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What Remains? Reconciling Repatriation, Aboriginal Culture, Representation and the Past

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Abstract

This paper uses the repatriation and ceremonial reburial of Indigenous remains to La Perouse, an Indigenous community in Sydney, as a lens through which to examine the cultural politics of representation and recognition that are central to contemporary Aboriginal identity construction. The return of the skeletal remains of 21 individuals highlights the role that representative bodies - past and present, individual and organizational - play in engagements between the State and Aboriginal people. Heralded by some as a sincere sign of reconciliation and treated as suspect and misguided by others, the reburial produced diverse responses from both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people alike. Speakers at the repatriation focused on righting the wrongs of the past, reconciliation, and moving forward in cooperation, suggesting the redemptive significance of these events. Among Kooris at La Perouse, debates about community, representation, and belonging expose the ways that Aboriginal people and communities operate through, against, and beyond 'whitefella' structures of recognition to define who they are and what their culture is.

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... The legacy left by colonialist practices and imperialism is one that reverberates through history with implemented notions of superiority. Global debates surrounding the patrimony of Aboriginal collections in formerly colonized states have largely been centred on both political and moral reasoning for their return (see Dongoske, 2000;Fforde, 2002;Lambert-Pennington, 2007;Riding In, 2000;Thornton, 2004;Turnbull, 2004). This project is situated within a global atmosphere of postcolonial resistance and decolonization. ...
... However, assuming that repatriation merely exists as a matter of rights or as an anticolonial act is an insufficient perspective to take, and a deeper sense of connection and mourning of the dead can be to what they view as an atrocious deed, when these remains were unearthed, collected and studied. The practice of First Nations to disinter their dead is not the norm, so often repatriation serves as an unprecedented production informed by a history of colonization, marginalization, and the struggle for recognition among First Nations and indigenous communities (Krmpotich 2008;Lambert-Pennington 2007;Nahrgang 2002). Thus the process of return and reburial is a complex combination of traditional knowledges and contemporary subjectivities and practices. ...
... The loss felt through the incredible decimation of Indigenous populations, languages and traditions through disease, colonization and assimilation practices has reverberated through generations, and has often left younger generations with limited knowledge of ceremonial practices and the sense of community that is grounded in cultural traditions and language. Repatriation, as a form of cultural renewal, then becomes more than a mere process of delivering boxes to communities for political preening (Lambert-Pennington, 2007); rather, it is a significant affective force on identity and heritage that must also be considered. ...
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This case study considers the case-by-case approach to return in Canada. I worked to document the history of the Rickley collection from the University of Windsor, from excavation to reburial, in the hopes that it may inform the construction of a local protocol for the community of Walpole Island First Nation. The Rickley collection was excavated in southwestern Ontario in the mid-1970s and has recently been returned from the University of Windsor. Using an engaged approach to research I interviewed five individuals who were deeply involved in these discussions. Themes that arose from these discussions detailed significant features of the repatriation process that any official protocol must account for. In seeking to further local knowledge of repatriation procedure today, I also examined repatriation statements and consider colonial relationships of power that continue to structure these relationships. This study indicates that meaningful re-evaluation of policies may be needed.
... An extensive archeological and allied literature exists regarding many ethical issues associated with human remains [13][14][15] including such contentious and still current matters as the repatriation of the skeletal remains of indigenous people taken in the past by colonial powers for study and display. Recent legal and moral arguments for repatriation (primarily from European museums) of human remains collected during the colonial-era from African, Australian Aboriginal and Oceanic peoples have become quite prevalent [16][17][18][19]. Though this significant issue continues to attract attention, it exists outside the scope of this paper. ...
... In addition, several other culturally significant artifacts were purchased in December, 2013, by the Annenburg Foundation, also in Paris, but have since been repatriated [66]. Although human remains were not involved in the Hopi auctions, if the West The mainly nameless and faceless dead: an exploratory study African specimens discussed above were bought for purposes of repatriation, it would be an unusual act for a private collector to carry out, as opposed to museums that might eventually repatriate if pressured [19]. ...
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... The most well-known of these is the "Happy Valley" settlement in Sydney's La Perouse, established in 1930 close to the local Aboriginal mission. 74 Recollecting on his own experiences of surviving the hard times of the Depression, Mick Masson describes these settlements as by and large destitute places, built out of whatever materials were on hand or from the tip, but within which men, women and children forged strong community ties in their time of great need. 75 Describing the La Perouse settlement in 1933, the Sydney Morning Herald stated it was "made for the most part of scraps, usually galvanised iron, they are not a pleasant sight." ...
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... As much of the coherence and force of pre-contact Indigenous tradition was broken in the bloody settlement era, Aboriginal social life in NSW was reshaped in conditions of confinement, social density, inferiorisation and material deprivation. However, cultural elaborations such as Sider documented on Indian reservations (1987: 18) have their equivalents on the Australian Aboriginal missions, cattle station camps and fringe camps (Beckett 2004;Cowlishaw 2004;Lambert-Pennington 2007;Heil & Macdonald 2008). While colonisation is popularly seen as standing in some kind of contradictory relationship to 'having' Aboriginal 'culture', the colonial era is not only of cultural destruction. ...
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This second part of Mythologising Culture examines the responses of Aboriginal people in western Sydney to the valorizing of Aboriginality by the Australian nation. As Aboriginal culture has become the object of restitution, regret and reconciliation, Aboriginal people are being called upon to represent and produce Culture in iconic forms such as painting, dancing and other performances and representations. These activities, often depicted as remedial, are seldom initiated and controlled by Aboriginal people, but rather disturb cultural adjustments and established social relations. I discuss a range of responses elicited by these postcolonial activities, from enthusiastic embrace to the rejection of state sponsored culture. Further, I consider the structural implications of suburban Aborigines being offered the chance to distance themselves from the anonymous suburban poor.
... In the past 20 years, numerous edited volumes have reported on the many case studies written from the with not for perspective (e.g., Derry and Malloy 2003;Little 2002;Little and Shackel 2014;Merriman, ed. 2004;Nassaney and Levine 2009;Shackel and Chambers 2004) and have considered the empowerment of specific communities (e.g., Ashmore et al.2010;Atalay 2012;Brighton 2011;ColwellChanthaphonh and Ferguson 2008;Lambert-Pennington 2007;Warner and Baldwin 2004). One project where both sorts of approaches were explored was McDavid's research at the Levi- Jordan Plantation that sought to be reflexive, multivocal, inter- active, and contextual (McDavid 2004b:42), framing the work in an explicitly post-processual framework. ...
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This paper serves a dual purpose. First it is an introduction that aims to frame a set of papers that describe and discuss the process of co-creation in a variety of archaeological projects. We discuss the challenge of community engagement in public archaeology and offer co-creative practice as a method for improving our relationships with descendant communities and the general public. We begin by providing a definition of public archaeology and a brief overview of its evolution over the last few decades. Second, we discuss co-creation’s origins and utilization in the museum and business sectors, where the process is applied to address challenges similar to those archaeologists face. We then demonstrate how co-creation fits into the public/applied archaeological framework. We argue that co-creation must be both co (that is, share power in some way) and creative (that is, not just do the same things better, but do something new). Within this framework, we discuss how co-creation aligns with and informs current trends in public archaeology practice drawing from the case studies included in this issue. We conclude that co-creation has an important place on the collaborative continuum and can help our discipline become more responsive to the needs of our many publics.
... At the same time as Aboriginal traditions -such as indulgent child-rearing and sharing of resources 4 -are being held responsible for social distress (Merlan 2010;Peterson & Taylor 2002;Sutton 2009), a form of 'traditional culture' is being embraced by the nation for its own redemption, as evident in federal and state parliaments, in universities, colleges and schools, museums, and in legislation and policy documents. At these and other sites, elaborate respect is paid to an abstract Indigeneity, which individual Aboriginal people are called upon to represent (Batty 2007;Lambert-Pennington 2007). 'Culture' is thus part of government projects that have specific, systematic yet paradoxical effects on the self-imaginings and political action available to Indigenous people in varied circumstances. ...
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The following compilation of historical manuscript and published material relating to the Illawarra and South Coast Aborigines for the approximate period 1770 to 1900 aims to supplement that contained in the author's Illawarra and South Coast Aborigines 1770- 1850 (Wollongong University, 1990). The latter was compiled in a relatively short 18 month period between 1988 and 1989, and since then a great deal of new material has been discovered, with more undoubtedly yet to be unearthed of relevance to this study. As a result the present document contains material of a similar nature to that in the 1990 work, with an added emphasis on items from the period 1850 to 1900. Also included are bibliographic references which bring up to date those contained in the previous work. All told, some 1000 pages of primary sources and references to published works are now available on the Illawarra and South Coast Aborigines for the approximate period 1770 to 1900, though an attempt has been made to include items from this century which outline some of the history of the central Illawarra and Shoalhaven Aboriginal communities. Important documents reproduced in this volume included blanket issue returns from the period 1827-30; index entries concerning Illawarra and South Coast Aborigines taken from the Colonial Secretary's Correspondence and Aboriginal Protection Board files at the Archives Office of New South Wales, covering the period 1868-1900; 1820s material from the Alexander Berry Papers (Mitchell Library), including references to his collecting of Aboriginal skulls; dreaming stories from various sources; reports of the Lake Illawarra Aboriginal Mission from the turn of the century; and references to the Coomaditchie Reserve at Port Kembla, which survives to this day. References to numerous published and unpublished archaeological reports are also included. An alphabetical listing of over 2100 Illawarra and Shoalhaven Aboriginal words compiled from historic references is included as an appendix.
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