⫽36, N⫽4,051, 95% CI [⫺.13, .06]). The
former effect should be interpreted cautiously given thes small
number of studies. Overall, Hypothesis 2 was partially sup-
ported in that men were seen as more effective in male-
dominated organizations such as the government. There were
nonsignificant gender differences in the female-dominated or-
ganizations. Of interest, in business settings, which are 42.5%
female, women were seen as significantly more effective than
men, with a dof ⫺.12 (K⫽25, N⫽28,440, 95% CI
[⫺.19, ⫺.02]).
Hierarchical level as a moderator. Consistent with Hypoth-
esis 3, hierarchical level exhibited a significant moderating effect
on gender differences in leadership effectiveness (Q
b
⫽10.71, p⬍
.05). The results of a subgroup analysis are partially consistent
with the hypothesis proposed by RCT (see Table 1). Women were
rated as significantly more effective than men in middle manage-
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7
GENDER AND LEADERSHIP EFFECTIVENESS

Table 1
Meta-Analysis of Overall Gender Differences and by Time of Study, Organization, Leader Level, and Setting
Variable Mean d Cor d K N Var. % Art. 95% CI QQ
b
Overall leader effectiveness ⫺.047 ⫺.05 99 101,676 .001 23.6 [⫺.102, .001] 415.3
ⴱⴱ
Time of study 410.88
ⴱⴱ
3.35
1962–1981 (15.6%–26.2%) .044 .046 23 4,363 .004 41.75 [⫺.08, .17] 52.70
ⴱⴱ
Self .395 .422 5 862 .046 15.38 [.01, .84] 26.01
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.049 ⫺.055 16 3,429 .004 79.43 [⫺.19, .08] 18.89
1982–1995 (26.2%–38.7%) ⫺.053 ⫺.055 25 5,651 .003 39.40 [⫺.16, .05] 60.91
ⴱⴱ
Self .247 .267 5 1,035 .045 46.06 [⫺.15, .68] 8.69
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.125 ⫺.134 20 4,616 .003 61.36 [ⴚ.24, ⴚ.03] 30.97
ⴱ
1996–2003 (38.7%–50.6%) ⫺.058 ⫺.064 25 7,183 .003 19.76 [⫺.17, .04] 121.43
ⴱⴱ
Self .016 .022 5 2,131 .045 5.68 [⫺.40, .44] 70.42
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.113 ⫺.122 20 5,052 .003 66.99 [ⴚ.23, ⴚ.02] 28.36
ⴱⴱ
2004–2011 (50.6%–51.4%) ⫺.091 ⫺.097 26 84,478 .003 14.22 [⫺.20, .00] 175.83
ⴱⴱ
Self .087 .095 4 683 .054 95.0 [⫺.36, .55] 3.16
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.128 ⫺.137 22 83,795 .002 12.39 [ⴚ.23, ⴚ.05] 169.54
ⴱⴱ
Organization 283.15
ⴱⴱ
11.72
ⴱⴱ
Social service (85% female) ⫺.192 ⫺.225 2 369 .033 49.06 [⫺.58, .13] 2.04
Self ⫺.070 ⫺.086 1 304 .148 100.00 [⫺.84, .67] 0.00
Other ⫺.490 ⫺.527 1 65 .093 100.00 [⫺1.12, .07] 0.00
Education (68.4% female) ⫺.030 ⫺.033 36 4,051 .002 47.99 [⫺.13, .06] 72.92
ⴱⴱ
Self .333 .365 4 516 .044 82.16 [⫺.05, .78] 3.65
Other ⫺.095 ⫺.103 32 3,535 .002 73.47 [ⴚ.20, ⴚ.01] 42.20
Business (42.5% female) ⫺.098 ⫺.106 25 28,441 .002 23.66 [ⴚ.19, ⴚ.02] 101.45
ⴱⴱ
Self .160 .174 6 686 .03 29.34 [⫺.18, .53] 17.04
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.150 ⫺.162 19 27,754 .002 26.72 [ⴚ.24, ⴚ.08] 67.37
ⴱⴱ
Government (37.3% female) .253 .265 5 1,113 .016 16.73 [.02, .51] 23.91
ⴱⴱ
Self .302 .324 2 1,002 .072 6.03 [⫺.20, .85] 16.59
ⴱⴱ
Other .090 ⫺.095 3 111 .060 100.00 [⫺.58, .39] 1.02
Military (14.6% female) .108 .117 6 2,505 .011 11.43 [⫺.09, .32] 43.75
ⴱⴱ
Self .315 .341 3 467 .065 8.40 [⫺.16, .84] 23.82
ⴱⴱ
Other .065 .064 3 2,038 .013 10.07 [⫺.16, .29] 19.87
ⴱⴱ
Mixed ⫺.076 ⫺.08 25 65,197 .003 61.41 [⫺.18, .02] 39.08
Self ⫺.004 ⫺.005 3 1,736 .048 100.00 [⫺.44, .43] 1.58
Other ⫺.094 ⫺.099 20 63,389 .003 43.55 [⫺.20, .00] 52.83
Level of leadership 377.72
ⴱⴱ
10.71
ⴱⴱ
Lower level supervisors .066 .069 37 7,421 .002 40.99 [⫺.03, .17] 87.81
ⴱⴱ
Self .345 .375 8 1,330 .019 48.26 [.11, .64] 14.51
ⴱ
Other ⫺.028 ⫺.032 27 6,019 .003 50.89 [⫺.13, .07] 51.09
ⴱⴱ
Middle managers ⫺.163 ⫺.172 12 4,570 .005 21.13 [ⴚ.31, ⴚ.03] 52.07
ⴱⴱ
Self ⫺.096 ⫺.097 5 839 .032 51.06 [⫺.45, .25] 7.83
Other ⫺.223 ⫺.235 7 3,731 .005 16.74 [ⴚ.38, ⴚ.10] 35.83
ⴱⴱ
Upper level leaders ⫺.038 ⫺.042 28 12,364 .003 24.32 [⫺.15, .07] 111.02
ⴱⴱ
Self .329 .355 3 1,192 .040 9.28 [⫺.04, .75] 21.54
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.123 ⫺.133 25 11,172 .003 87.44 [ⴚ.24, ⴚ.03] 27.45
Mixed ⫺.116 ⫺.123 22 77,321 .003 16.56 [ⴚ.23, ⴚ.02] 126.82
ⴱⴱ
Self .052 .052 3 1,350 .049 11.57 [⫺.38, .49] 17.29
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.122 ⫺.130 19 75,971 .002 16.89 [ⴚ.22, ⴚ.04] 16.89
ⴱⴱ
Setting 412.04
ⴱⴱ
1.73
Laboratory ⫺.021 ⫺.023 13 1,425 .010 100.00 [⫺.20, .16] 11.49
Self .050 .054 1 550 .159 100.00 [⫺.73, .84] 0.00
Other ⫺.062 ⫺.064 10 803 .010 84.90 [⫺.27, .14] 10.60
Organizational ⫺.043 ⫺.046 82 99,769 .000 20.36 [⫺.10, .01] 397.88
ⴱⴱ
Self .199 .216 18 4,161 .011 15.62 [.02, .42] 108.93
ⴱⴱ
Other ⫺.110 ⫺.119 64 95,608 .000 24.87 [ⴚ.17, ⴚ.06] 253.28
ⴱⴱ
Self-ratings vs. other-ratings 415.32
ⴱⴱ
25.41
ⴱⴱ
Self-ratings .181 .206 19 4,711 .009 16.35 [.09, .31] 110.07
ⴱⴱ
Other-ratings ⫺.100 ⫺.120 78 96,893 .001 28.56 [ⴚ.18, ⴚ.06] 269.62
ⴱⴱ
Raters 273.67
ⴱⴱ
24.46
ⴱⴱ
Boss ⫺.159 ⫺.172 9 13,273 .005 13.53 [ⴚ.32, ⴚ.03] 59.13
ⴱⴱ
Peers .015 .017 2 58 .108 91.76 [⫺.63, .66] 1.09
Subordinates ⫺.077 ⫺.082 32 63,450 .003 70.80 [⫺.19, .02] 43.79
ⴱ
Self .181 .206 19 4,711 .009 16.35 [.09, .31] 110.07
ⴱⴱ
Judges/trained observers ⫺.167 ⫺.177 5 882 .015 100.00 [⫺.42, .06] 0.26
Objective counting device .137 .147 2 72 .082 100.00 [⫺.41, .71] 0.07
Mixed/unclear ⫺.109 ⫺.119 30 19,229 .002 48.93 [ⴚ.21, ⴚ.03] 59.27
ⴱⴱ
Note. The self and other ratings may not add up to equal the general category statistics because these findings include ratings from additional sources beyond self and
other ratings (i.e., objective ratings). The bold font indicates that the 95% CI does not include zero. Mean d is the observed dacross studies; Cor d is corrected for
measurement reliability in effectiveness; Kis the number of studies; Nis the number of participants; Var. is the variance of the corrected d; % Art. is the percentage of
variance due to the artifacts of sampling error and measurement unreliability; 95% CI is a 95% confidence interval; Qis the chi-square test for homogeneity of effect sizes;
Q
b
is the between-group test of homogeneity. Percentages listed with the year of publication indicate the approximate percentage of women in management positions in
the United States (Catalyst, 2012a).
ⴱ
p⬍.05.
ⴱⴱ
p⬍.01.
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8PAUSTIAN-UNDERDAHL, WALKER, AND WOEHR

ment positions, with a dof ⫺.17 (K⫽12, N⫽4,570, 95% CI
[⫺.31, ⫺.03]). There was a nonsignificant gender difference in
effectiveness for leaders in upper level leadership positions, with a
dof ⫺.04 (K⫽28, N⫽12,364, 95% CI [⫺.15, .07]), and in lower
hierarchical levels/supervisor positions, with a dof .07 (K⫽37,
N⫽7,421, 95% CI [⫺.03, .17]). Overall, Hypothesis 3 was
partially supported in that women were more effective in middle
management positions, although there were not gender differences
in either lower or higher level positions.
Setting as a moderator. Study setting exhibited a nonsignif-
icant moderating effect on gender differences in leadership effec-
tiveness (Q
b
⫽1.73, p⫽.42; see Table 1). Thus, Hypothesis 4 was
not supported when all rating sources combined were examined.
The effects of self- and other-ratings are reported separately in
Table 1 and summarized in Table 2, providing additional infor-
mation about this moderator (as discussed below).
Percent of male raters as a moderator. Meta-analytic
weighted least squares regression analyses were used to exam-
ine the centered continuous variable. Upon viewing the scatter-
plot of percent of male raters on Cohen’s d, we identified
extreme outliers at the d⫽1.52 and d⫽.43 points. Although
these were not removed for the complete meta-analysis, they
were removed for this specific analysis given the degree to
which they differed from the normal distribution for the 58
studies that included the variable of percent of male raters. The
linear effect for percent of male raters was significant (unstan-
dardized ␤⫽⫺.003, R
2
⫽.09, p⬍.01), while the squared term
(testing the curvilinear effect) was not statistically significant.
Inconsistent with our RCT hypothesis developed based on the
concept of tokenism being helpful for high-status individuals,
when rated by a majority of female raters, female leaders were
seen as more effective than men. Consistent with our hypothesis,
this difference became smaller in gender-balanced groups (see
Figure 2). Surprisingly, in male-dominated rater groups, men were
not seen as more effective leaders than women. Rather, the effect
approached zero as the percent of male raters increased. Thus,
Hypothesis 5 was partially supported (i.e., gender differences were
quite small in gender-balanced groups).
Rating source as a moderator. When we analyzed the sum-
mary effect using self-ratings of leadership effectiveness only,
men rated themselves as significantly more effective than
women rated themselves (d⫽.21, n⫽19, 95% CI [.09, .31]).
This significant effect is driven by a large effect size favoring
men in self-ratings from before 1996 (see Table 1). When we
analyzed other-ratings of leadership effectiveness (from peers,
subordinates, bosses, judges/trained observers, and/or mixed
raters), women were rated as significantly more effective than
men (particularly after 1982; d⫽⫺.12, n⫽78, 95% CI
[⫺.18, ⫺.06]; see Table 1). These findings support Hypothesis
6a. To test Hypothesis 6b, we examined the effects of each
moderator separately for the self-ratings and other-ratings.
Overall, the moderators affected gender differences in leader-
ship effectiveness in both self-ratings and other-ratings, provid-
ing initial support for Hypothesis 6b. The full results per
moderator group are reported in Table 1 and summarized in
Table 2.
Figure 1. Scatterplot of time of study and effect sizes.
Table 2
Summary of Findings Based on Rating Source
Variable Self-ratings Other-ratings Combined ratings
Overall (summary
effect size) Men rated themselves as significantly more
effective than women. Women were rated as significantly more
effective than men. Overall, there was not a
significant gender difference.
Time of study Men rated themselves as significantly more
effective than women rated themselves
prior to 1982.
Women were rated as significantly more
effective than men between 1982 and
2011.
There were no significant
differences across time periods.
Organization type There were no significant differences in
self-ratings of effectiveness across
organization type.
Women were rated as significantly more
effective than men in business and
educational organizations.
Women were rated as significantly
more effective than men in
business; men were rated as
more effective in government
organizations.
Leadership level Men rated themselves as significantly more
effective than women rated themselves
in lower level positions.
Women were rated as significantly more
effective than men in mid-level and
upper level positions.
Women were rated as significantly
more effective than men in mid-
level positions.
Study setting Men rated themselves as significantly more
effective than women rated themselves
in organizational studies.
Women were rated as significantly more
effective than men in organizational
settings; there were no differences in
laboratory settings.
There were no significant
differences across study
settings.
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9
GENDER AND LEADERSHIP EFFECTIVENESS

Discussion
First and foremost our goal in the present study was to update
and extend our understanding of the relationship between gen-
der and leadership effectiveness. Toward this end, we quanti-
tatively review 49 years of research pertaining to the relation-
ship between gender and leadership effectiveness as well as to
a number of theoretically based moderators of this relationship.
In doing so, we update and extend Eagly et al.’s (1995) meta-
analysis of gender differences in leadership effectiveness.
Moreover, we expand role congruity theory (RCT) by reframing
it such that it applies regardless of gender (i.e., to both men and
women). Finally, we highlight the importance of rating source
in any examination of gender advantages in leadership effec-
tiveness (i.e., the importance of examining self-reported and
other-reported assessments of leadership effectiveness; Eagly &
Carli, 2003a, 2003b; Vecchio, 2002, 2003).
With respect to the overall impact of gender on leader effec-
tiveness, the literature to date seems to oversimplify gender ad-
vantages in leadership. Our examination of potential moderators of
this relationship suggests that it may not be so simple. Rather, our
findings indicate a number of factors that moderate this relation-
ship. One of our key findings is that very different patterns of
results occur depending on whether self- or other-ratings serve as
the measure of leader effectiveness. Moreover, results are further
moderated by a number of other contextual variables. These results
(quantitatively presented in Table 1) are summarized in Table 2.
Below, we briefly discuss these findings with respect to implica-
tions for RCT, consistency with the Eagly et al. (1995) meta-
analysis, and implications for gender-focused research and prac-
tice.
Consistent with RCT, the extent to which the organization being
examined was male or female dominated significantly moderated
gender differences in effectiveness. The direction of effects overall
indicated that organizations that were male dominated (i.e., gov-
ernment) showed a tendency for men to be perceived as more
effective. These findings are consistent with the 1995 meta-
analysis of gender differences in leadership effectiveness (Eagly et
al., 1995). However, the magnitude of the effects seems to have
waned over time. The Eagly et al. study showed a dof .42, 95% CI
[.32, .52], for military studies, yet in the current meta-analysis, d⫽
.12, 95% CI [⫺.09, .32], for this group.
When examining the effects of type of organization separately
by rating source, we found that for other-ratings, women were
rated as significantly more effective leaders than men in business
and education organizations. Alternately, self-ratings were not
significantly different from zero. These findings highlight how
perceptions of incongruity may negatively impact men, as well as
women, in certain situations. To date, however, RCT has primarily
been used to explain the impact of incongruity negatively affecting
women in leadership roles. Yet, our findings show that certain
leadership roles (i.e., education and business) may also be seen as
incongruent with men’s gender role, negatively affecting percep-
tions of their effectiveness.
In addition, consistent with the hypothesis proposed by Eagly
and Karau (2002), women are seen as more effective than men in
middle management positions (d⫽⫺.17, 95% CI [⫺.31, ⫺.03]).
These findings are comparable to findings of the 1995 meta-
analysis, which found that women were seen as more effective in
mid-level leadership (d⫽⫺.18, 95% CI [⫺.24, ⫺.12]). We also
found a nonsignificant difference favoring men in lower level
positions (d⫽.07, 95% CI [⫺.03, .17]), which is considerably
smaller than the effect found by Eagly et al. (1995) for first-level
or line leadership positions (d⫽.19, 95% CI [.13, .26]). Perhaps
more important, we found this effect was significantly moderated
by rating source. For self-ratings, men rated themselves as signif-
icantly more effective than women rated themselves in lower level
supervisor positions and senior leader positions. There were non-
significant gender differences in self-ratings for middle manage-
ment positions. For other-ratings of leadership effectiveness,
women were rated as significantly more effective as middle man-
agers and as senior leaders. There was a nonsignificant gender
difference in other-ratings of leadership effectiveness for lower
level supervisors.
As noted above, our study provides preliminary support for RCT
as it relates to men being seen as less effective leaders than women
in middle management positions, possibly because of those posi-
tions being considered to be feminine in nature. We also found a
nonsignificant gender difference in effectiveness for lower level
positions, perhaps due to the gender-neutral characteristics asso-
ciated with such positions. Yet, contrary to hypotheses proposed
by RCT, we found that women were seen as more effective (by
others) when they held senior-level management positions. Fos-
chi’s (2000) double standards of competence model proposes that
women may be seen as more effective than men in top leadership
positions due to perceptions of their extra competence. This notion
was supported in a recent laboratory study by Rosette and Tost
(2010). Thus, RCT may be supplemented by this model to explain
that perceptions of extra competence can potentially override per-
ceptions on women’s incongruity, increasing assessments of their
effectiveness at the top.
Similarly, the role of study setting was also moderated by
rating source. That is, despite our finding of no significant
impact of study setting overall, we did find significant differ-
ences when we broke down the analysis by rating source. We
expected that men would be seen as more effective leaders than
Figure 2. Scatterplot of percent of male raters and effect sizes.
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10 PAUSTIAN-UNDERDAHL, WALKER, AND WOEHR

women when comparing results from organizational data to
those of laboratory data, due to the effects of cognitive load in
increasing the use of think manager–think male stereotypes
in organizations. However, we found that, in 64 studies, women
were rated (by others) as significantly more effective than men
in organizational settings, while the gender difference was not
significantly different in 10 laboratory studies. Thus, perhaps
the notion that cognitive load leads to the increased use of
stereotypes holds true; however, rather than relying on stereo-
types of men’s greater leadership effectiveness, organizational
members may rely upon a different, newer stereotype: that
women are more effective leaders.
In their meta-analysis, Eagly et al. (1995) found a significant
linear effect for the percent of male subordinates on gender
differences such that as the proportion of males increased,
effectiveness ratings favored male leaders. We found, counter
to Eagly et al.’s results, that gender differences in effectiveness
approached zero as the percent of male raters increased. Addi-
tionally, we found that as the percent of female raters increased,
female leaders were seen as more effective than men. This
difference became smaller in gender-balanced groups. This
finding is inconsistent with the suggestion that Eagly and Karau
(2002) developed from tokenism (Kanter, 1977a) and research
on the glass escalator effect (Maume, 1999). These authors
suggest that when the percent of female raters increases (i.e., a
male leader would be a high-status token), men should be seen
as more congruent and thus as more effective leaders than
women (Eagly & Karau, 2002). Rather, our study found that the
percent of female raters positively affects ratings of women’s
effectiveness. Again, these findings highlight the applicability
of RCT to men as well as women depending on the context or
situation. If stereotypes have shifted such that women may be
considered to be better leaders than men, men may suffer
consequences from being tokens in the same way women have
historically suffered from numerical underrepresentation in a
group. Additional research on the evolving effects of tokenism
on men and women in work groups is needed to clarify the
mechanisms of this possible reversal of effects.
Implications for Theory
A primary goal in this meta-analysis was to examine the
extent to which the framework of contextual moderators pro-
posed by RCT could be supplemented by additional theoretical
perspectives proposed in the literature on gender and leader-
ship. Overall, our findings indicate that certain aspects of RCT
may need to be further clarified and explored. For instance, the
RCT-based hypothesis regarding middle-level leadership posi-
tions was supported, yet at the highest levels, the direction of
effects contradicted that proposed by RCT. The effect was small
and negative when we examined other-ratings, providing sup-
port for the direction proposed by the double standards of
competence model (Foschi, 2000) that women may be per-
ceived to be slightly more effective than men at the highest
levels. If women in these positions are seen as being excep-
tionally competent by having overcome significant obstacles in
order to reach these senior positions, there would be an in-
creased congruency between their gender role and leader roles.
More research should be conducted to better understand how
perceptions of competence, as well as expectations of leader
behaviors that are needed for success at the top, affect percep-
tions of congruity and effectiveness.
Our findings with respect to rating source also have impor-
tant implications for RCT. The theory seems to highlight how
perceptions of incongruity from “other” evaluators can influ-
ence gender differences in leaders’ effectiveness. Yet, it is also
important to consider how self-evaluations can be affected by
perceptions of incongruity and congruity between leadership
and gender roles. Our findings indicate that men may see
themselves as congruent with most leadership contexts (even
though other evaluators may disagree). Women, on the other
hand, may see themselves as incongruent with many leadership
contexts, even though others evaluate them as more effective as
middle and senior managers, as well as in business and educa-
tion organizations. More research should be conducted to ex-
amine how self-assessments of leadership effectiveness vary
based on perceptions on incongruity and how self-perceptions
can influence men and women’s career experiences and suc-
cess.
Another aim in this study was to understand how the contextual
moderators derived from RCT could negatively impact perceptions
of men’s as well as women’s leadership effectiveness. We found
that there are certain contexts in which there may be a greater
perceived congruity between the female gender role and leadership
roles (i.e., middle management, business and education organiza-
tions, settings with a high percent of female raters, and in organi-
zational settings rather than laboratory settings), and, in these
contexts, women are seen as more effective leaders than men. The
findings regarding middle management and educational organiza-
tions fit with propositions based on RCT. However, the findings
regarding the percent of female raters (tokenism for men) and
organizational settings (settings with higher cognitive loads for
participants) were unexpected.
Such findings highlight the shifting stereotypes surrounding
gender and leadership (e.g., Koenig et al., 2011), which may be
increasing perceptions of men’s incongruity (and ineffectiveness)
in leadership positions. To the extent that organizations shift
toward a more feminine and transformational outlook, women
should experience reduced prejudice, while men may be seen as
more incongruent with leadership roles. Yet, men on average
continue to earn more and advance into higher managerial levels
than women (Blau & Kahn, 2007; Catalyst, 2012a). Researchers
argue that performance may matter less for female leader’s pay
than male leader’s pay. Indeed, Kulich, Ryan, and Haslam (2007)
found that company performance more strongly related positively
to bonus pay for male CEOs than female CEOs, whereas percep-
tions of the leader’s charisma more strongly impacted bonus pay
for women than men. Thus, future research needs to examine the
other factors that may help to explain why women are seen as
equally (or more) effective leaders than men, yet they are not being
rewarded in the same ways. Additionally, future meta-analytic
research could gather and examine studies that reflect leader
ratings used for employment decisions (pay raises, promotions,
etc.) versus those used for research purposes only in order under-
stand whether a greater bias emerges when ratings are being used
for employment decisions.
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11
GENDER AND LEADERSHIP EFFECTIVENESS

Limitations and Directions for Future Research
Although the number of studies included in this meta- anal-
ysis is relatively large (K⫽99), our use of moderator analyses
led to relatively small numbers and low power for some anal-
yses. For instance, we found that the analysis of time periods
was not statistically significant; however, the pattern of the
effects did show support for the hypothesis proposed by RCT.
We found that men were considered slightly more effective
leaders in older studies, and women were favored in studies
conducted more recently. This is consistent with a recent meta-
analysis that found that leadership definitions were seen as less
masculine over time (Koenig et al., 2011). A post hoc power
analysis was conducted to determine if a low sample size (99
studies) could explain the nonsignificance of the effect. Con-
sistent with this idea, the observed power was only .35. None-
theless, Hunter and Schmidt (2004) have indicated that al-
though a small number of studies in a meta-analysis may
increase the likelihood of secondary sampling error, if the
overall sample size (N) across those studies is fairly large, this
should reduce the second order sampling error. Fortunately, in
our meta-analysis, even the analyses with a low number of
studies include fairly large overall sample sizes.
Many researchers overlook the importance of testing for poten-
tially spurious relationships among meta-analytic moderators
(Lipsey, 2003). Lipsey (2003) noted that confounding can occur if
moderator variables are related to each other and to effect size
estimates in meta-analytic research. We found two instances of
confounding that may influence how the primary findings of this
study are interpreted. The first involved the overlap between
studies examining senior leaders and those conducted in education
settings (K⫽29; 79%). Future research should examine the extent
to which the female gender role and the leader role align in
educational settings with leaders of different levels in order to
tease apart the influences of these two moderators. The second
important example of confounding in this study involved the large
amount of studies that examined lower level supervisors, between
1962 and 1995 (73%). Thus, it is difficult to know whether the
time period was the most important factor in men rating them-
selves as more effective than women rated themselves, or whether
being in lower level positions was the more important moderator.
Future research should examine the feminine and masculine be-
haviors needed for success at different hierarchical levels in order
to better understand how level moderates gender differences in
leadership effectiveness.
We also recognize that many of the effect sizes reported in this
meta-analysis are fairly small. Though these small effects are
consistent with findings of other meta-analyses examining gender
differences in mathematics performance (Lindberg, Hyde, Pe-
tersen, & Linn, 2010), job performance (Roth, Purvis, & Bobko,
2012), leadership effectiveness (Eagly et al., 1995), and leadership
evaluations (Eagly et al., 1992), some critics have suggested that
such small effects are unimportant (Vecchio, 2002). However,
many researchers have disagreed with this perspective, arguing
that even quite small effects can have practical importance in
real-life settings (see Abelson, 1985; Bushman & Anderson,
2001). Similarly, small biases against men and women in assess-
ments of leadership effectiveness in certain contexts, when re-
peated over individuals and occasions, can produce large conse-
quences in terms of their ability to reach and succeed in leadership
positions.
Finally, it is important to note that all but two of our significant
findings (i.e., CIs that do not include zero) have significant Q
values suggesting the presence of moderators. This in and of itself
is an important finding. That is, despite our explicit examination of
a variety of potential moderators, our results suggest that there may
be others. This question certainly represents an avenue for future
research.
Conclusion
This meta-analysis contributes to a recent debate in the literature
regarding gender advantages in leadership effectiveness by show-
ing that when all leadership contexts are considered together, there
is a nonsignificant gender difference in leadership effectiveness.
More important, this study answers a call in the literature to
examine the influence of contextual moderators developed from
role congruity theory (Eagly & Karau, 2002) and some additional
theoretical frameworks.
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Received January 24, 2013
Revision received March 18, 2014
Accepted March 25, 2014 䡲
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