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When dealing with the duality of mobility and safety, speed is one of the main factors causing deaths, so this is the reason why speed is one of the most studied topics related to road safety. The main objective of this research was to identify the aspects that modulate the speed-accidents relation. Specifically, the frequency and reasons why drivers speed. On the other hand, it was also considered the perception of drivers regarding the probability of penalty, the penalties imposed, and their severity. Finally, drivers’ opinion on the effectiveness of such penalty in order to change speeding behavior was also studied. A sample of 1,100 Spanish drivers over 14 years old and having any kind of driving license was used. The results showed that approximately the third part of drivers always or sometimes sped. Among the specific reasons, the hurry, not having noticed, that the limits are too low or that the conditions allow doing so were the most frequent. Likewise, drivers considered as limited the probability of being caught. Finally, more than half of the drivers considered that the penalty they received was appropriate. Moreover, half of the drivers that received a penalty claimed that they changed their speeding habits as a result of such penalty. Drivers who speed are completely aware of the fact that they are breaking the traffic rules. Their speeding behavior is intentional in 80% of the cases. They are not aware of the risks of speeding since they justified their behavior by saying the speed limits are too low, the conditions on the roads allow doing so, or that it was a habit.
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American Journal of Applied Psychology, 2013, Vol. 1, No. 3, 58-64
Available online at http://pubs.sciepub.com/ajap/1/3/5
© Science and Education Publishing
DOI:10.12691/ajap-1-3-5
Speed and Road Accidents: Behaviors, Motives, and
Assessment of the Effectiveness of Penalties for Speeding
Francisco Alonso1,*, Cristina Esteban1, Constanza Calatayud1, Jaime Sanmartín2
1DATS (Development and Advising in Traffic Safety) Research Group, INTRAS (Traffic and Road Safety Institute), University of
Valencia, Serpis, València, Spain
2METRAS Research Group (Measurement, Evaluation, Analysis, and Data Processing of Traffic Accidents and Road Safety). INTRAS,
University of Valencia, Serpis, València, Spain
*Corresponding author: datspublications@gmail.com
Received November 29, 2013; Revised December 09, 2013; Accepted December 12, 2013
Abstract When dealing with the duality of mobility and safety, speed is one of the main factors causing deaths, so
this is the reason why speed is one of the most studied topics related to road safety. The main objective of this
research was to identify the aspects that modulate the speed-accidents relation. Specifically, the frequency and
reasons why drivers speed. On the other hand, it was also considered the perception of drivers regarding the
probability of penalty, the penalties imposed, and their severity. Finally, drivers’ opinion on the effectiveness of such
penalty in order to change speeding behavior was also studied. A sample of 1,100 Spanish drivers over 14 years old
and having any kind of driving license was used. The results showed that approximately the third part of drivers
always or sometimes sped. Among the specific reasons, the hurry, not having noticed, that the limits are too low or
that the conditions allow doing so were the most frequent. Likewise, drivers considered as limited the probability of
being caught. Finally, more than half of the drivers considered that the penalty they received was appropriate.
Moreover, half of the drivers that received a penalty claimed that they changed their speeding habits as a result of
such penalty. Drivers who speed are completely aware of the fact that they are breaking the traffic rules. Their
speeding behavior is intentional in 80% of the cases. They are not aware of the risks of speeding since they justified
their behavior by saying the speed limits are too low, the conditions on the roads allow doing so, or that it was a
habit.
Keywords: speed limits, road safety, traffic violation, behavior modification
Cite This Article: Francisco Alonso, Cristina Esteban, Constanza Calatayud, and Jaime Sanmartín, Speed
and Road Accidents: Behaviors, Motives, and Assessment of the Effectiveness of Penalties for Speeding.”
American Journal of Applied Psychology 1, no. 3 (2013): 58-64. doi: 10.12691/ajap-1-3-5.
1. Introduction
There is wide scientific evidence about the fact that
speeding is the factor that most contributes to the risk,
severity and fatality of motor vehicle collisions [1,2,3].
Traffic speed strongly influences impact speed in crashes
and therefore has major implications for public health [3].
Specifically, the World Health Organization [4] agrees
that excessive and inappropriate speed is the main cause
of approximately one in every three serious or fatal
crashes in the countries with high rates of motor vehicles
use. This data is the main reason why most governments
consider speeding as a huge problem for road safety.
Speeding is one of the risk factors in traffic and it has a
negative impact on the road environment and on the
quality of life of people.
Regarding driving, there is wide scientific evidence on
the fact that higher speeds increase the time needed to
identify and response to a stimulus, the distance travelled
by the vehicle until the driver responds to danger or a
threat, and the distance required to stop the vehicle, so
speeding decreases the probability to prevent a collision
[5,6]. In addition, the higher the speed the poorer is the
efficiency of the vehicle. Likewise, high speed increases
the effects of other drivers’ errors, such as distractions or
not keeping the appropriate safety distance, so this
multiplies the probability of being involved in a traffic
crash [6,7].
Speeding is considered as the factor that contributes the
most to risk and severity, and, as a consequence, to the
mortality related to traffic accidents [1,2]. Almost the third
part of deaths (32%) is related to speeding, and the
number seems to be increasing over the years [4,8].
In spite of these evidences, the speed-accidents relation
is very complex since it is influenced and modulated by
many factors, without forgetting the partially random
nature of accidents [9]. Among the factors that contribute
to the speed-accidents relation, it is worth mentioning: the
driver’s characteristics (demographic and psychological
factors), the main actor [6] , the aspects related to the
vehicle, and factors related to the road environment, as
well as several cultural factors, since traffic regulations
are different from one country to another [7,10].
American Journal of Applied Psychology 59
In any case, from the identification of the factors
present in the speed-accidents relation, the Transport
Research Laboratory (TRL) proposes to carry out two
types of studies on speed: studies based on the road and
studies based on the driver [11].
The studies based on the road justify the proposals
aimed at reducing speed limits. In this sense, it has been
established as a general rule that reducing speed by 1 km/h
reduces crashes with injuries by 2-3% [11]; reducing
speed by 5 km/h in 60 km/h limit zones reduces crashes
by 31%, while the risk of being involved in a crash is six
times higher when exceeding speed limits by 20 km/h [12];
and reducing speed by 10 km/h one may expect the mean
speed of traffic to go down by about 2.5 km/h so, when
mean speed is reduced it almost always reduces the
number of crashes and their severity [2].
The studies based on the driver highlight the speed in
which drivers decide drive in different types of road when
there are speed limit signs in several environmental
situations and in traffic conditions. Drivers’ decision is
influenced by a series of demographic characteristics (age,
gender, driving experience, occupation, among others), by
a series of psychological aspects or factors (motivations,
beliefs, perceptions, attitudes, emotions, driving habits,
etc.) as well as by the involvement and responsibility in
traffic violations, among others.
From the driver’s perspective, the evaluation of the data
on the frequency of this behavior suggests that, in general,
all drivers sped at some time. Nevertheless, it is much
easier to notice other’s speeding [13]. Between 66% and
85% of the drivers admit they occasionally exceed the
speed limits [14,15]. When it comes to a certain road,
between 30-50% of all drivers exceed the speed limits
established by the signs [2].
In Spain, drivers state they obey the speed limits even
though there is evidence on the fact that the failure to obey
these limits is greater in general limits and not in the
specific ones, as well as in motorways [16].
Significant information reveals that drivers’ speed
(regarding the mean speed of traffic on the road) is
consistent with the initial speeds, in different parts of the
journey, and through different driving tests [17]. In this
sense, it is important to understand a relative proportion of
drivers exceeding speed limits is relatively constant over
the years [8].
Closely related to this aspect is the use of psychological
scales, specifically the called Intentional Offence scale
(used to quantify the self-reported frequency of
committing traffic violations); the use of these scales has
shown that drivers who drive faster break the traffic rules
more frequently [18].
Regarding demographic aspects, studies in different
countries have shown that young males are the main risk
group when it comes to traffic crashes related to speeding.
Drivers under 34 years old are more likely to exceed the
speed limits (30 km/h more than the specific speed limit),
while from 55 years old on, journeys are more likely to be
excessively slow [19]. In this sense, it seems that people
around 40 years old are less likely to exceed the speed
limits [20,21,22].
Likewise, there is evidence stating that the involvement
and the responsibility of the driver in a traffic crash is
closely related to age, driving experience, and the
kilometers per year. In this sense, the responsibility in a
traffic crash decreases in a non-lineal way when the age
and experience is higher, and it increases with the number
of kilometers travelled. So, the greater the speed, the
greater the responsibility rate of the driver in traffic
crashes [23]. Therefore, it is possible to observe a risk
group made of young drivers and male drivers who drive a
great amount of kilometers per year and who are more
likely to break the traffic rules than other drivers, and, at
the same time, they are also more likely to be involved in
a traffic crash [22,24].
In addition, according to the demographic data young
people under 25 years old showed a higher probability of
being fined for speeding over the last six months
(specifically, 14% compared to the 8% of interviewees);
in spite of perceiving a lower probability of sanction [25].
Among the motives or reasons why drivers sped, the
most common in general is convenience. Likewise, drivers
who give this reason believe themselves to be safer than
other drivers [26]. Other reasons why drivers exceed
speed limits are the hurry (23%) and overtake (16%) [14].
1.1. Study Framework
Law, and all its related aspects, has an essential part
that comes from legal science. Moreover, law applies to
individuals and societies, so it has a lot to do with
sociology and psychology. Individuals and societies may
or may not know the laws, they may or may not accept
them, they may or may not share their principles, and they
may or may not obey them. In order for laws to be applied
and obeyed, different sciences must be involved when
developing them. In addition, the law is not the only thing
to take into account; rules make no sense unless there are
consequences when they are not obeyed. From this
approach, traffic laws have to be treated from a
comprehensive perspective.
Moreover, it is important to understand legislation and
everything it involves and to regulate drivers’ behavior
since reckless behavior not only affects the driver itself
but other people (drivers and pedestrians on the road).
Therefore, it is preserving one’s life and the life of others.
So, this is why the framework of this article was a large-
scale project based on “traffic laws and road safety” to
raise people’s awareness regarding this matter [10,27].
This global research on traffic laws and road safety
used a questionnaire made up of a set of items in different
sections. An important aspect of the questionnaire is the
order of the questions. The objective of the items was not
to influence the answers in a particular direction.
First of all, the questionnaire was used to collect socio-
demographic data (such as age, gender, occupation, etc.).
In addition, other descriptive factors relevant to road
safety were also taken into account in order to classify
drivers: main motive of the journey, driving frequency,
professional drivers, driving experience, kilometers per
year, type of journey, most frequently used type of road,
and record of accidents and penalties.
There were also subsections to collect information
related to these areas: unsafe/risky behaviors (speeding,
inappropriate speed in specific situations, unsafe
following distance, shouting or verbally insulting while
driving, driving under the influence of alcohol, driving
without a seat belt, smoking while driving, driving
without insurance, driving without the required vehicle
60 American Journal of Applied Psychology
inspection). It was also interesting to learn about the
beliefs, knowledge, and attitudes of participants towards
the areas of “legislation”, “penalties”, “law enforcement”,
“law and traffic laws”, and the “effectiveness of the
measures to prevent traffic crashes”.
The study described in this article is based on some
items of the section “unsafe/risky behaviors”, and the
“speeding” subsection. In this section of the questionnaire,
participants were asked to provide information about
speeding: reasons and frequency, risk of speeding,
severity of the penalty, estimated probability of penalty,
type of penalties, and penalties received (evaluation and
effectiveness).
1.2. Objectives
The objectives of this research were to identify the
frequency in which drivers sped, the reasons why they do
it, and the estimated probability of penalty, and to learn
about speeding penalties received and their severity.
Finally, the effectiveness of the penalty as a measure to
change speeding behavior was also studied.
2. Materials and Methods
2.1. Participants
Table 1. Total sample distribution according to age and gender
Age Male Female Total
14-17 9 4 13
18-24 61 45 106
25-29 77 64 141
30-44 235 183 418
45-65 218 113 331
Over 65 78 13 91
Total 678 422 1100
Participants were part of a wide-ranging research on
different aspects of traffic laws and road safety. The
sample used was composed of 1,100 Spanish drivers over
14 that had any kind of driving license, 678 men (61.63%)
and 422 women (38.36%). The starting sample size was
proportional by quota to the Spanish population segments
of age and gender. Participants were divided into groups
according to age and gender. The gender distribution was
closely linked with age; the higher the age, the lower the
percentage of women. So, the number of women from 45
onwards decreased, just like it happens with the general
population of drivers (Table 1).
The number of participants represents an error margin
for the general data of ± 3 with a 95% confidence interval
and a level of significance of 0.05.
Drivers completed a telephone-based survey. Interviews
were completed for 1,100 drivers and, as it was a survey
dealing with social matters, the vast majority of people
wanted to collaborate.
2.2. Procedure and Design
The survey was conducted by telephone. A national
telephone household sample was constructed using
random digit dialing. Each household was screened to
determine the number of adult (age 14 or older) drivers in
the household. The only selection criterion was being in
possession of any type of driving license. One eligible
driver was systematically selected in each eligible
household by the interviewers. The survey was conducted
using the computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI)
system to reduce interview length and minimize recording
errors, guaranteeing at all times the anonymity of the
participants, and stressing on the fact that the data would
only be used for statistical and research purposes. The
importance of answering honestly to all the arisen
questions was emphasized, as well as the non-existence of
wrong or right answers.
Subsequently, drivers were asked about the frequency
in which they speed; the possible answers for this question
were as follows: almost always, usually, sometimes,
almost never, and never. In order to get more specific
information, participants were asked to state the reason
why they sped, in case they had. Participants were also
asked “For every 10 times speeding, how many times is
this behavior sanctioned?”, and they had to say a number
from 0 to 10. Participants were also asked whether they
had received a penalty and, if the answer was “yes”, they
were asked about the severity of such penalty with
possible answers: excessive, appropriate, or limited”. In
addition, if participants had been punished, they were
asked whether the penalty helped to change their speeding
behavior.
Once the data was obtained, the relevant statistical
analyses were carried out with the Statistical Package for
the Social Sciences (SPSS). For the comparison of mean
values the unifactorial ANOVA test was used, followed
by Bonferroni's post-hoc test. Statistical significance was
set at p < 0.05.
3. Results
The data analysis showed that 7.7% of drivers admitted
they almost always or usually speed. Likewise, 30% stated
they sometimes speed. Drivers who claimed they never or
almost never speed were more than 60% (Figure 1).
There were significant differences for gender (F
(1.1092) = 55.609, p≤ 0.05). Male drivers were the ones
who sped more frequently. Young people between 18-24
years are the drivers who speed more frequently. However,
from 45 years onwards, the probability of speeding is
reduced. Nevertheless, these age-related differences were
not significant.
Likewise, speeding is related to drivers who usually
drive on highways or freeways. However, there were no
significant statistical differences or a significant statistical
relation between the frequency of speeding and the level
of knowledge the driver showed on traffic rules.
Among the reasons why drivers sped it was fond that
hurry or emergency (27.1%) was the main reason, while
the second reason was the lapse of concentration (I did not
realize) (19.5%). On the other hand, it is important to
know that 14.3% of drivers claimed they intentionally
speed.
Drivers’ interpretation or evaluation of the traffic rules
is also significant since 15% of drivers considered that the
speed limits are too low and 13.6% stated that they speed
because the conditions allow doing so. Finally, 4.3% of
drivers claimed that they speed because everybody does it,
American Journal of Applied Psychology 61
3.8% see this action as a habit, 3.6% did it to pass cars,
and 2.9% did this because the power of the current vehicles allow it (Figure 2).
Figure 1. Percentage distribution of drivers according to the frequency in which they speed
Figure 2. Percentage distribution of drivers according to the reasons why they speed
Regarding the reasons why drivers did not speed,
36.8% of drivers claimed it was because of the fact that
they could be involved in a traffic crash; while 15.9%
admitted they do not like speeding. Other reasons for not
speeding were as follows: caution and safety, it is
prohibited and traffic rules must be followed, it is better to
drive with plenty of time than speeding, possibility of
penalties, they drive around urban areas or short distances,
it is the right thing to do, traffic does not allow it, car does
not allow it, not enough experience, possibility of
suspension of driving license.
Regarding other aspects, 21.8% of drivers said they had
been sanctioned for speeding at least once. There were
statistical differences between being sanctioned for
speeding and the risk perception of speeding (F (2, 1091)
= 13,031, p 0.05). A subsequent analysis using
Bonferroni’s multiple comparison showed there were
significant differences between not being sanctioned for
speeding or just once and being sanctioned for speeding
twice or more times.
However, in a 0 to 10 scale, drivers considered that the
probability of penalty is 3.2, which means that their
perception regarding this matter is low. All age groups had
the same estimated probability of penalty, even though
women (F (1, 1060) = 22,084, p 0.05), drivers who had
received a speeding ticket (F (2, 1059) = 8,419, p ≤ 0.05),
drivers using mainly urban zones, drivers who travel
fewer kilometers per year, and those who had not been
involved in a traffic crash (F (1, 1060) = 5,772, p ≤ 0,05)
are the ones who think the probability of penalty is higher.
In the group of drivers who had been sanctioned for
speeding, 52.2% of them considered that the penalty was
appropriate, while 41.4% believed it to be excessive and
6.5% thought it was not enough (Figure 3). The age and
gender (or the rest of variables) did not have any influence
on the assessment.
Finally, only 57.8% of drivers who received a penalty
for speeding admitted they had change their speeding
behavior as a consequence of this penalty, while 42.2% of
62 American Journal of Applied Psychology
drivers in the same situation admitted they had not change it (Figure 4).
Figure 3. Percentage distribution of drivers according to the level of severity they stated regarding their penalty for speeding
Figure 4. Percentage distribution of drivers according to whether they changed their speeding behavior or not after being fined
4. Discussion
The fact that a significant and worrying percentage of
drivers (37.7%) admitted that they always, almost always
or sometimes speed shows the urgent need to design and
apply interventions to modify this behavior. It is important
to remember that the behaviors that are the most common
cause of traffic crashes must be the most addressed and
corrected ones since not all behaviors have the same
repercussion on road safety [10]. Therefore, speeding is
one of the aspects that must be dealt with in order to
reduce traffic crashes.
Regarding roads and the characteristics of the
environment, it is necessary to improve the infrastructures,
to establish acceptable and plausible speed limits, to have
appropriate signs and vehicle engineering on the road,
among other measures. It would be also convenient to use
devices and technologies in the vehicle aimed at advising
and controlling speeding in order to improve safety.
However, there is a clear need to create and implement
concrete strategies or education, awareness, and training
campaigns aimed at drivers since they are the ones who
have the final decision regarding the speeding behavior.
It is essential for the intervention strategies and
programs to be adjusted to the profiles of the different
groups of drivers according to demographic variables and
driving experience. It is also important to include groups
of drivers with multiple penalties and those who break the
rules again (after they were sanctioned) in order to detect
and influence their beliefs, perceptions, attitudes,
motivations, and behaviors, as well as the cognitive,
emotional, and social characteristics and conditions of
every group of drivers.
Knowing the motives or reasons why drivers speed
represents one of the main aspects upon which the
interventions have to be designed and applied. In this
American Journal of Applied Psychology 63
sense, it is clear that there is a need to design interventions
that, from childhood and in both school and family
context, not only focus on the informative aspect, but also
on educational and learning aspects. The process of road
safety education has to begin before breaking the traffic
rule itself, so this way it would not be necessary to re-
educate or re-train drivers in an authorized centre.
When drivers admitted they sped without realizing just
because modern vehicles offer a slow speed feeling, it is
clear that there is a need to design strategies aimed at
promoting the habit of looking at the speedometer
regularly, especially when leaving high speed roads. This
may help to increase the correct knowledge of the speed
limits (looking for signs in the intersections especially), to
raise awareness on the consequences of speeding for other
drivers, and to remember that the speed indicated in signs
is the maximum speed allowed and not the speed in which
drivers should drive.
Likewise, taking into account that drivers are not aware
of the risks of speeding and the fact that road behaviors
are characterized by turning into consistent habits in both
time and different road types, it is essential to create
interventions aimed at offering information of the
technical reasons that justify the speed limits, the aspects
that cause drivers to speed, the aspects that can be avoided,
and the benefits of driving to a correct and appropriate
speed, among others. The fact that drivers stated that the
limits are too low or that the conditions allow speeding
shows that drivers’ expectations and mental schemes and
models need to be more addressed in order to create
interventions than the proper speed limits signs on the
road.. Therefore, drivers’ interpretation of the signs
determines speed while they are driving. In this sense, it is
also necessary to design self-explanatory roads to guide
drivers to adapt speed to the road conditions, to make
traffic more fluent, to avoid wrong behaviors, and to
correct any mistake while driving.
The low probability of penalty estimated by all the
participants, the favorable attitude towards the penalty that
half of the sanctioned drivers for speeding showed, and
the fact that the received penalty for this violation changed
the behavior of 60% of these drivers proved the need to
increase supervision of the police through traditional and
automated methods (fixed or mobile cameras). In this
sense, previous research has shown the need to implement
several measures that contribute to safe road behavior [10].
However, in order for the supervision and control
activity to be efficient, it is necessary that drivers be aware
of the fact that there is a high risk of penalty when the
speed limits are not respected. This means that, together
with the increase of supervision and control, it is also
necessary to increase drivers’ risk perception of being
sanctioned.
5. Conclusions
A significant and worrying percentage of Spanish
drivers (37.7%) admitted they always, almost always or
sometimes speed. However, it has been proved that these
participants sped less than other drivers from other
countries.
Thanks to other studies in other countries, it has also
been concluded that male drivers between 18-24 years are
the ones who speed more frequently. On the contrary,
drivers from 45 years onwards in this study and other
studies in other countries stated they speed less frequently.
Regarding the roads in which drivers usually sped, it
was highways and freeways both in this study and also in
foreign studies.
Therefore, the same tendencies are observed in different
countries regarding different aspects related to speeding.
In general terms, it was concluded that drivers who
speed are completely aware of the fact that they are
breaking the traffic rules. Therefore, their speeding
behavior is intentional in 80% of the cases. Secondly, it
was also concluded that drivers are not aware of the risks
of speeding since they justified their behavior by saying
the speed limits are too low, the conditions on the roads
allow doing so, or that it was a habit.
On the other hand, it is the risk of being involved in a
traffic crash the reason why drivers respect the speed
limits, so it can be concluded that the interventions aimed
at reducing traffic crashes because of speeding are
efficient.
The data analysis showed the limited probability of
penalty estimated by drivers (3.2 in a 0 to 10 scale). So, it
is shocking that a risk factor for traffic crashes such as
speeding is perceived by drivers as an aspect with limited
probability of penalty.
The fact that 21.8% of participants admitted they had
been sanctioned for speeding at least once means that
almost half of drivers who admitted speeding more or less
frequently had been sanctioned. Therefore, this traffic
violation has an actual moderate probability of penalty.
Finally, more than 50% of the drivers sanctioned for
speeding considered the penalty was appropriate
regardless of age and gender. In addition, around 60% of
these drivers admitted they had changed their speeding
habits as a result of the penalty, so this is a favorable
attitude towards the speed limits and this penalty is also
effective in terms of changing the behavior of some
drivers.
Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank the Audi’s Corporate Social
Responsibility program, Attitudes for the patrimony of the
basic research and also Catalina Pardo and Jose Colomer
Belda for the revision of the English text.
Conflict of interests
The authors declare that they have no conflict of
interest.
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... Conversely, built environment factors, such as the number of crosswalks and the elderly population, play a more significant role in the frequency models. These results align with the research that links speeding with higher accident fatality rates and demographic factors with accident likelihood [53,54]. ...
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... Roadway characteristics substantially impact speed selection behavior, leading drivers who usually tend to drive fast to increase their speeds more than slower drivers when opportunities to drive faster are present [54,55]. Another study shows that drivers justify speeding by saying the speed limits are too low, the road conditions allow higher speed, or it is a habit [56]. Kutela et al. concluded that the analysis of speed limits reveals an increase in the likelihood of speeding as the speed limits increase; however, the design difference should be taken into account [24]. ...
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... Accumulation graphs (cumulative curves) make it possible to determine the percentage of cars moving at a speed less than any given value. The value of the 15th percentile speed describes the speed of the slowest part of the flow of cars, which leads to the complication of traffic conditions and an increase in the probability of road accidents [26]. When restrictions on the movement of slow-moving vehicles are introduced on the road, the value of this speed is often taken as the minimum permissible [27]. ...
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... As far as the internal structure of the scale is considered, it has to be noted that after the research, four questionnaire items have been removed to ensure the unidimensionality of the scale. What is noteworthy, however, is that among the removed statements there was an item "speeding", which is described in the literature as an important factor in road safety and a major cause of fatal traffic crashes (e.g., Aarts & Van Schagen, 2006;Alonso et al., 2013). It is therefore curious why the psychometric analysis did not show a link between this question and the others within the scale measuring the tendency towards risky driving. ...
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La norma existe sea cual sea su manifestación, porque es producto y necesidad de la interacción entre las personas. Pero no tiene sentido si nadie controla que ésta se cumpla. Necesitamos a alguien que administre finalmente las sanciones cuando no se cumpla la norma. Necesitamos algo/alguien que administre la veracidad de que los comportamientos realmente se han producido, de la intención de los mismos, que evalúe la gravedad, que los ponga en relación con lo que las normas dicen, sus excepciones… Necesitamos juzgar antes de sancionar. Es necesario aplicar la justicia. Cada uno de nosotros en algún momento asumimos alguno o todos estos roles a la vez. En efecto, en muchas de nuestras actuaciones diarias, ya sean laborales, familiares…, dictamos normas, controlamos que éstas se cumplan y si se nos permite decirlo, dictamos sentencias para los individuos sobre los que tenemos influencias. En el tema del tráfico, de los accidentes e incidentes, como en toda conducta que se lleva a cabo en un sistema interactivo, hay víctimas y culpables/responsables. En nuestro país existe una tendencia abrumadora en los últimos tiempos, de “intensificar temporalmente los controles”, a intentar establecer nuevas fórmulas sancionadoras e incluso aumentar la calificación de gravedad de la infracción, así como su cuantía. Una de las preguntas que surgen a colación de esto sería ¿se justifica este empeño en detrimento de otras medidas?, ¿se atiende a las variables que, al menos teóricamente aumentarán la eficacia de estas medidas? Hemos constatado que realizando un estudio poblacional facilitamos los posicionamientos de las personas e incrementamos la riqueza en las discusiones a través de todas las variables que hemos podido tratar. Conocer los pensamientos de la población española nos va a permitir, sin lugar a dudas, analizar el problema con mayor rigor, así como proponer soluciones (medidas y contramedidas) más ajustadas a la realidad social sobre la que se va a aplicar. Con ello, pretendemos convertir este libro en manual de consulta para aquellos que intervienen en el marco de la seguridad vial tanto a nivel general como a nivel de los que participan más activamente en el tema más especifico que aquí trabajamos. El libro se ha estructurado en tres grandes partes: En la primera de ellas, para permitir una composición mejor acerca de las circunstancias de las que se han extraído los datos del estudio, se describe la metodología del mismo. En una segunda parte presentamos los más relevantes y significativos resultados del estudio, capítulo que está dividido en diferentes bloques: Normativa, Supervisión Policial, Sanciones, Justicia, Modelos de Respuesta y Medidas. Los cuatro primeros bloques aunque son independientes, puesto que tratan aspectos distintos de un proceso que tiene una cronología relativamente clara, tienen un cierto grado de relación que indudablemente va a quedar reflejado en un análisis que cruza algunas de estas variables con el quinto bloque. Además, este quinto bloque que aborda una serie de conductas, de las cuales algunas son sancionables y otras no lo son, tiene un análisis autónomo que trata de reflejar las relaciones que tiene el continuo con las conductas, las creencias, los conocimientos, las actitudes, etc. En el sexto bloque se analizan, también desde el doble enfoque: de forma autónoma y en relación con los otros, las medidas que se llevan o se pueden llevar a cabo y que tienen relación con la temática que estamos trabajando. En realidad, “medidas” son todos los puntos tratados, pero en este bloque analizamos algunas características diferenciales de las mismas tal y como existen y tal y como podrían ser que, nos parece, tienen una implicación diferencial En una tercera parte, realizamos un recorrido sobre algunos de los resultados que, siendo significativos, puedan ofrecer un panorama general de los conocimientos obtenidos mediante esta investigación. Y lo hacemos desde la óptica, que nunca debemos perder, de las implicaciones que los mismos pueden tener desde un punto de vista aplicado. Recogemos en este libro “análisis complementarios” y conclusiones que nos ayuden a encontrar respuestas en la búsqueda de la máxima eficacia y eficiencia del sistema, considerando sus posibles alternativas.
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La norma y todo lo que de ella se deriva es fundamental en el ámbito del tráfico para regular los comportamientos de los conductores, porque de lo que se trata en última instancia y por encima de otros objetivos es de preservar el derecho fundamental a nuestra vida y la de los demás. Es obvio que en el ámbito del tráfico, el riesgo que asumamos con nuestras conductas imprudentes, no sólo repercute sobre uno mismo, sino que pone en riesgo a las personas (conductores y peatones) con los que interactuamos. A lo largo de los diferentes apartados que conforman este libro, damos algunas pinceladas a cada uno de los elementos que hemos considerado conforman el “mecanismo cíclico de las medidas legislativas en el tráfico y la seguridad vial”, es decir, las medidas que regulan, supervisan, sancionan, juzgan el comportamiento vial de los usuarios de la vía. La composición, interacción, generalidades, particularidades…, de cada uno de estos elementos. La legislación, la normativa, las ordenanzas, regulaciones, como veremos, se establecen con el fin de que sean cumplidas, y con ello garantizar la seguridad vial. No obstante, en la realidad, en la vida cotidiana, no siempre ocurre así, por lo que se hace necesario establecer un mecanismo de control que sea capaz de advertir qué usuarios no cumplen con la normativa. Dependiendo del grado de cumplimiento y de sus consecuencias, será necesario establecer un sistema sancionador con el objetivo de persuadir a los infractores a cumplir la ley (bajo los principios del aprendizaje y del castigo). Debido a la heterogeneidad en los subgrupos de usuarios de la vía, nuevas tecnologías, regulaciones, densidad, etc. “siempre habrá infractores”, por lo que también periódicamente habrá que revisar, modificar las leyes, y en ocasiones, introducir otras nuevas leyes. Volviendo entonces al principio del proceso. Casi de forma cronológica iremos, en cada uno de los componentes, haciendo referencia a su descripción, generalidades, particularidades, objetivos y eficacia. Nos centraremos fundamentalmente en nuestro país, aunque siempre haremos referencia a nuestros vecinos europeos. Esta referencia consideramos que es obligatoria, en primer lugar por la riqueza que puede suponer una comparativa y/o crítica constructiva, y sobre todo por la tendencia a la convergencia europea que domina en esta área, la del tráfico, el transporte y la seguridad, convergencia en ocasiones ya oficial Hablamos de leyes, legisladores, de derecho, de fuerzas de seguridad del estado, de estructuras, jerarquización, organización, hablamos de la judicatura, jueces, potestad administrativa, del ius pudiendi, pero sobre todo hablamos de usuarios de la vía que son sometidos a leyes, que han de ser persuadidos para su cumplimiento, controlados y supervisados por su comportamiento, sancionados, juzgados, con un único objetivo “prevenir, evitar los accidentes garantizando la seguridad vial”. Desde una visión integral, sin tecnicismos innecesarios, desde una terminología lo más lega y profana posible abordaremos diferentes temáticas: En primer lugar nos hemos referido a la legislación, a las leyes de seguridad vial, al código de circulación, con relación a las principales conductas de riesgo que, por ende, son objeto máximo de regulación y control legal. No tanto a la descripción de las leyes sino a las necesidades y requisitos de su eficacia, así como a los fenómenos que son inherentes a su potencial acatamiento o quebrantamiento. En segundo lugar, hemos abordado el control y la supervisión de la legislación, sus objetivos y eficacia, como preámbulo de la ejecución del sistema de sanciones. Por último, la sanción, su por qué, su fundamentación, su eficacia, su tendencia, las cuestiones que deriva. La sanción, desde el punto de vista administrativo y penal, está marcando una tendencia clara, endurecer las leyes, endurecer las sanciones. Socialmente se reclama la penalización de los delitos. Es lógico, hablamos de muertos, de lesionados, de víctimas inocentes. Se busca castigar al que mata, con una pistola, con un vehículo… Al fin y al cabo para los familiares de aquel que ha sido asesinado por un conductor ebrio, que conduce a una velocidad excediendo los límites permitidos, al que la mayoría de usuarios circula o debería circular de acuerdo con la ley, es un asesino. Y los asesinos, los homicidas, deben ser juzgados por los tribunales de lo penal. No somos juristas, no somos magistrados, no somos expertos policiales, todos somos usuarios de la vía que vamos a reflexionar.
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Subjects who judged speed in a driving scenario overestimated how fast they could decelerate when speeding compared to when keeping within the speed limit (Svenson, 2009). The purpose of the present studies were to replicate studies conducted in Europe with subjects in the U.S., to study the influence of speed unit (kph vs. mph), affective reactions to outcome (collision) and identity of main actor (driver) on braking speed judgments. The results replicated the European findings and the outcome affective factor (passing a line/killing a child) and the actor factor (subject/driver in general) had significant effects on judgments of braking speed. The results were related to psychological theory and applied implications were discussed.
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Data had been collected from a structured sample of just over 18 500 drivers using a postal questionnaire, to determine the relationship between their accident liability—defined as the expected number of accident involvement per year—and their exposure to driving, age, driving experience, sex and socio-economic group. The statistical model developed from this data suggests that accident liability is dependent mainly on the driver’s exposure (total annual mileage), age and driving experience measured as the number of years since passing the test. Accident involvements per year are not directly proportional to mileage. Accident involvements per year fall with both age and driving experience; the effect of experience (the learning curve) is particularly steep. Men have higher accident liabilities than women at all ages. The differences between the socio-economic groups are small.