This annotated bibliography describes 343 scholarly investigations (270 empirical studies and 73 reviews) demonstrating that women are as physically aggressive as men (or more) in their relationships with their spouses or opposite-sex partners. The aggregate sample size in the reviewed studies exceeds 440,850 people.
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... These experimental results appear to support the construct of 'gamma bias's -a proposed cognitive bias in which male issues/achievements are minimised while female issues/achievements are magnified as demonstrated by Seager and Barry (2019), who also provided other examples to support gamma bias. One example was the frequent portrayal of men as the perpetrators of intimate partner violence against women; when in fact, males and females are sometimes equally likely to be perpetrators (Archer, 2000;Fiebert, 2014;. Therefore, given the importance of men's health issues and the potential implications that their lack of recognition might have, the current paper presents and discusses six new streams of evidence that confirm the existence of bias against men's issues within the UN and WHO. ...
... However, the report does not mention (a) engaging with boys and men about violence against other boys and men, nor does it mention (b) engaging girls and women about violence against boys and men. The reason 'a' and 'b' should be considered is that violence against boys and men from other boys and men, and violence against boys and men from adult women, are both known problems (Archer, 2000;Breiding et al., 2014;Costa et al., 2015;Fiebert, 2014;Stemple & Meyer, 2014;Stemple et al., 2017). Lack of recognition of 'a' and 'b' suggests an institutional-level bias that males are almost always the perpetrators of violence and females are almost always the victims, which would be consistent with the experimental findings that women are often viewed as victims (Reynolds et al., 2020). ...
... However, violence against men is also an issue. For example, assumptions that males rarely experience intimate partner violence (Archer, 2000;Fiebert, 2014; and sexual abuse/victimisation (Breiding et al., 2014;Stemple et al., 2017;Stemple & Meyer, 2014) are false. ...
Males fair worse than females on many health outcomes, but more attention, particularly at a national level, is given to women's issues. This apparent paradox might be explained by gamma bias or a similar gender bias construct. Such potential biases require exploration. The purpose of the current paper is to present six streams of evidence that illustrate a bias against men's issues within the United Nations (UN) and World Health Organization (WHO). First, the UN's sustainable development goal on 'gender equality' is exclusive to females. Second, the UN observes nine International Days for women's issues/achievements and one day for men's issues/achievements. Third, the UN operates 69 Twitter accounts dedicated to women's issues, culminating in 328,251 tweets since 2008. The UN does not operate a Twitter account for men's issues. Fourth, female words (e.g., 'women') appear more frequently than male words (e.g., 'men') in documents archived in the UN and WHO databases, indicating more attention to women's issues. Fifth, in WHO reports where similar use of male and female words might be expected (e.g., gender and health reports), female words appear more frequently. Sixth, more female than male words appear in the Bulletin of the World Health Organization, with articles on women's health more frequently non-original research (e.g., editorials). Overall, because the UN and WHO are the causal agents directly responsible for the outcomes assessed, the findings reveal a bias against men's issues within these organisations. The findings support the construct of gamma bias. Ways to reduce this bias are discussed.
... Other studies indicated higher percentages of instances where women were violent toward men (Straus, 2008(Straus, , 2010. Fiebert (2014) grouped together 270 studies on violence in intimate relationships and found that women committed violent acts against their partners as much as men did, and sometimes more. Straus (2008) examined violence patterns among 13,500 students from 32 countries and found that women were more likely than men were to initiate violent incidents, 21% and 10%, respectively, and that most incidents were instigated by both sides. ...
... Recently, researches have gained some vital insights into IPV, and specifically, its victimology aspect. Many have subsequently begun to reexamine the empirical definition of "violence" and "partners" (Desmarais et al., 2012;Esquivel-Santoveña, Lambert, & Hamel, 2013;Fiebert, 2014). The most important insight concerns the need to differentiate between different types of violence, such as physical, verbal, financial, emotional, and sexual violence (Archer, 2000;Dutton & Nicholls, 2005;Johnson & Ferraro, 2000;Kelly & Johnson, 2008). ...
... Importantly for our purposes, this recognition has also resulted in different findings regarding the rates of violence and directionality of victimization (Archer, 2000;Dobash & Dobash, 2004;Dutton & Nicholls, 2005;Straus, 2010). Therefore, wn, there is no consensus in literature regarding the extent and severity of victimization of each gender (Archer, 2000;Dutton & Nicholls, 2005;Fiebert, 2014;Straus, 2010Straus, , 2015Winstok, 2011Winstok, , 2013Winstok & Straus, 2016). ...
The domestic violence research indicates two different approaches to victims. On one hand, it is argued that violence is a masculine or patriarchal mechanism of control and superiority based on research that shows higher rates of male violence toward women than vice versa. On the other hand, there is ample research that supports the claim of those patterns of violence and rates of victimization are equal between the genders. These contradictory findings call for a systematic review and a meta-analysis of the empirical data in order to establish the extent and directionality of victimization and abuse in violent relationships. To provide a more nuanced overview of this phenomenon, the present review examines the frequency of physical violence in different types of heterosexual relationships—dating, cohabitation, and marriage—according to national surveys and victim self-reports. The analysis is limited to sources in Hebrew and English. The searching procedure and criteria applied in selecting the studies generated 55 published studies from 36 countries. The main conclusion of the review is that the extent and directionality of violence vary with the type of relationship: while dating was reported to have higher rates of male victimization, in cohabitation and marital relationships, females reported higher levels of victimization rather. This article addresses the theoretical and practical implications of these findings.
... more recent surveys (e.g., Esquivel-Santoveña et al., 2013;Hellemans et al., 2014;Tillyer and Wright, 2014). The annotated bibliography by Fiebert (2014) describes 343 scholarly investigations (270 empirical studies and 73 reviews) demonstrating that women are as physically aggressive as men (or more) in their relationships with their spouses or opposite-sex partners. In relation to this and at an international level, women are gradually being arrested and prosecuted as perpetrators of IPV (e.g., Henning and Feder, 2004;Henning et al., 2005;Henning et al., 2009). ...
... The CTS is the most widely used measure of IPV but is also the most criticized (Straus, 2012). One of the primary reasons this measure has received such attention from critics is that when it is used, it generally finds "gender symmetry" in the perpetration of IPV (e.g., Archer, 2000;Fiebert, 2014;Hamby, 2016;Lehrner and Allen, 2014), even in agency-and clinical-level violence cases (e.g., Moffitt et al., 2001). These findings appear inconsistent with studies using data from criminal justice or medical sources and have led to criticism from feminist (and other) researchers, who have sought to negate the CTS findings by criticizing the methodology. ...
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a social, criminal and widespread problem. Research in the last decades has shown that this phenomenon has different protagonists and that both men and women can be victims and/or perpetrators in their intimate relationships. The present study aimed to capture the past year and lifetime prevalence rates of victimization and perpetration of different types of IPV reported by heterosexual Portuguese men. The participants (N=1556) were recruited online and completed measures of IPV. They were categorized as being a victim only (2.7%), perpetrator only (3.9%), involved in bidirectional IPV (73.7%) or not involved in IPV (19.7%). The differences between those categories were explored. The implications for research and public policy are discussed.
ספרות המחקר בתחום מצביעה על שתי מגמות שונות באשר לקורבנות אלימות
במערכת היחסים הזוגית. מחד גיסא, נטען כי שימוש באלימות הוא מנגנון של
שליטה ועליונות גברית, וספרות המחקר אכן מצביעה על שיעור אלימות
גבוה יותר של גברים כלפי נשים לעומת שיעור האלימות של נשים כלפי
גברים. מאידך גיסא, קיימות ראיות שדפוסי אלימות ושיעורי הקורבנות בין
המינים הם סימטריים. ממצאים סותרים אלו מצדיקים עריכה של ניתוח־על של
ממצאים אמפיריים שיבוסס על סקירת ספרות שיטתית
כדי לקבוע לא רק את כיוון האלימות במערכת היחסים של בני הזוג, אלא גם
את עוצמת האפקט הסטטיסטי. מתוך גישה זו, סקירה שיטתית מסוג זה בוחנת
את היקף האלימות הפיזית בסוגים שונים של מערכות יחסים זוגיות הטרו־
סקסואליות, כגון נישואין, מערכות רומנטיות קצרות מועד
,דייטינג) וחיים משותפים ללא נישואין)
בהתאם לדיווח בסקרי קורבנות ארציים ובמחקרי דיווח עצמי. הניתוח הוגבל
למקורות שפורסמו באנגלית ובעברית. הליך החיפוש ותבחינים (קריטריונים)
סטנדרטיים לבחירת המחקרים הניבו 45 פרסומים מ־ 36 מדינות מרחבי העולם.
ממצאיה העיקריים של הסקירה מצביעים על אפקט דיפרנציאלי התלוי בסוג
הַ קשר: (א) בדייטינג קיים דיווח על שיעורי קורבנות גבוהים בקרב גברים לעומת שיעורי הקורבנות בקרב נשים; (ב) בנישואין קיים דיווח על שיעורי
קורבנות גבוהים בקרב נשים לעומת שיעורי הקורבנות בקרב גברים; (ג) בחיים
משותפים ללא נישואין קיים דיווח על שיעורי קורבנות גבוהים בקרב נשים
לעומת שיעורי הקורבנות בקרב גברים. לבסוף, נראה כי האפקט הוא תלוי
תרבות אך דווקא בכיוון לא צפוי, משום שבחלק ממדינות אפריקה שיש בהן
מבנה פטריארכלי נמצאו בחלק מן ההשוואות שיעורי קורבנות זהים בשני
... Mainstream studies suggest that women sustain more severe injuries from IPV perpetrated by men than vice versa; however, the physical, psychological, and financial consequences of women-perpetrated IPV toward men are neither rare nor insignificant (Desmarais et al., 2012b). In fact, several studies have suggested that men and women experience IPV in similar proportions when severity of injury is not taken into account (Desmarais et al., 2012b;Fiebert, 2014). For example, colleagues (2012a, 2012b) reported pooled estimates of IPV between women and men across 10 years and found that 1 in 4 women (23.1%) and 1 in 5 men (19.3%) have experienced physical violence in an intimate relationship. ...
Most Indigenous intimate partner violence (IPV) research and interventions are geared toward women, while the experiences of Indigenous men as survivors of IPV are not well investigated or understood. Indigenous men are typically portrayed as perpetrators of violence yet very seldom as survivors of violence, although they experience disproportionately high rates of violence, including IPV, when compared to non-Indigenous men. Our community-based participatory research, conducted in partnership with First Nations communities in Northern Ontario, Canada, completed in 2019, identified this bias as a major barrier for Indigenous men to disclose IPV in a health service setting, where a safe space and support should be available. The primary health care providers involved in this study reported awareness of serious abuse perpetrated against First Nations men in heterosexual relationships. However, they also cited insufficient preparedness within the primary care system to respond to the needs of these men, including significant gaps in culturally safe services. These findings warrant attention and action. We offer recommendations for health and social services and community organizations to help address, in culturally safe ways, IPV experienced by Indigenous men and its effects on families and communities.
... Even fewer studies have focused on male victims (McMahon and Baker 2011;Kramer 2017), who, rooted in constructions of masculinity, are generally less likely to disclose sexual abuse (Alaggia 2005;Sorsoli, Kia-Keating, and Grossman 2008;Tjaden and Thoennes 2000), especially by women. Fiebert (2014) notes these challenges in his annotated bibliography of scholarship that explores relationships characterised by female perpetrators and male victims. All 95 of these studies either take the form of literature reviews or quantitative analyses, and most of them sample the general population rather than focus on male victims directly. ...
Most research on sexual abuse examines the role of men in the perpetration of abuse against women and children. Few studies have explored victims' accounts of Female-perpetrated Sexual Abuse (FSA), and even fewer have focused on male FSA victims. However, the limited research available demonstrates that there are particular conditions that make it possible for men to identify as FSA victims. This is the first study of its kind that explores the possibilities for such self-identification by investigating how male victims negotiate masculinity and victimhood in the context of FSA in the Global South. As part of a larger study on FSA, we conducted semi-structured interviews with five culturally diverse South African men who self-identified as experiencing sexual abuse as children or adolescents by women, and analysed the data using a critical discourse analysis. We demonstrate precisely how contemporary constructions of gender and sexuality both produce and constrain possibilities for men who report childhood or adolescent FSA to identify as victims. These constructions are anchored in accounts that emphasise hierarchies of vulnerability, body betrayal, emasculation, preconceptions of 'normal' sexuality, the eroticisation of the female offender and 'triumphant' variants of masculinity. Such accounts present just how male victimhood becomes possible to 'detect' and challenge contemporary constructions of sexual violence, in turn suggesting new possibilities for understanding the conditions under which normative gender roles implicated in violence are sustained or disrupted.
... This is quite different from the results of most other studies using optional sampling (Li and Jin 2012;Zhao, He, and Zhu 2011;Zhou and Chen 2015). Similar to some studies, it was found that the victimization of males and females in marital conflicts follows a gender-symmetric pattern, with males and females equally likely to commit violence (Fiebert 2014;Kimmel 2002;Ma 2013), and just female-on-male violence viewed as more acceptable. Violence against men is mainly reflected in psychological violence. ...
Analyzing 1268 stratified random samples from one of the biggest cities in China’s Pearl River Delta with the zero-inflated Poisson model, this study identifies the factors associated with the onset and severity of spousal violence by males and females separately under the social exchange perspective. The results indicate that spousal violence follows gender symmetry in migrant families, and violence against men is mainly reflected in psychological violence. The new pattern of “cradle snatching” makes men fully protected in family relationships. However, women’s education level and economic independence do not represent a protective factor against violence from husbands. Patriarchal cognition is deeply rooted in migrant families, even though the family pattern has been changed and women’s status has improved in China. Young couples should contribute to the family according to their own abilities, and should not make either one feel wronged.
The concept of intimate partner violence (IPV) implies gender-neutrality in the experiences of violence. Gender symmetry in IPV implies similar numbers of men and women victims. Data from the 2014 Canadian General Social Survey (Victimization) indicate that 262,267 men and 159,829 women were victims of self-reported spousal violence over the past 5 years. Despite the prevailing notion that IPV predominantly affects female victims, these data suggest that men too are victims of IPV, especially in heterosexual relationships. However, very few qualitative studies have shed light on heterosexual male victims’ experiences of IPV. This article describes some of these experiences and also seeks to understand the effects of IPV on male victims. Qualitative data collected through semi-structured interviews with 16 male victims of IPV were used to explore their experience of physical IPV and psychological IPV, as well as the consequences of such abuse. Results revealed common themes pertaining to the type of abuses (i.e., physical, controlling and threatening behaviours, and verbal abuse) male victims experienced and the subsequent physical and psychological impacts. This study identifies the need to distinguish between physically and psychologically abused male victims of IPV.
The occurrence of aggressive behavior in intimate relationships carries serious mental and physical health consequences for the victims and children exposed to such events. Studies have been devoted toward understanding the nature and prevalence of the phenomenon; however, there has been a paucity of empirical investigation into the complexities and nuances of the subject matter, and this study seeks to address one of such complexities. This study examines the dynamics of intimate partner violence (IPV) within the context of perpetration and victimization among residents in Bariga Local Community Development Area in Lagos State, Nigeria. Using a cross-sectional survey, 218 married residents of the area were analyzed through bivariate and multivariate regression analysis. The results of the study revealed that gender and socioeconomic factors were not associated with IPV victimization. Educational differences between the respondent and spouse were associated with IPV victimization. Individuals who perpetrated IPV were about 19 times more likely to experience IPV. This study sheds light on the areas of IPV that tend to be ignored in academic literature and it calls for more empirical investigation, both at the quantitative and qualitative levels, to be conducted for better understanding of the subject matter.
In a survey of 1577 Asian Americans, the average partner abuse prevalence was 16.4 percent, that is, 22.4 percent among Vietnamese, 21.8 percent among Filipinos, 19.5 percent among Indians, 19.5 percent among Koreans, 9.7 percent among Japanese and 9.7 percent among Chinese. Asian partner abuse victims are likely to seek help from medical professionals or friends.
Cette étude qui porte sur 1577 Asiatiques Américains révèle que le pourcentage d'abus commis au sein des groupes étudiés était de 16,4 pour cent, et se répartissait comme suit: 22,4 pour cent chez les Vietnamiens, 21,8 pour cent chez les Philippins, 19,5 pour cent chez les Indiens, 19,5 pour cent chez les Coréens, 9,7 pour cent chez les Japonais et 9,7 pour cent chez les Chinois. Les victimes asiatiques d'abus de la part du conjoint sont enclines à chercher de l'aide dans le milieu médical ou auprès d'amis.
En una encuesta de 1,577 asiático americanos, el porcentaje de prevalencia de abuso de pareja fue de 16.4 percent, el cual estima que el 22.4 percent se da entre vietnamitas, el 21.8 percent entre filipinos, 19.5 percent entre indios, 19.5 percent entre coreanos, 9.7 percent entre japoneses y 9.7 percent entre chinos. Es probable que las víctimas asiáticas de abuso de pareja busquen ayuda de profesionales médicos o amigos.
This study examines three areas of intimate partner violence in a conservative Christian denomination, noting gender differences in patterns of abuse among men and women. Specifically investigating patterns of victimization, the study identifies women as targets of intimate terrorism. Women who experienced escalating violence and sexual violence also reported emotional abuse, controlling behaviors, and symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) that are typical of intimate terrorism. Women who endured potentially lethal violence had the added associated action of calling the police or 911. Although factors that are associated with male victimization also feature controlling behaviors, the control is not associated with PTSD or associated fear behaviors that are typical of intimate terrorism.
This article compares the rates of physical violence in black families from the First National Family Violence Survey, conducted in 1975, with the rates from the 1985 replication. It also compares these rates to the rates for white families in the same surveys. Both studies used nationally representative samples (2,143 families in 1975 and 6,002 in 1985). There were 147 black families in the 1975 survey and 576 in the 1985 sample. The rate of severe violence toward black women declined 43%—a statistically significant change. Similarly, the ratio of severe violence toward women for blacks to whites declined from 1975 to 1985. The rates of severe violence toward black children and men were higher (48% for children and 42% for men), but the differences were not statistically significant. The black-to-white ratio for severe violence toward children and men increased between 1975 and 1985. Explanations are explored for the unchanged rate of violence toward black children, compared to a significant decline in the general population, and the decline in the rate of violence toward black women, compared to no change in the general population.
The paper demonstrates the use of couple data as a methodological tool. Using Straus's Conflict Tactics Scale as an example, it is shown that couple data may be used for the evaluation of scale items and for the assessment of the validity of frequency estimates of violence and its relationship with other variables. The results provide clear evidence that aggregate husband-wife data cannot substitute for couple data.
In post-Renaissance France and England, society ridiculed and humiliated husbands thought to be battered and/or dominated by their wives (Steinmetz, 1977-78). In France, for instance, a "battered" husband was trotted around town riding a donkey backwards while holding its tail. In England, "abused" husbands were strapped to a cart and paraded around town, all the while subjected to the people's derision and contempt. Such "treatments" for these husbands arose out of the patriarchal ethos where a husband was expected to dominate his wife, making her, if the occasion arose, the proper target for necessary marital chastisement; not the other way around (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). Although the patriarchal view supporting a husband's complete dominance of his wife persisted into the twentieth century (E. Pleck, 1987), during the latter half of this century, we find a definite shift in people's attitudes toward marital relationships. Beginning in the 1970s, for instance, advocates like Del Martin (1976) and Erin Pizzey (Pizzey 1974; Pizzey & Shapiro, 1982) exposed the "hidden" secret of domestic violence. As a result, terms like "domestic violence," "domestic abuse," and "battered wife" have found their way into our everyday speech. Finally, society seems to be taking the issue of domestic violence against women seriously and looking for solutions to stem if not to end the violence. Most of the early research dealing with domestic violence focused solely on the female victims and the social factors that supported the victimization of women (Smith, 1989). Consequently, a voluminous literature now exists that portrays domestic violence as a unitary social phenomenon stemming from a patriarchal social order where women are portrayed as the victims and men perceived as the perpetrators (Dobash & Dobash, 1979). Such research has had a significant impact upon the evolution of recent changes in civil law, enforcement of criminal law, and the ways law enforcement and social agencies respond to the needs of battered wives (see Victim Support, 1992).
The present study investigated the prevalence of mutual violence, violent attitudes and mental health symptoms among students in Botswana, Africa. The sample consisted of 562 university students from Botswana University in heterosexual relationships. Participants completed self-report surveys that asked about violent attitudes, partner violence, controlling behaviours, and mental health symptoms. Results were that respondent and respondent partner's violent attitudes, partner violence and controlling behaviours were significantly related, revealing the mutuality of aggression within couples. Males reported higher violent attitudes but were just as likely as females to report controlling behaviours and physical partner perpetration. Multivariate analyses found that violent victimisation (physical and sexual), controlling behaviours and violent attitudes were significantly related to violent perpetration. Violent attitudes of the partner contributed to the respondent's violent perpetration of the partner. Respondents were likely to report more mental health symptoms if they experienced sexual violence and controlling behaviours by their intimate partners. Similarly, mental health symptoms of the respondents were associated with the partner's violent attitudes.
Data from 280 first-year college students in serious dating relationships were examined. Differences in relationship dimensions, negotiation styles and use of coping strategies were identified between participants in violent and non-violent relationships and between males and females. Multivariate analysis of covariance techniques revealed significant effects for gender and use of violence on the dependent research variables. No interaction effects were noted. Those in violent dating relationships reported more relationship conflict and greater ambivalence toward the relationship. Partners in violent relationships more frequently used the negotiation styles of negative affect, indirect appeal and emotional appeal. They also more often relied on confrontation and escape/avoidance as coping strategies. When negotiating, women more often used bargaining and emotional appeal. With respect to coping, women were more likely to use social support while men relied more often on self-control and escape/avoidance techniques. Implications of these findings are discussed.