Pitchers to Mugs: Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo

Abstract

Historically, cultural revitalization movements have been a common mechanism of culture change among North American indigenous groups. Drawing on research at Sand Canyon Pueblo, this article applies a model of the revitalization process to the mid-thirteenth century in the Mesa Verde region. Architectural forms and ritual artifacts appear to reflect a rational, revivalistic, nativistic movement, heavily based on Chacoan symbolism. An example of this may be the replacement of ritual Chacoan pitchers by formalized Mesa Verde-style mugs. The decision of Puebloan peoples to leave the region late in the century may have been substantially influenced by a failed revitalization movement.

Full text

Pitchers to Mugs: Chacoan Revival at Sand Canyon Pueblo
Author(s): Bruce A. Bradley
Reviewed work(s):
Source:
Kiva,
Vol. 74, No. 2, Pueblo Archaeology in "Kiva" (Winter, 2008), pp. 247-262
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PITCHERS
TO
MUGS:
CHACOAN REVIVAL AT SAND
CANYON PUEBLO
BRUCE
A.
BRADLEY
ABSTRACT
Historically,
cultural revitalization
movements have been a
common
mechanism
of culture
change among
North
American
indigenous groups.
Drawing
on
research
at Sand
Canyon
Pueblo,
this article
applies
a model of the
revitalization
process
to the
mid-thirteenth
century
in
the
Mesa Verde
region.
Architectural forms
and
ritual
artifacts
appear
to reflect a
rational, revivalistic,
nativistic
movement,
heavily
based on
Chacoan
symbolism.
An
example
of this
may
be
the
replacement
of
ritual Chacoan
pitchers
by
formalized Mesa
Verde-style
mugs.
The
decision of
Puebloan
peoples
to
leave the
region
late in
the
century may
have been
substan-
tially
influenced
by
a failed
revitalization movement.
n the
mid-thirteenth
century,
the Mesa Verde
region
of
the American
Southwest
underwent
massive cultural
change.
Evidence
in
the
archaeo-
logical
record
suggests
a
region-wide
shift in
settlement
patterns
(Varien
and
others,
1996) and the
introduction of
new forms of
civic
architecture
(Bradley
1991;
Bradley
and
Churchill
1994,
1995).
This
process
was not
unique
to the Mesa
Verde
region; disruption
of the
archaeological
record and
settlement
reorganiza-
tion
occurred
throughout
the
Colorado
Plateau
during
this
time.
Although
the
causes of
such
dramatic
change
have
been
attributed
primarily
to
environmen-
tal and
horticultural
productivity
factors
(Petersen
1986),
it
is
likely
that cultural
mechanisms also
acted as a
catalyst
(Van
West
1994)
since
the
availability
of
pro-
ductive
farm
land
remained
adequate
to
support
a
substantial
population.
REVITALIZATION
MOVEMENTS
Ten
years
of
research at
the Late
Pueblo
III
site of
Sand
Pueblo
in
southwestern
Colorado
prompted
the
following
interpretation
of
culture
change
in
the
Mesa
Verde
region.
Many
of
the
changes
can be
explained
by
a revitalization
process
common in
North
American Indian
history
(Wallace
1966:157-163).
Wallace
KIVA:
The
Journal
of
Southwestern
Anthropology
and
History,
Vol.
74,
No. 2 (Winter
2008), pp.
247-262.
Copyright
@ 2008 Arizona
Archaeological
and Historical
Society.
All
rights
reserved. 247
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248 BRUCE
A. BRADLEY
defined
a revitalization movement
as
"any
conscious,
organized
effort of a
society
to
construct a more
satisfying
culture,"
and he identified
ten
stages.
These are: the
steady
state,
the
period
of
increased
individual
stress,
the
period
of cultural dis-
tortion,
the
period
of
revitalization,
formulation of a
code, communication,
orga-
nization,
adaptation,
cultural
transformation,
routinization,
and back to a
steady
state
(see
Wallace 1966:158-163 for
definitions).
Not
strictly
unidirectional,
these
stages
represent parts
of a
cycle
(Figure 1).
Revitalization succeeds
only
when the
process
moves
through
the
whole
cycle.
At
any
point,
circumstances
may
truncate
the
process, causing
it to
begin again.
Wallace
(1966:211)
describes
the conditions
that
may
predispose
a culture
to
a revitalization
movement.
In
historically
documented
movements,
prolonged
contact
with a
competing
culture
is
the
prominent
condition,
however
other cir-
cumstances can
also
trigger
dramatic
change.
These
include
"adaptations
to war or
natural
catastrophe,
uncontrolled
innovation,
segmentation resulting
from fac-
tionalism,
class and caste
differentiation,
age
and
sex
distinctions,
regionalism,
or
even individual
differences"
(Wallace
1966:211).
Along
these
same
lines,
Linton
(1943:231)
describes
a common mechanism
of
revitalization
in
North American
indigenous
groups
as
nativistic
movements.
Often
inspired by
individuals,
these
movements
were a response
to massive
cultural
disruption
caused
by
the interface
between
the dominant
society (Euro-
american)
and
traditional,
generally
tribal,
societies.
Historic
examples
include
Handsome
Lake
[Seneca 1799]
(Wallace
1966:212);
Tecumseh
[Shawnee
1800-
1812];
the
Ghost Dances
[1870
and
1890]
(Utter
1991:3-7);
Darodira
Cult
[Cibeque
Apache
1903-1906];
and the White
Mountain
Apache
Prophet
[1920]
(Goodwin
and
Kaut
1954).
Revitalization
movements
are
evident
in
origin myths
and
oral
histories
that
clearly
predate European
contacts-for
example,
Hiawatha
and
the
origin
of the
League
of
Iroquois
(Wallace
1966:33-34).
Examples
from
the South-
west are
Po-Se-Yemo
in
Tewa and
Po'shai-ani
in
Keresan histories
(Bandelier
1984).
These
histories
may
refer
to the
thirteenth
century
or earlier.
A
characteristic
shared
by
historically
documented
nativistic movements
is
a
harkening
back to earlier
times,
viewed
as the
good
old
days.
La Barre
(1970:305)
states that
"stress,
trauma,
and
wounded
narcissism
invariably
thrust
both
indi-
viduals and
societies
back into autistic
preoccupation
with
the
old
and
intimate."
Revelations,
visions,
and rituals relate
to "certain
current
or remembered
elements
of
a culture
[which]
are selected for
emphasis
and
given
symbolic
value"
(Linton
1943:231).
A
culture
can
operate only
from
what it
knows,
or thinks it
knows
(La
Barre
1970:305).
Individual visionaries
and small
groups
of followers
were a
common
means of
transmitting
concepts
and
symbolism.
The
rich
anthropologi-
cal literature
dealing
with
cultural
movements
(revivalistic,
nativistic,
messianic,
cargo, etc.)
contributes
to our
understanding
of
cultural
change
in
the
archaeo-
logical
record.
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CHACOAN
REVIVAL AT SAND CANYON PUEBLO 249
Steady
State
Rotinizaotin
ladividual
Stress
Cultural
Transformation CulturaluIastawo
Adaptation Revitalizatio
Organization Codificatio
v
Communicationlf~Ol
FIGURE 1. Schematic of a revitalization
movement
(after
Wallace
1966:158-163).
REVITALIZATION AND THE
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
RECORD
Much has been
written
about historical
accounts of
revitalization
movements,
but
what
archaeological
evidence do
they produce?
Archaeological
evidence
is most
apparent
where durable civic
architecture was built
and
material
culture included
distinct
"ceremonial" items.
In
addition,
the
expression
of
symbolism
in
design
and
iconography
can reflect
culture
change
resulting
from
a
revitalization
process.
We
have
only
to learn to
identify
and
interpret
the
archaeological
record.
Although
not
framed
in
terms of a
revitalization
movement,
the
interpretation
of
the
origin
of
the
Katsina Cult
(Schaafsma
and
Schaafsma
1974,
Adams
1991)
has relied
heavily
on
settlement, ritual,
and
iconographic
data.
Applying
a revitalization
model
to the
mid-thirteenth
century
in
the Mesa
Verde
region
provides
a
helpful
mechanism
for
interpretation
of
the
known archae-
ological
record. It
may
be
possible
to
recognize
how the
movement
was
organized
and
what
some of its basic
symbolic expressions
were.
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250 BRUCE A. BRADLEY
EVIDENCE FROM
THE
MESA
VERDE REGION
The
following
discussion summarizes an initial
attempt
to
interpret
the archaeo-
logical
record of
the
mid-thirteenth
century
in
the
Mesa
Verde
region
in
terms
of
a revitalization
movement. Evidence stems from settlement
pattern
changes,
architectural
configurations,
specialized
artifacts,
and
mortuary
practices.
Com-
parisons
are made
to the
earlier Chaco Phenomenon
of the eleventh
and twelfth
centuries as
expressed
at Pueblo Bonito
(Lekson
1986),
Aztec West Ruin
(Morris
1919,
Lister and
Lister
1987),
and Wallace Ruin
(Bradley
1988),
as well as to the
late thirteenth
century
sites of
Mug
House
(Rohn
1971), Long
House
(Cattanach
1980),
and
Sand
Canyon
Pueblo
(Bradley
1992,
1993).
Volumes of
research and
interpretation
have
been
presented
about Chaco
Canyon
and the
"Chaco
Phenomenon,"
particularly
in
the
past
decade
(Judge
and
Shelberg
1984,
Vivian
1990,
Sebastian
1992).
It is
not
my
intent to
present
the
most current
thinking
here.
Whatever the
Chaco
Phenomenon
was,
it
clearly
involved a large
proportion
of the
people
living
on
the Colorado
Plateau,
incor-
porated
a shared
religious
and
symbolic system
(represented
by great
house archi-
tecture
and the
surrounding
ritual
landscapes),
and
had a profound
and
lasting
effect on its descendant
groups (see
Lekson and Cameron
1994,
for a fuller dis-
cussion).
I also subscribe
to the
special
ritual
and
ceremonial
significance
of
Chaco
Canyon.
There is not
currently
the same
depth
of literature
available for the Mesa
Verde
region,
and
a need exists
to
synthesize
that
which is available.
Research
projects
that are
more than
site-specific
or
intensively
excavate more than one site
are limited here as
in
other areas of
the Southwest.
Excavations have occurred
in
the Yellow
Jacket
area,
and as
part
of the
large
Dolores
Archaeological
Project
that
dealt
mostly
with
Pueblo
I remains.
Another
exception
is the
on-going
work at
Sand
Canyon
Pueblo
by
the Crow
Canyon
Archaeological
Center
(Lipe 1992).
Although
a final
synthesis
of this research
has not
been
presented,
information
from this
project
forms the basis of the
following
discussion.
ARCHITECTURE
AND
SETTLEMENT
PATTERNS
Investigations
at Sand
Canyon
Pueblo
(Figure 2) reveal
an estimated 500 structures
(Lipe 1992).
Nine field seasons resulted
in
the total
excavation of six
architectural
units,
50
percent
of a D-shaped
building,
testing
of
a
great
kiva and
surround-
ing
rooms,
testing
of
12
standard
kivas and another
room,
and
testing
of non-
architectural
portions
of the site.
Chronological
reconstructions
indicate that site
construction was
started
in
about
A.D. 1250 with
additions until at
least
A.D.
1274. Construction
and
dating
evidence indicates
that the
site
enclosing
wall,
the
great
kiva,
and the
D-shaped building
were
probably
built
first,
or at least
very
early
in the site's
history.
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CHACOAN
REVIVAL AT SAND CANYON PUEBLO 251
KEY
S Block
100 J
0 k
B 1000 - Unexcavated kiva
O B 0 Unexcavated
rooms
Sa
" and walls
CC Excavated
structures
w.... Architectural
block
ao boundary
Black
400"
: ring
-Sit-enclosing
wall
Block
0 9 zil)
1
a 0 10 20
Block:
1300 Block
1400
-+a-
\
.
Site-enciosing
wall
FIGURE 2. Sand
Canyon
Pueblo
(5MT765)
plan
map,
showing
the
locations of
the
great
kiva
and
D-shaped
building.
Of
special
interest is the
variation seen in
the
makeup
of
architectural
units.
Blocks
of
architecture
include
groupings
of
standard
kiva
units
(a kiva,
open
space,
and
between
8
and
12
associated
rooms),
a
room-dominated
block
(30
rooms
and a
single
kiva),
and
kiva-dominated
blocks
with
less than
four
rooms
per
kiva.
The
majority
of the
standard
architectural
blocks
are on
the
east side of
the
site,
while
most of
the
kiva-dominated
blocks,
the
room-dominated
block,
and
the
civic architecture
(great
kiva,
D-shaped
building,
central
plaza)
are on
the
west side. A case has
been
made that
the
site as
a
whole
was
planned
with
functional
zones
including
domestic,
special,
and
community
activities
(Bradley
1993).
Along
with extensive
architectural
remains,
the
site
was
abandoned with
rich
artifact
assemblages
in
use
associated
contexts.
These
assemblages
have
allowed
final use
interpretations
for
most
of the
excavated structures and
open spaces.
Extensive
sampling
of
the
central
D-shaped
building
has
yielded
architectural
and
artifactual information
that
indicates
that it
served
a
special,
probably
cere-
monial,
function.
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252 BRUCE
A.
BRADLEY
Although
there are no other sites
exactly
like Sand
Canyon
Pueblo,
it
pos-
sesses characteristics
common
to
many
other late Pueblo
III aggregated
sites
in
the Mesa
Verde
region.
These
similarities
include a canyon-head
location,
incorporation
of
a spring,
enclosing
walls
and/or
walls with unknown
function
(Kenzle 1993),
and
freestanding
D-shaped
structures that
incorporate
one or
more kivas.
Widely
overlooked but
equally important
is a late Pueblo
III
pattern
of reuse
of
abandoned Chaco
outlier sites. This reuse has been noted at Aztec West
(Lister
and Lister
1987),
and Salmon Ruin
(Ferguson
and
Rohn
1987)
in
the
San
Juan/
Animas River areas
of northern
New
Mexico,
and Wallace
Ruin
(Bradley
1988)
in
the
Montezuma
Valley
of
southwestern
Colorado. Thirteenth
century
reuse of
great
house sites
in
Chaco
Canyon
has also been
documented
(Vivian 1990:388).
This reuse
seems
to
focus on
mortuary
and
ritual
activities,
but
may
include habi-
tation
(Lekson
and Cameron
1994).
I
believe that
this
divergence
from the
gen-
eral
settlement
pattern
represents
a significant
expression
of how late
Pueblo
III
peoples
in the
Mesa
Verde
region
understood
the historical
landscape.
In
terms of civic
architecture,
the
seemingly
abrupt appearance
of
complex
D-shaped buildings
and
structures
in
the thirteenth
century
is of
particular
sig-
nificance. Three
have been excavated or
sampled
in
the
Mesa Verde
region:
Sun
Temple
on Mesa
Verde
(Fewkes 1916),
Horseshoe
Ruin in the
Hovenweep
area
(Thompson
1993:16),
and at Sand
Canyon
Pueblo.
Many
more have
been noted
at the late thirteenth
century
Mesa
Verde
area sites
of
Cannonball,
Castle
Rock
Pueblo,
and Woods
Canyon
Pueblo
(Ian
Thompson,
Crow
Canyon Archaeologi-
cal
Center,
personal
communication).
Although
D-shaped buildings
at Sun
Temple
and
Horseshoe
Ruin
are
poorly
documented,
they
share a
number of traits with
other
known
D-shaped
build-
ings.
Most are
massively
built
and are located above
and
near the
edge
of
a
cliff;
they
are
oriented
straight
side
to the south or
southeast;
they
have outer and
inner
concentric
walls subdivided
into
rooms;
and
they
have
an interior
open courtyard
and
may
incorporate
kivas
into their interior
spaces.
Unfortunately,
the data
from Sun
Temple
and Horseshoe
Ruin are not
suf-
ficient
to determine
whether
or not some other
traits seen
at Sand
Canyon
Pueblo
are also
present.
These
include
the
presence
of
multiple
stories,
an
amphitheater-
like terraced
effect,
internal
and
external
accesses,
plastering,
and
painting.
The
important symbolic
components
are
central
community
location,
verticality
of
the
structures
(enhanced
by
the
proximity
to
a cliff
face),
terraced
effect,
interior
courtyard (amphitheater
effect),
elaboration
of architectural
expression
in
terms
of
construction
effort
and
plastering,
and
their
D-shape.
These
D-shaped
structures
in
the
Mesa Verde
region
are reminiscent
of,
and
possibly
functionally
and
symbolically
equivalent
to,
Pueblo
Bonito
in
Chaco
Canyon.
They
are scaled-down versions of a
central
D-shaped building
there that
represented
the essence
of the
"good
old
days."
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CHACOAN REVIVAL AT SAND CANYON
PUEBLO 253
PITCHERS AND MUGS
There
are also
correspondences
between some
ritual
artifact forms
in
Chaco
great
house sites and
in
the
late
Pueblo
III
Mesa
Verde
region
sites. One
of
these
corre-
spondences
is
between Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
(Toll
and McKenna
1987;
Windes
1985)
pitchers
and Mesa
Verde Black-on-white
mugs.
Judd
(1954)
dis-
cusses the
presence
and distribution of
pitchers
in
the "Chaco-San
Juan
group,"
characterized
by organic
paint,
a
dotted
rim,
a concave
base,
and
cylindrical
to
conical
necks. He likened the
pitchers' shape
and
ornamentation to "the
well-
known 'beer
stein'
mug
of
the Mesa Verde area"
(Judd 1954:203).
He
noted that
the form was
basically
the
same as the
contemporary
hatched
design pitchers,
Chaco
Black-on-white,
but that the Chaco-San
Juan
types
were
much scarcer.
Of the
forty-one
Chaco-McElmo Black-on-white
pitchers
found
at Pueblo
Bonito,
83
percent
came
from four
burial
rooms
in
the
old section of the ruin
(Pepper
1920:377).
The remainder
were distributed
throughout
the
site,
and
their
specific
locations are not
reported.
It is
probably
not a
coincidence that these
same burial rooms
yielded
the
majority
of
cylinder
vases that have been
recovered
from sites
in
Chaco
Canyon.
Of
the two Chaco-McElmo
Black-on-white
pitchers
recovered
from
Pueblo
del
Arroyo
in
Chaco
Canyon,
one
was
associated with
a
burial
(Judd
1959:154).
The
occurrence
of
Chaco-McElmo
Black-on-white
pitchers
with
burials,
and in
association with
other
rare artifact
forms,
indicates that the
pitchers'
final
use,
and
probably
main
function,
was
ritual.
The
similarity
between Chaco
pitcher
forms and Mesa
Verde
mugs
has
also
been observed
in
the Mesa Verde
area.
According
to
Cattanach,
"The
mug
seems
to
be
a
late
development,
derived
from
the earlier
pitcher"
(1980:202).
The
mug
form
superseded
the
pitcher
form
as
indicated
by
the
near
total
lack of
pitchers
in
late
thirteenth-century
sites
such as
Mug
House,
Long
House,
and Sand
Canyon
Pueblo.
The
corresponding
attributes between Chaco-McElmo
pitchers
and Mesa
Verde
mugs
are:
organic
paint
(with
some
exceptions),
ticked
rims,
design
simi-
larities,
vertical
strap
handles,
and
bases that are
designed
for
flat
surfaces.
Both
types
of ceramics
are
highly
formalized,
designed
to hold
liquid,
and
basically
cylindrical.
Mesa
Verde
mugs
look
like
Chaco-McElmo
pitchers
with
the bottom
lopped
off
(Figure 3).
The role of
Mesa Verde
mugs
in
the
pottery
assemblages
of the
late
Pueblo
III
times is unclear. A
strictly
utilitarian
interpretation
is
inadequate.
I
propose
that the
mug
form
did not
serve as an
everyday drinking
vessel,
but
functioned
primarily
in
ritual
activities. It is
difficult to
identify
ritual
activities
in
the
archae-
ological
record,
but most
researchers
agree
that one
ritual context is formal
buri-
als.
Funerary
objects
are often used
as
representations
of
formal/ritual
processes.
Are Mesa Verde
mugs
present
in
burials
in
a
higher proportion
than other vessel
forms?
Unfortunately,
there
are few
readily
available
reports
where one can assess
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254 BRUCE
A.
BRADLEY
FIGURE 3. Drawing by
the
author of a
stylized
Chaco-McElmo
Black-on-white
pitcher
(actual
height
=
17.5
cm)
and a
Mesa Verde Black-on-white
mug.
the
relative
frequency
of
various
vessel
forms,
both on
whole
site
assemblages
and in formal burials from the same sites.
Data
from
published
results
of work at
Mug
House
(Rohn
1971)
and
Long
House
(Cattanach
1980)
on
Mesa
Verde
allow
an assessment
of
the relative
pro-
portions
of
vessel
forms
within
the
sites. The burial information from
Mug
House
indicates that
pottery
vessels
were
found with 10
of
the
27
formal burials.
Forms
included
corrugated
jars,
whiteware
bowls,
and
mugs.
Five
of
the
burials included
mugs
and six included
bowls
(some
contained
both).
From
this one would con-
clude that bowls were
equivalent
to
mugs
in
terms
of
funerary
ritual
use.
However,
one must
look at the relative
frequencies
within
the entire
assemblage.
Rohn
(1971:
190,
Table
20)
presents
an
estimate
of the numbers
of vessels that were
present
at
Mug
House
by
vessel
form;
36
percent
of the vessels were
bowls
while
only
4
per-
cent were
mugs.
If
bowls
and
mugs
held
equal
value as
mortuary
vessels,
one
might
expect
ten
times as
many
bowls found
in
burials
as
mugs.
This
is
not
the case. The
same is true
at
Long
House
(Cattanach 1980:142-145),
where
there
was an iden-
tical number
of
burials
with
bowls
(n=6)
and
mugs
(n=5)
as
were
found at
Mug
House.
Using
Rohn's
sherd-count based
estimating
technique,
one
may
estimate
that
there
were
76
bowls
and
6
mugs
represented
in
the
sherd
assemblage
at
Long
House. Once
again
mugs
are
relatively
more
prevalent
in
mortuary
contexts.
The distribution
of
restored
mugs
at
Sand
Canyon
Pueblo is
much
more
problematical.
They
have been encountered
in
contexts
including
burials,
long
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CHACOAN REVIVAL AT SAND
CANYON PUEBLO 255
term
storage
rooms,
kivas,
and
open
spaces
(room
roofs and
courtyards).
They
have not been
recovered
from short
term
storage
rooms,
living
rooms, towers,
mealing
rooms,
or refuse.
It
is
possible
to examine the relative
importance
of
mugs
as
funerary
objects
at
Sand
Canyon
Pueblo.
Only
three
burials included
mortuary
vessels. Two were
accompanied
by single mugs
and
one
by
a
single
small bowl.
A
total
of 515
mug
sherds
and
21,584
bowl sherds
(including
sherds
in
restored
vessels)
have been
recovered
from
Sand
Canyon
Pueblo.
Rohn's
formula for
estimating
vessels
(49
sherds
per
bowl
and 23 sherds
per
mug)
produces
an
estimate of 440
bowls and
22
mugs (20:1).
Even
though
there
were
very
few
vessels
with
burials,
mugs appear
in
relatively
greater proportions.
The
distribution of restored
vessels from Sand
Canyon
Pueblo was
examined
to learn whether or
not
mugs
were
evenly
distributed
within the site.
Vessels
have
been
systematically
refitted
for
most of
the excavated
architectural units.
Table
1
lists the distribution
of different vessel
forms
by
associated architecture.
The small
number
of
vessels recovered from
towers,
mealing
rooms,
and
refuse makes these
locations
very
difficult to evaluate.
Figure
4
graphically
illustrates the
distribution
of
vessel forms
in
terms
of
architectural
context.
Kiva
jars
(including
lids)
and
mugs
are
primarily
associated
with
kivas
and
courtyards.
Other forms
(canteens,
ollas, bowls,
ladles,
corrugated
jars,
and
other
miscellaneous
forms)
are
more
widely
distributed.
Alone,
these
distributions
are
only
suggestive
of
the
possibility
of
specialized
vessel
functions,
specifically
for kiva
jars
and
mugs.
In
addition
to
considering
distribution and
association,
it is
important
to
note
that
the
highly
formalized
mug
does not
carry
over into
fourteenth-century
Mesa Verde
style
pottery
types
(Kidder
and
Amsden
1931;
Knight
and
Gomolak
1981).
If
the
mug
was
simply
a well-designed
utilitarian
form,
why
did it
not
continue
to
be
made
by
the
descendants of the
Mesa
Verde
people?
If
it
was
pri-
marily
a ritual
form,
it
could
be
expected
to
disappear
from the
assemblage
as
different ritual
activities were
adopted.
Another
vessel
form that did
not
carry
over is
the kiva
jar.
REUSE
OF
CHACOAN OUTLIER
SITES
Only
a few
"Chacoan
outliers,"
constructed
in
the late
eleventh and
early
twelfth
centuries
A.D.,
have been
substantially
excavated.
Three of
these-Aztec West
(Morris
1919),
Salmon
Ruin
(Irwin-Williams
1972),
and Wallace
Ruin
(Bradley
1988)-exhibit
intensive
use in
the
late thirteenth
century.
It is
unclear
whether
or not
a late
twelfth-
and
early
thirteenth-century
use
of
the structures
occurred,
but it
would have
been of
a
very
low
intensity.
Stratigraphic
and
dendrochrono-
logical
evidence does
not
indicate use at
Wallace Ruin
during
this
period;
faunal
evidence
suggests
a substantial
hiatus
in
use of the site and
surrounding
area
(Shelley
1993).
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256 BRUCE A. BRADLEY
Legend
Kiva Jars
D Mugs
20
-
70
60-
Kivas Open Rooms Towers Refuse
Ar.
. tectura Co.text
.. .. .. .. .. .
50
-
a:: ...... ......
:.:-~.:~: a...
40
-
:~:::::::~ ...2:4f~
3 0
- :::'::5...--~~aa aaa:a~~ia
20
-"" :'.
10
-
1
'''YI
:Mt::::ta:a5~: .
0
1
/a.....aa
.a:::::aaaaa
K
2::C
Open
Rooms
::TOY&M
""Ar 'techxvl
FIGURE
4. Sand
Canyon
Pueblo reconstructed
vessel distribution
by
architectural con-
text.
Kivas
=
kiva main chambers and corner
rooms;
Open
=
open spaces (courtyard
and
room
roofs);
Rooms
=
all
rooms;
Towers
=
all
towers;
and Refuse
=
secondary
refuse.
Evidence of reuse
at
these
Chacoan outlier
sites shows limited
habitation,
mortuary
activities,
and the construction of
small kivas.
Although
midden
depos-
its have been encountered
in
rooms,
these
deposits may
have
resulted
from inten-
sive ritual
feasting
activities rather
than normal
daily living (Bradley 1988).
The
lack
of built-in
food
processing
features
such as
metate
bins,
and the
sparsity
of
formal hearths
in
rooms
other
than
kivas,
also
implies
an
ephemeral
or non-
permanent
use
of the sites. It is also relevant
that the
area around Wallace
Ruin,
in
the eastern
Montezuma
Valley,
had soils
with
very good
production potential
throughout
the
Anasazi era
(Van
West
1994). Habitation at Wallace Ruin
was
dense
during
the
eleventh and
early
twelfth
centuries
but was
very
sparse
or non-
existent
between
A.D. 1150 and the
mid- to late
thirteenth
century
period
of
lim-
ited reuse. Given
the absence of a resident
population
in
the
area,
this reuse
of the
site
was not
likely
a
simple
matter of
convenience.
The reuse
of the site
as
a place
of
ritual--including
feasting,
deposition
of
large
numbers of
functionally
useable
artifacts,
and
funerary
activity-indicates
a
function
other than habitation.
This
specialized
reuse is not
apparent
in
smaller
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CHACOAN REVIVAL AT SAND CANYON PUEBLO 257
eleventh and twelfth
century
habitation sites
in
the area. The focus on
ritual and
funerary
reinvestment
in a Chacoan
central site
a
century
after
it
was
abandoned
indicates a fundamental
spiritual
and ritual reconnection to the
past.
The reuses
of Aztec
West,
Salmon
Ruin,
and
Pueblo Bonito
for
the same
types
of
activities
represent
a
regional
pattern
of late
Pueblo
III
behavior.
INTERPRETATION
Fundamental
changes
in
settlement
patterns,
land
use,
and
community
structure
occurred
in the
mid-thirteenth
century throughout
the
Mesa Verde
region.
These
changes
were
rapid
and
very
similar,
suggesting
that
the
changes
were
instituted
within a unified code or set of rules.
The
stages
of
a
revitalization
movement,
defined
by
Wallace's
model,
can
be considered
in
the
following
manner.
The
first
stage
in the
cycle,
a
steady
state,
may
be
used to
describe the final
episode
of Chacoan consolidation
in
the
early
A.D.
1100s.
Stress,
the
subsequent
stage,
occurred with the
drought
of
the mid-twelfth
century.
The
next
step
in
the
cycle,
cultural
distortion,
corresponds
to the
mass
population
movement
in
the
late
A.D.
1100s
and
early
1200s. Revitalization
begins
in
the
early
thirteenth
century
with a
repopulation
of abandoned
areas,
but various
forms
of
social and
environ-
mental
stress remain.
In
accordance with
historically
documented
revitalization
movements,
I
suggest
that dramatic
revitalization occurred
in
the
Mesa
Verde
region
in
the 1240s
through
the
emergence
of a
charismatic,
visionary, "prophet"
figure
(possibly
even
Po-Se-Yemo/Poshai-ani).
Further
exploration
of
this
topic
could be the
subject
of another
study.
As a
rational, revivalistic,
nativistic movement
(Linton
1943:231-233),
this
process
reflects
an
effort
to
recapture past
values and traditions
(the "good
old
days").
The revitalization
movement
responded
to and
reacted
against
major
social
changes occurring
to the south
in
Rio
Grande, Zuni,
and
Hopi
areas.
According
to
this
model,
doctrine
became codified
through
a series of
rituals
and
the
adoption
of
a
formalized
symbolism expressed
in
architecture and
specialized
ritual
artifacts.
The revitalization
movement drew
heavily
on the
perceived
"Chacoan"
experi-
ence,
making
a
spiritual
reinvestment
in
abandoned Chaco
great
houses.
The
other
stages
in
Wallace's
model
may
also
be
applied
to
the
Mesa Verde
region. Conceivably,
communication of
this
reorganization
of
society
was
achieved
through
prophesies, persuasion,
and
proselytizing.
The
society
became
organized
within
this
code,
and
settlement and
community
structure
conformed to it.
Adap-
tation
began,
but
did not become
consolidated,
preventing completion
of
the
revitalization
process.
Transformation,
routinization,
and a
newly
achieved
steady
state
never
developed
in
the
Mesa Verde
area.
Instead,
as
organization
progressed,
stress
was
reintroduced
(possibly
in
part
by
the
drought
of
the
1270s)
and cul-
tural distortion
followed,
ultimately leading
to
physical
abandonment
of the
region.
Much of what
we know
as the Mesa Verde tradition
(community
structure,
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TABLE
1.
Reconstructed
Vessels
from
Sand
Canyon
Pueblo.
Distribution
of
Forms
by
Architectural
Context.
Kiva
Kiva
Short
Long
Open
Space-
Vessel
Main
Corner
Term
Term
Living
Mealing
Courtyards
Form
Chamber
Room
Storage
Storage
Room
Tower
Room
Room
Roofs
Refuse
Totals
Bowl
16
7
8
2
2
5
0
25
0
65
Mug
13
7
0
5
0
0
0
9
0
35
Canteen
3
0
0
2
0
0
0
3
0
8
Ladle
3
0
1
1
2
0
1
8
2
18
Olla
3
1
2
2
1
0
0
8
0
17
Kiva
Jar*
15
1
1
1
0
0
0
6
0
24
Corrugated
Jar
14
2
2
2
2
0
0
3
0
25
Other**
5
0
0
3
1
0
1
0
2
9
Total
72
18
14
18
8
5
2
62
4
201
*Includes
kiva
jars
(n=10),
seed
jars
(n=2),
and
kiva
jar
lids
(n=12)
**Includes
rectangular
(n=3)
and
square
(n=1l)
vessels,
bird
form
(n=1l),
submarine
form
(n=2),
and
other
unusual
forms
(n=2)
When
a
given
vessel
was
reconstructed
from
different
architectural
contexts,
each
context
was
counted
as
containing
a
vessel
of
that
form.
This
means
that
a
single
vessel
could
be
counted
more
than
once.
256 BRUCE A. BRADLEY
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CHACOAN
REVIVAL
AT SAND CANYON
PUEBLO 259
special
ritual
artifact
forms)
either did
not continue
or was subsumed
into
other
traditions.
Although
applied
specifically
to the
Mesa Verde
region
in the
twelfth
and
thirteenth
centuries,
the revitalization
movement
model
might
well
explain
other
changes
documented
in
the Southwestern
archaeological
record-for
example,
the
appearance
of
the
Salado
polychromes
as
religious
symbolism
(Crown 1994).
Revitalization should
not
be viewed as a
single,
isolated
episode,
either
in
time or
space,
as we see
by
the
progress
of the
cultural
developments
of
ancestral
Puebloan
peoples.
Perhaps
an
ultimate
revitalization movement
successfully
achieved a
steady
state that exists
to this
day.
Pueblo oral
traditions
may represent
just
such
a record
of a succession
of
revitalization
movements.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Although
writing
about
archaeological theory
has
never
been a
goal
of
mine,
I
have been
encouraged by many
to
craft a tale or
two
about ideas
resulting
from
my
work.
A
draft
of this
paper
was
presented
at the
1994
meeting
of the
Society
for
American
Archaeology
in
Anaheim,
California. Constructive
comments were
received from
Melissa
Churchill,
Kristin
Kuckelman,
Ricky
Lightfoot,
and Richard
Wilshusen.
Variations
of this
topic
have been
presented
to
many groups
of
patient
Crow
Canyon
participants,
professional
colleagues,
and avocationalists.
The devel-
opment
of
these
ideas has been
helped
by
the feedback
I
received. Thank
you
one
and all. At
the same
time,
I
am
fully
aware
of
my
sole
responsibility
for the
con-
tents of
this article
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260 BRUCE A. BRADLEY
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