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How States Can Reduce the Dropout Rate for Undocumented Immigrant Youth: The Effects of In-State Resident Tuition Policies

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... While some recent empirical work has explored these issues (Flores 2010;Kaushal 2008;Potochnick 2010), it is limited by a focus on a single point in the educational pipeline and by measurement issues in identifying the undocumented population. Our purpose in this article is to overcome these limitations by using a novel method for inferring the legal status of respondents in a nationally representative survey and examining the educational burden of "being illegal" for MCA youth at multiple points in their educational trajectories. ...
... Another weakness of prior empirical research on this topic is that it has not evaluated the extent to which gaps in college enrollment are due to undocumented high school graduates being less likely to enroll in college or to their lower rates of high school completion. Potochnick (2010) provides an initial examination into this topic, by examining the effect of state higher education tuition policies on undocumented youths' likelihood of high school dropout, but using the same CPS-based measurement tool for identifying undocumented youth. ...
... Most notable are access to federal financial aid and, in some states, reduced in-state tuition. Previous work has investigated the effects of state policies on both high school dropout and college enrollment for Mexican noncitizens, finding that in-state tuition is related to both lower risk of dropout (Potochnick 2010) and slightly higher rates of college enrollment (Flores 2010;Kashual 2008). We tested whether undocumented students' eligibility for in-state tuition attenuated the gap between undocumented and documented immigrant youth in college enrollment, but found little evidence of effect. ...
Article
This study uses the Survey of Income and Program Participation to infer the legal status of Mexican and Central American immigrant youth and to investigate its relationship with educational attainment. We assess differences by legal status in high school graduation and college enrollment, decompose differences in college enrollment into the probability of high school graduation and the probability of high school graduates' enrollment in college and estimate the contributions of personal and family background characteristics to such differences. Results show that undocumented students are less likely than documented students to both graduate from high school and enroll in college, and differences in college enrollment cannot be explained by family background characteristics. We conclude that legal status is a critical axis of stratification for Latinos.
... Therefore, regardless of the target group, exclusionary policies tend to create conditions for discrimination against noncitizens in general (Esbenshade and Obzurt 2007). Similarly, inclusive policies are likely to have positive effects on both citizens and noncitizens as they foster an environment that promotes social integration (Flores 2009;Marrow 2012;Menjívar 2014;Potochnick 2014). Indeed, Marrow (2012) examined the effect of an inclusive city-level policy context on immigrants' health care and found that it helped reduce legal status disparities in access to care. ...
... Little is known about how state immigrant policies are related to economic outcomes among immigrants of different races/ethnicities. Existing research on the effects of state immigrant policies has focused almost entirely on their impact among Latino immigrants and on outcomes such as health status (Galeucia and Hirsch 2016;Hatzenbuehler et al. 2016;Martinez et al. 2013), access to and utilization of health services (Rhodes et al. 2015;White et al. 2014), educational attainment (Flores 2009;Potochnick 2014), socioemotional consequences (Santos and Menjívar 2013), migration patterns (Leerkes et al. 2012), and racial stratification (Browne and Odem 2012). These studies provide evidence that inclusive policies are associated with better outcomes among some immigrant groups. ...
... These studies provide evidence that inclusive policies are associated with better outcomes among some immigrant groups. For example, prior studies have found that foreign-born Mexican and Latino youth have higher college enrollment and graduation rates in states that extended in-state tuition benefits to undocumented students (Flores 2009;Potochnick 2014). ...
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Over the last 20 years, policymaking related to immigrant populations has increasingly been conducted at the state-level. State immigrant polices may influence immigrant poverty by determining immigrants’ level of access to social, economic, political, and health resources and by shaping the social environment. Further, these immigrant policies may shape the stratification between citizens and noncitizens, potentially contributing to distinct patterns of disparities in poverty by both citizenship and race/ethnicity. To assess the relationship between immigrant policy and socioeconomic stratification of immigrants across citizenship status and race/ethnicity in the U.S., we combined data from the 2014 American Community Survey and a measure of level of inclusion of state immigrant policies. We estimated fixed-effects logistic regressions to test the associations between poverty and the interaction of level of inclusiveness, citizenship, and race/ethnicity, controlling for state- and individual-level characteristics. Results showed that there are significant disparities in poverty by citizenship status and race/ethnicity. Asian/Pacific Islander (API) noncitizens experienced lower levels of poverty in states with higher levels of inclusion. Both Latino and API citizens experienced lower levels of poverty in states with higher versus lower levels of inclusion. Among Latinos, the gap in poverty rates between noncitizens and citizens is larger in more inclusive than less inclusive ones, suggesting that the potential positive impact of more inclusive environments does not necessarily translate to the most vulnerable Latino group. The level of inclusion was not associated with differences among Whites and Blacks. Findings suggest that states with more inclusive immigrant policies may foster environments that advance the economic well-being of API noncitizens, as well as API and Latino citizens.
... We also examined whether the sample came from an established or new/emerging state in the United States for Hispanic/Latino individuals as an additional proxy for the ecological context. Drawing on theories of segmented assimilation (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001), scholars propose that geographic areas of the United States differ in type of destination for Hispanic/Latino individuals, which may represent distinct contexts in which individuals' and families' lives are situated (Potochnick, 2014). Established destinations, with long-term and substantial presence of Hispanic/Latino populations, may offer some advantages, including a strong infrastructure and institutional supports (government, education, service agencies) to meet the needs of immigrants (Potochnick, 2014) and resources to provide services in Spanish, translate materials, and offer English as a second language (ESL) instruction in the schools. ...
... Drawing on theories of segmented assimilation (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001), scholars propose that geographic areas of the United States differ in type of destination for Hispanic/Latino individuals, which may represent distinct contexts in which individuals' and families' lives are situated (Potochnick, 2014). Established destinations, with long-term and substantial presence of Hispanic/Latino populations, may offer some advantages, including a strong infrastructure and institutional supports (government, education, service agencies) to meet the needs of immigrants (Potochnick, 2014) and resources to provide services in Spanish, translate materials, and offer English as a second language (ESL) instruction in the schools. These characteristics of established destinations may be promotive features of the context for Hispanic/Latino families. ...
... Between 2000 and 2010, for example, several states in the southern region of the United States (e.g., North Carolina, Georgia) experienced more than 100% growth in their Latino/a populations (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Challenges for new and emerging destinations may include more limited providers to offer bilingual services and meet the unique needs of newly arrived immigrants, as well as limited resources within educational settings and institutions to meet this population's needs (Potochnick, 2014). These features of new destinations reflect potential inhibiting factors for Hispanic/Latino families (García Coll et al., 1996). ...
... Methodologically, a distinguishing characteristic of the studies analyzing the effects of giving access to in-state tuition rates for UIS has been merely to estimate the population targeted by the policy (i.e., UIS). Because no U.S. government agency directly registers undocumented migrants (Passel, 2005), studies that have measured the overall effects of the policy on a group of states or a single state have had to work with samples of Hispanics or Mexicans who are highly likely to be undocumented using the Current Population Survey (CPS; Amuedo-Dorantes & Sparber, 2014;Darolia & Potochnick, 2015;Flores, 2010aFlores, , 2010bFlores & Chapa, 2009;Kaushal, 2008;Potochnick, 2014) or the American Community Survey (ACS; Chin & Juhn, 2011). However, studies that examined the policy effects at the institutional level identified UIS through the use of specific administrative databases that report the students affected by the policy (Conger & Turner, 2015;Dickson & Pender, 2013). ...
... Darolia and Potochnick (2015) found that in-state tuition results in positive effects of approximately 2 percentage point on college enrollment of Latino foreign-born noncitizens (FBNCs); however, their results are only marginally significant. Potochnick (2014), examining the effects on a different indicator, but also employing difference-in-differences strategy, found that ISRT policies allowing access to ISRT for UIS caused a statistically significant reduction of 8 percentage points in the proportion of young Mexican (ages 16-19) unauthorized immigrants that drop out of high school. ...
... Drawing primarily on research designs from studies that estimate effects across states (Chin & Juhn, 2011;Flores, 2010b;Kaushal, 2008;Potochnick, 2014) and building upon some elements of those studies focused on the estimation of differentiated state effects (Flores, 2010a;Flores & Chapa, 2009), the aim is to isolate the independent effects of policies prohibiting the access to ISRT for UIS on three educational outcomes: the college participation rates of UIS, the high school dropout rates among UIS, and the college participation rates of native and naturalized citizens. ...
Article
This research examines the effects of state laws banning access to in-state resident tuition for unauthorized immigrant students in the United States. These laws were implemented between 2005 and 2012. We evaluate the policy effects on (a) college enrollment, (b) school dropout rates of unauthorized immigrants, and (c) the enrollment of U.S. citizens in higher education. Multivariate triple-differences models are used. We find significant negative effects on the college attendance rates of unauthorized immigrants. Policies have primarily affected recent high school graduates. With regard to dropping out of school, we find no evidence of dynamic effects. Nor do we find evidence of benefits in college attendance for non-Hispanic, Hispanic, or Mexican naturalized citizens.
... Though the act has been introduced to Congress several times since 2001, it has not passed. Nevertheless, thirteen states allow unauthorized students, who meet residency and high school graduation requirements in their states, to attend a state university at in-state resident tuition rates (Potochnick 2014). Using Mexican foreign-born noncitizens as a proxy for undocumented youth, studies evaluating the educational consequences of in-state resident tuition (IRT) policies for unauthorized youth suggest that these policies raise their educational expectations and improve their educational attainment (Kaushal 2008;Potochnick 2014). ...
... Nevertheless, thirteen states allow unauthorized students, who meet residency and high school graduation requirements in their states, to attend a state university at in-state resident tuition rates (Potochnick 2014). Using Mexican foreign-born noncitizens as a proxy for undocumented youth, studies evaluating the educational consequences of in-state resident tuition (IRT) policies for unauthorized youth suggest that these policies raise their educational expectations and improve their educational attainment (Kaushal 2008;Potochnick 2014). Other states, such as North Carolina, have legislation pending that would not only prevent unauthorized students from receiving in-state tuition discounts but would completely ban admission to community colleges or universities for students who "do not have a lawful immigration status under federal law" (NILC 2013). ...
Article
Latino immigrant adolescents have the highest high school dropout rates of any race-ethnic or nativity group in the United States. One potential reason for high dropout rates among Latino immigrant youth is that many are unauthorized entrants. These unauthorized Latino immigrant youth have few opportunities to attend college, and, as they become aware of barriers to their educational progress and employment, they may lower their educational expectations. Using data from the Latino adolescent migration, health, and adaptation project (N = 275), we examine the association of unauthorized entry into the U.S. with the educational expectations of Latino immigrant youth. We find that adolescents entering the U.S. without authorization have lower educational expectations than those who enter with authorization. These differences in their expectations persist after controlling for differences in their pre-migration, migration, and post-migration experiences. Policies and programs that reduce barriers to higher education and labor market opportunities can potentially help to foster higher educational expectations among unauthorized immigrant youth and may promote their high school completion.
... Approximately 11.0% of Mexican-origin Latino/a 16-24 year-olds have not obtained a high school diploma and are not enrolled in school-over twice the dropout rate of non-Latino whites (National Center for Education Statistics 2016). Even though poor socioeconomic origins and the difficulties associated with unauthorized status likely contribute to disadvantaged educational outcomes among Mexican-origin youth, there is a growing body of research showing that differences in educational contexts, including the attributes of states, local communities, and schools, create stratified educational outcomes within the Mexican-origin population across the socioeconomic spectrum (Crosnoe 2005;Fischer 2010;Kaushal 2008;Portes and Hao 2004;Potochnick 2014a). This research focuses on immigrant destinations as contextual determinants of school non-enrollment among adolescents of Mexican origin. ...
... Latino/a teenagers with unauthorized status, for example, may disengage from school when state policies limit their ability to access affordable higher education (Bohon et al. 2005;Gonzales 2011). To be sure, a lack of in-state tuition policies for immigrants has been shown to increase high school dropout rates (Potochnick 2014a) and decrease college enrollment and attainment among non-citizen Mexican-origin adolescents and young adults (Kaushal 2008). States also set the minimum dropout age, enact rules governing teacher certification, establish accountability measures that are used to judge school quality, and contribute to school revenues, which indirectly influence student dropout through effects on schools (Fitzpatrick and Yoels 1992). ...
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Adolescents of Mexican origin have higher than average school dropout rates, but the risk of school non-enrollment among this subgroup varies substantially across geographic areas. This study conducts a multilevel logistic regression analysis of data from the 2005–2009 American Community Survey to evaluate whether spatial heterogeneity in school non-enrollment rates among Mexican-origin youth (n = 71,269) can be attributed to the histories of states and local areas as Mexican Latino/a receiving gateways. This study also determines whether the association between new destinations and school non-enrollment varies within the Mexican-origin population by nativity and duration of residence. Net of background controls, the risk of non-enrollment does not differ significantly between Mexican-origin youth living in states that are newer Mexican Latino/a gateways versus those in more established destinations, in part because Mexican-origin school non-enrollment rates are heterogeneous across newer destination states. At the more local Public Use Microdata Area level, however, Mexican-origin youth in newer gateways have a higher risk of non-enrollment than those in established destinations, revealing the importance of local-level contexts as venues for integration. The disparity in non-enrollment between Mexican-origin youth in new versus established destination PUMAs is apparent for all generational groups, but is widest among 1.25-generation adolescents who arrived in the country as teenagers, suggesting that local new destinations are particularly ill-equipped to deal with the educational needs of migrant newcomers.
... green card holders) from receiving federally-funded safety net programs (under the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act; Fix and Passel, 2002); and 2) prohibiting states from providing in-state resident tuition benefits to undocumented immigrants (under the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act; Flores, 2009). Research suggests both of these provisions increased immigrant youths' risk for school failure by reducing familial resources (Kalil and Crosby, 2010;Borjas, 2004;Van Hook and Balistreri, 2006) and discouraging high school completion (Potochnick 2014) and post-secondary enrollment (Flores, 2009;Kaushal, 2008). Moreover, these studies suggest that the negative effects of these policies were not limited to undocumented and non-citizen immigrants but had spillover effects on all children of immigrants. ...
Article
The 1990s marked the beginning of a new era of immigration in terms of volume and settlement patterns and also witnessed significant changes in the social contexts confronting immigrants. These changes could have significant repercussions for immigrant youth. While previous research on high school dropout behavior suggests immigrant youth are faring better in U.S. schools, our research provides a less optimistic outlook. Using the National Educational Longitudinal Study (1988) and Educational Longitudinal Study (2002), we use multivariate analysis, regression decomposition, and fixed effect models to examine how reading and math test scores of children of immigrants changed during the 1990s.
... The logical-imputation method is similar to the first part of the Pew/Passel method. We tested it separately from the demographic accounting method because it is sometimes used to proxy legal status in policy analyses (e.g., Bohn et al. 2014;Bozick and Miller 2014;Flores 2010;Kaushal 2006;Potochnick 2014). It codes as legal those in the target data who have characteristics that make it very unlikely they are unauthorized (i.e., those who are "probably legal"), and all others as unauthorized. ...
Article
Researchers have developed logical, demographic, and statistical strategies for imputing immigrants' legal status, but these methods have never been empirically assessed. We used Monte Carlo simulations to test whether, and under what conditions, legal status imputation approaches yield unbiased estimates of the association of unauthorized status with health insurance coverage. We tested five methods under a range of missing data scenarios. Logical and demographic imputation methods yielded biased estimates across all missing data scenarios. Statistical imputation approaches yielded unbiased estimates only when unauthorized status was jointly observed with insurance coverage; when this condition was not met, these methods overestimated insurance coverage for unauthorized relative to legal immigrants. We next showed how bias can be reduced by incorporating prior information about unauthorized immigrants. Finally, we demonstrated the utility of the best-performing statistical method for increasing power. We used it to produce state/regional estimates of insurance coverage among unauthorized immigrants in the Current Population Survey, a data source that contains no direct measures of immigrants' legal status. We conclude that commonly employed legal status imputation approaches are likely to produce biased estimates, but data and statistical methods exist that could substantially reduce these biases.
... While the national DREAM Act has not been passed by Congress (as of the writing of this report), several states have enacted laws that offer in-state tuition to undocumented immigrants. An evaluation of these policies found that the laws decreased high school dropout rates for likely undocumented Mexican immigrants by seven percent, while dropout rates for white, black, and Hispanic youth remained unchanged (Potochnick, 2011). ...
... 1. This study focused on non-citizens who were operationalized as undocumented, undocumented with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), non-citizens with Temporary Protected Status, or legal U.S. residents, similar to other studies (Flores, 2010;Potochnick, 2014). The transitory nature of immigration status can lead undocumented students to move between undocumented, DACAmented, and temporary protected status. ...
Article
Undocumented Latina/o college students face obstacles and stressors; their stressful experiences and academic strengths merit empirical attention. This cross-sectional, mixed-methods study explored stress, depression, grit, and grade point average (GPA) of 84 non-citizen, Latina/o first-generation college students with a comparison group of 180 citizen, Latina/o first-generation college students in Maryland. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 21 non-citizens and 26 citizens, after conducting a quantitative online survey. Immigrant status moderated the relation between depression and GPA in addition to grit and depression. Qualitative findings suggested that stress for citizens and non-citizens centered on financing college, but non-citizens faced additional stress due to policies pertaining to immigration status. Both groups displayed grit in navigating obstacles and contained their emotions with positive self-talk, but most non-citizens did not turn to anyone outside of the family for support. Findings hold implications for ecological processes and achievement among Latina/o undocumented college students.
... In an economic era where the financial and employment consequences of high school dropout have never been higher, the decision to leave high school early will have lasting implications for the well-being of undocumented immigrant youth and the states in which they reside (Potochnick 2014). An implication for state legislators and governors who oppose supporting DREAM and IRT-related policies would be that they are, in fact, hindering our society from being composed of, to the fullest extent, educated citizens. ...
Article
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Historically, undocumented students have been unable to attend public and private institutions of higher education in the United States. Lack of citizenship and/or financial aid precludes many from ever applying to college or other post-secondary institutions. This can create feelings of oppression, stigmatization, and/or inferiority for undocumented youth, who had no say in their ever coming to the United States. In the absence of a sustainable federal law that facilitates higher education attainment for this population, some states have enacted their own permissive policies. The present study utilizes a critical consciousness framework and a constant comparative approach to explore one permissive policy in a focal state. To this end, the authors attempt to answer the question of what motivates undocumented students, through the lens of critical consciousness, to engage in political activism, and what is the role of adult-allies? Findings support and extend our understanding of critical consciousness dimensions, vis-à-vis the revelation of ten themes and subthemes unique to this sample. Implications for policy, practice, and future research are also discussed.
... Prior scholarship on sanctuary cities has explored the public's perceptions of sanctuary policies and the impacts of their adoption on deportation and crime Martínez et al., 2018;Ortiz et al., 2021), reflecting public narratives linking migration and criminality . There is some evidence that inclusive state and local immigration climates may be associated with less poverty among immigrants in general and improve healthcare utilization among undocumented immigrants in particular (De Trinidad Young et al., 2018;Marrow, 2012;Potochnick, 2014). Moreover, prior research has found that these inclusive local policies have the potential to shape federal immigration policies, including increased recognition of the health needs of immigrants (Aboii, 2016). ...
Article
As the United States (U.S.) continues to prioritize federal immigration enforcement, subnational localities increasingly enact their own immigration policies. Cities limiting cooperation with federal immigration enforcement are commonly referred to as sanctuary cities, which aim to improve immigrant safety and wellbeing. Yet, little is known about how these cities accomplish this beyond immigration enforcement non-cooperation. We draw from qualitative interviews with 54 organizational workers in Seattle, Washington and Boston, Massachusetts. Our findings illuminate lingering challenges immigrants face within sanctuary cities and demonstrate how organizational workers mitigate the shortcomings of sanctuary policies to addressing broad definitions of safety and health by enacting their own sanctuary practices.
... Research has also shown the damage that restrictions to higher education can have on the K-12 system and the overall society. Potochnick (2014) suggests that access to higher education can have a substantial impact on the dropout rate in the immigrant community. He found that states which allow for in-state tuition for undocumented students had an average decrease in dropouts of nearly 20 points from 42% to 34% for non-citizen Mexican student immigrants. ...
Article
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This qualitative, narrative study explores the stories of three DACA (Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals) recipients in the state of South Carolina who have had to face educational and career restrictions due to their immigration status. This article examines how the students came to the country, their early educational experiences, how they learned about the state restrictions, and how it has affected their lives. A common theme emerges of the students having to cross a second border of state policy in order to pursue their educational and career goals.
... ISRT policies also increased school enrollment (Bozick & Miller, 2014), and decreased both the likelihood of dropping out of high school (Koohi, 2017;Potochnick, 2014) and teenage childbearing (Koohi, 2017), each of which carry direct implications for subsequent college enrollment. Importantly, ISRT benefits induced higher college enrollment among female youth (Koohi, 2017) and older high school graduates (Flores, 2010a). ...
Article
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Ineligibility for state financial aid has traditionally limited undocumented students’ access to higher education. Since 2013, the California Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (CA-DREAM) has made state-supported aid available to undocumented college students with demonstrated financial need. We use a difference-in-difference strategy and administrative data to examine the impact of the policy on undocumented community college students’ enrollment behaviors and postsecondary outcomes. The availability of CA-DREAM aid for these students, in the form of enrollment fee waivers, drew in undocumented Hispanic male students, students with lower average incoming high school GPAs, and those who increased their 11th to 12th grade achievement. Receiving DREAM aid significantly increased the average number of units attempted and completed and, in some cases, improved persistence and attainment outcomes. Undocumented students receiving aid achieved at similar levels as U.S. citizen peers receiving aid and better than their undocumented peers not receiving aid.
... Multiple studies 7. 8 Perreira show that Asian and Hispanic/Latino communities feel threatened by anti-immigrant sentiment in the states in which they reside and experience lower quality of life as well as high rates of discrimination, acculturative stress, and psychological distress regardless of their legal-residency status (6,11,18,72,107,113,118). Moreover, state-level restrictive policies (e.g., E-verify) have been associated with greater unemployment among Mexican noncitizen men and higher poverty rates, whereas more inclusive policies (e.g., IRT benefits) have been associated with increased high school graduation rates and college enrollment (63,91,101,148). ...
Article
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Public policies play a crucial role in shaping how immigrants adapt to life in the United States. Federal, state, and local laws and administrative practices impact immigrants' access to education, health insurance and medical care, cash assistance, food assistance, and other vital services. Additionally, immigration enforcement activities have substantial effects on immigrants' health and participation in public programs, as well as effects on immigrants' families. This review summarizes the growing literature on the consequences of public policies for immigrants' health. Some policies are inclusive and promote immigrants' adaptation to the United States, whereas other policies are exclusionary and restrict immigrants' access to public programs as well as educational and economic opportunities. We explore the strategies that researchers have employed to tease out these effects, the methodological challenges of undertaking such studies, their varying impacts on immigrant health, and steps that can be undertaken to improve the health of immigrants and their families.
... The accumulated effect creates a further synergy of negative perceptions of immigrants that is difficult to dispel. For example, in states that allow many undocumented residents to pay instate tuition to public colleges, also offer access to a driver's license that allows young adults to better convert their increased access to higher education into better paying jobs that, in turn, will improve their economic well-being, their access to health insurance coverage, and other health-promoting opportunities (Potochnick, 2014;Rhodes et al., 2015). These policies, in turn, help the broader community benefit from an improved tax base resulting from higher levels of employment. ...
Article
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Background: Many conceptual frameworks that touch on immigration and health have been published over the past several years. Most discuss broad social trends or specific immigrant policies, but few address how the policy environment affects the context of settlement and incorporation. Research on the social determinants of health shows how policies across multiple sectors have an impact on health status and health services, but has not yet identified the policies most important for immigrants. Understanding the range and content of state-level policies that impact immigrant populations can focus health in all policies initiatives as well as contextualize future research on immigrant health. Methods: Our framework identifies state-level policies across five different domains that impact the health of immigrants and that vary across states, especially for those without legal status. Our scan shows that immigrants are exposed to different contexts, ranging from relatively inclusive to highly exclusive; a number of states have mixed trends that are more inclusive in some areas, but exclusive in others. Finally, we examine how the relative inclusiveness of state policies are associated with state-level demographic and political characteristics. Results: Contrary to the image that exclusive policies are a reaction to large immigrant populations that may compete for jobs and cultural space, we find that the higher the proportion of foreign born and Hispanics in the state, the more inclusive the set of policies; while the higher the proportion of Republican voters, the less inclusive. Conclusions: Variation across immigrant policies is much larger than the variation in state demographic and political characteristics, suggesting that state-level policies need to be included as a possible independent, contextual effect, when assessing immigrant health outcomes. This policy framework can be particularly useful in bridging our understanding of how large macro processes are connected to the daily lives and health of immigrants.
... These two comparison groups have also been used in prior studies on effects of in-state tuition policies (e.g. Kaushal, 2008;Flores, 2010;Potochnick, 2014;Amuedo-Dorantes and Sparber, 2014;Chin and Juhn, 2011;Bozick and Miller, 2014) We conducted two tests to check the validity of this assumption. Specifically, we restrict our sample to young adults living in states that did not have any in-state tuition or college enrollment policy for the undocumented. ...
Article
This paper examines how a reduction in the cost of college for undocumented students affects college enrollment and adolescent risky behaviors. Prior to 2001, undocumented students in the United States faced high out-of-state tuition costs at public colleges and universities. From 2001 to 2014, twenty-one states passed in-state tuition policies, reducing the average cost of college by more than half for these students. To the extent that teens are forward-looking and aware that lower tuition increases the likelihood of attending college, this price reduction should decrease the incidence of risky behavior during adolescence among the undocumented. Exploiting the variation in timing of in-state tuition policies across states and using Mexican foreign-born non-citizenship as a proxy for undocumented status, I find that these policies increase college enrollment by about 1.2 percentage points (12% of the sample mean), decrease high school dropout incidence by about 5 percentage points for female youth (27% of the sample mean), and decrease the likelihood of first birth before age 20 by 2 percentage points (9% of the sample mean).
Article
This original, qualitative research analyzed in-depth interviews with five undocumented, college-age, Latino DREAM Act advocates in a single state. An organizational empowerment framework was utilized to explore processes allied with such advocacy. Four emergent themes transcended the data inductively: (1) Challenging Social Injustice, which pertains to participant motivations for involvement; (2) Inherent Connection, which pertains to the unique personal experiences among DREAM-ers; (3) Combatting Internalized Stigma, which pertains to overcoming the shame or embarrassment of an undocumented identity; and (4) Civic Literacy, which pertains to political proficiencies that participants acquired throughout their DREAM Act involvement. Implications are discussed.
Article
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) is the first large-scale immigration policy to affect undocumented immigrants in the United States in decades and offers eligible undocumented youth temporary relief from deportation as well as renewable work permits. Although DACA has improved the economic conditions and mental health of undocumented immigrants, we do not know how DACA improves the social mobility of undocumented immigrants through its effect on educational attainment. We use administrative data on students attending a large public university to estimate the effect of DACA on undocumented students' educational outcomes. The data are unique because they accurately identify students' legal status, account for individual heterogeneity, and allow separate analysis of students attending community colleges versus four-year colleges. Results from difference-in-difference estimates demonstrate that as a temporary work permit program, DACA incentivizes work over educational investments but that the effect of DACA on educational investments depends on how easily colleges accommodate working students. At four-year colleges, DACA induces undocumented students to make binary choices between attending school full-time and dropping out of school to work. At community colleges, undocumented students have the flexibility to reduce course work to accommodate increased work hours. Overall, the results suggest that the precarious and temporary nature of DACA creates barriers to educational investments.
Article
The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) executive order intended to protect undocumented youth from deportation and mitigate the negative impact of their undocumented status. Using qualitative methods, eight DACA recipients were interviewed. Participants were primarily females, ranged in age from 19 and 27 years old, and had immigrated from Mexico. Our findings revealed that as participants grew up, they experienced a sense of liminality, or “non-belonging”; however, upon receiving DACA status, these feelings of liminality were temporarily abated. Problematically, as our participants encountered the limitations of DACA, their feelings of liminality returned. While DACA increases access to education, health care, and legal system participation, it only temporarily mitigates the impact of having an undocumented status. The ramifications of the sense of liminality that occur with being undocumented is discussed and policy reforms in areas of federal and state educational policy and immigration policy are suggested.
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As primary agents of socialization, families and schools can powerfully shape the academic adaptation of youth. Using data from the Social Identification and Academic Adaptation studies, we compare the family and school environments of Latino high school seniors living in a new destination, North Carolina, with those living in an established destination, Los Angeles. We then evaluate how family and school environments influence their educational aspirations, expectations, and performance. We find that parents’ achievement expectations promote Latino youths’ academic success, while perceived future family obligations inhibit them. Additionally, we find that schools remain essential in promoting Latino immigrant youths’ achievement by providing a supportive and safe learning environment. Discrimination in schools and the broader community is associated with lower educational expectations and aspirations but not lower academic performance.
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Approximately 65,000 undocumented students graduate from high school in the U.S. each year (Gonzales, 2008; Perez, 2015). These students often face a multitude of challenges in pursuing higher education, especially with regard to financing it (Abrego, 2006; Buenavista & Chen, 2013; Perez et al., 2010; Contreras, 2009). Scholars have determined that one policy which positively impacts undocumented students’ access to higher education is offering in-state tuition, as opposed to charging higher fees (Bozick & Miller, 2014; Potochnik, 2014; Flores, 2010; Darolia & Potochnick, 2015; Kaushnik, 2008). This policy analysis explores the social and economic impacts of increasing access to higher education among undocumented populations through in-state tuition policies.
Article
This paper presents an analysis of the effects of in-state resident tuition (IRT) policies, which allow undocumented immigrants to pay in-state rather than out-of state tuition, on when and where undocumented immigrant students enroll, and how they finance their education. We identify effects based on differences in pre- and post-policy outcomes between those covered and not covered by the policy, net of the educational trends of citizens. Using data from two nationally representative data sources and multiple citizen comparison groups, we find that IRT policies affect when students’ enroll in college, and can have implications for other key educational decisions, including where and how to attend.
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We explore whether fear of apprehension affects immigrants' labor market engagement by examining how Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) removals due to immigration violations and increased awareness of immigration raids impact their labor market outcomes. We find that ICE deportations are associated with reductions in the labor force participation and employment of likely undocumented immigrants when compared to similarly skilled foreign‐born US citizens. Effects are particularly strong among women, especially those with children, as well as in industries likely targeted by ICE raids. Controlling for perceived threats and de jure immigration policies has little impact on these results.
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Policy Points • Although immigration policy is recognized as a social determinant of health, less is known about how mechanisms, such as news coverage of policy, influence intermediary and proximal health processes like seeking health care. • The extent of news coverage of federal, state, and local exclusionary or integration immigration policies can influence public agendas regarding immigrant inclusion and exclusion. • Exclusionary federal immigrant policies have dominated the news across the United States over the past ten years, despite active immigrant integration policymaking at national, state, and local levels. Context Immigration policymaking at federal, state, and local levels in the United States has proliferated in the past decade. While evidence demonstrates that immigration policy is a determinant of health, there has been limited examination of the mechanisms by which policy influences proximal health processes. News coverage has served as a central platform for debates over restrictive and inclusive immigration policies and may constitute an important health mechanism by shaping public agendas, influencing support for immigrant exclusion or inclusion, and framing policy issues, thereby influencing immigrants’ social climates. This study sought to examine the extent of news coverage of exclusionary and inclusive immigration policy at federal and state levels and variations in messages about immigrants during two periods of extensive policymaking. Methods We conducted a quantitative content analysis of newspapers’ coverage of immigration policy between 2010 and 2013 and between 2017 and 2019. We conducted a systematic NewsBank search of articles covering legislation, lawsuits, and other policies related to immigration (n = 931). Articles were coded for policy type and level, positive or negative framing of immigrants, and other characteristics. Our analysis then compared the patterns of the two periods. Results In both periods, the majority of coverage focused on exclusionary policies at the federal level, despite a significant increase in integration policies between 2017 and 2019. We found significant shifts in both the negative and positive framing of immigrants, from the dominant negative messages of immigrants as an economic drain to immigrants as criminals and the dominant positive messages of immigrants’ economic contributions to immigrants as families. Conclusions Since 2010, coverage of exclusionary federal policy has consistently dominated the news, as messages have increasingly described immigrants as either criminals or part of families. We discuss the health implications and future research directions of news coverages’ role in influencing the immigration policy and social contexts that have been linked to health outcomes.
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Objectives: Policy-making related to immigrant populations is increasingly conducted at the state-level. State policy contexts may influence health insurance coverage by determining noncitizens’ access to social and economic resources and shaping social environments. Using nationally representative data, we investigate the relationship between level of inclusion of state immigrant policies and health insurance coverage and its variation by citizenship and race/ethnicity. Methods: Data included a measure of level of inclusion of the state policy context from a scan of 10 policies enacted prior to 2014 and data for adults ages 18–64 from the 2014 American Community Survey. A fixed-effects logistic regression model tested the association between having health insurance and the interaction of level of inclusiveness, citizenship, and race/ethnicity, controlling for state- and individual-level characteristics. Results: Latino noncitizens experienced higher rates of being insured in states with higher levels of inclusion, while Asian/Pacific Islander noncitizens experienced lower levels. The level of inclusion was not associated with differences in insurance coverage among noncitizen Whites and Blacks. Conclusions: Contexts with more inclusive immigrant policies may have the most benefit for Latino noncitizens.
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Unauthorized immigrants account for approximately one-fourth of all immigrants in the United States, yet they dominate public perceptions and are at the heart of a policy impasse. Caught in the middle are the children of these immigrants-youth who are coming of age and living in the shadows. An estimated 5.5 million children and adolescents are growing up with unauthorized parents and are experiencing multiple and yet unrecognized developmental consequences as a result of their family's existence in the shadow of the law. Although these youth are American in spirit and voice, they are nonetheless members of families that are "illegal" in the eyes of the law. In this article, the authors develop a conceptual framework to systematically examine the ways in which unauthorized status affects the millions of children, adolescents, and emerging adults caught in its wake. The authors elucidate the various dimensions of documentation status-going beyond the binary of the "authorized" and "unauthorized." An ecological framework brings to the foreground a variety of systemic levels shaping the daily experiences of children and youth as they move through the developmental spectrum. The article moves on to examine a host of critical developmental outcomes that have implications for child and youth well-being as well as for our nation's future. Copyright © by the President and Fellows of Harvard College. All rights reserved.
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Legislatures across the country are currently polarized over the issue of immigration. Interest groups and lawmak-ers sympathetic to immigrants—those here both legally and illegally—push for legislation that would allow these groups access to public services and simplify the natural-ization process. On the other side, proponents of tighter borders and immigration reform believe that this group is a drain on national resources, costing the United States $45 billion a year. Regardless of one's position on the issue, it is undeniable that the children of these immigrants are in a particularly precarious situation. While undocumented students are allowed free public primary and secondary education, thanks to the 1982 decision in Plyler v. Doe, the path to lifelong learning and skills attainment, for many, may stop abruptly at high school graduation. The confusion caused by inconsistent state and federal policies concerning undocumented immigrants has rarely been addressed by the literature, in particular how this confusion affects higher education administrators. Litera-ture on this topic tends to be positional: either for or against undocumented student access to public higher education. This article attempts to fill that void by providing an overview of undocumented students and their access to public higher education. While the federal government is preeminent in matters of immigration policy, states also play a role in managing access to their systems of higher educa-tion, often in contradiction to federal code. As an illustra-tion, we will explore how Virginia is indecisive at both the institutional and legislative levels. Looking at these state and federal regulations will illustrate how this issue may affect higher education administrators and their institutions. Yet there are means of mitigating the consequences of access or lack thereof. Undocumented immigrants in the United States and education The Department of Homeland Security Office of Immi-gration Statistics has estimated that 10.5 million unauthor-ized immigrants were in the United States in January 2005. Mexico is the leading source country, with an estimated 6 million of its citizens residing illegally in the U.S. Califor-nia, Texas, Florida, New York, and Illinois are the main re-ceiver states, accounting for 58 percent of the unauthorized immigrant population in the U.S. Children figure heavily into this population: one of every five children born in the U.S. has a foreign-born parent. Researchers estimate that by 2015, the children of immigrants will make up as much as 30 percent of the nation's public school population. Immigrants to the U.S. tend to have lower educational attainment. Immigrants from Latin America and the Carib-bean have the least education, compared to those from Af-rica and Asia. The age at the time of immigration also affects educational attainment. Erisman and Looney report that children who enter the country between the ages of 13 and 19 achieve the lowest levels of education, compared to those who arrive at much younger ages. Additionally, immigrant students have higher unmet financial needs, which may deter educational attainment at the college level. A lack of information regarding higher education, family responsibili-ties, and inadequate academic preparation may also inhibit this population from pursuing higher levels of education. Yet despite these barriers, in 2003-04, immigrants made up 12 percent of the undergraduate student population in American colleges and universities. The pressure that this exploding population of students will place on the capacity of the nation's public higher education system must be ad-dressed by lawmakers and administrators alike. Federal laws, codes, and regulations that affect undocumented students The federal government has on many occasions attempt-ed to legislate issues regarding the presence of immigrants in the United States. Often these attempts overlap, confuse, and contradict. The same behavior by an immigrant may simultaneously be protected by a Supreme Court decision and punished by a federal statute. The following review of federal case and constitutional law illustrates this problem. In 1982, the Supreme Court rendered its decision on Plyler v. Doe, determining that undocumented children of unau-thorized immigrants have the right to free public primary and secondary education. This case prohibited the state of Texas from forcing these children (and their parents) to pay fees for public education and held that the state may not dis-criminate against undocumented children based on immi-gration status. This case did not address the issue of access to postsecondary education; however, it did demonstrate that residents of a state, regardless of immigration status, are allowed free public education in that state.
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Objective This study explores variation in stereotypes of U.S. immigrants from Latin America, the Middle East, Europe, and Asia. Method We exploit a split-ballot design in two waves of the Ohio Poll to test hypotheses about effects of contextual and respondent-level characteristics on immigrant stereotypes. ResultsRespondents generally rated Asian immigrants most positively and Latin American immigrants most negatively, with European and Middle Eastern immigrants occupying an intermediate position. Findings from regression analyses indicate little direct effect of county-level percent foreign born or media consumption. The strongest effects observed were income on stereotypes of Middle Eastern and Asian immigrants and concerns about the problem of unauthorized immigration on stereotypes of Latin American and Middle Eastern immigrants. Conclusion Our findings suggest that views about the characteristics of certain groups of immigrants are strongly linked to national-level debates about unauthorized immigration.
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The children of immigrants constitute the most consequential and lasting legacy of the new mass immigration to the United States. By the end of the 20th century, over 30 percent of the immigrant population of the United States resided in California, but over 40 percent of under-18 children of immigrants lived in California. Hence, the size and concentration of this emerging population, added to its diverse national and socioeconomic origins and forms of adaptation, make its present evolution extraordinarily important. This chapter was prepared for a volume commissioned by the National Research Council and Institute of Medicine to ascertain the current circumstances, health and development of children of immigrants in the United States. It presents the latest results of a comprehensive longitudinal study of the educational performance and social, cultural, and psychological adaptation of children of immigrants growing up in San Diego, California. The principal nationalities represented in the sample are Mexican, Filipino, Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and smaller groups of other children of Asian and Latin American immigrants. The data are drawn from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), which followed the progress of a large sample of teenagers who were originally interviewed in junior high when most were 14 or 15 years old, and again when they had reached the final year of senior high school and were making their passages to adulthood, firming up plans for their future as well as their outlooks on the surrounding society. The chapter examines a wide range of findings from that latest survey, focusing on changes observed over time — in their family situation, school achievement, educational and occupational aspirations, language use and preferences, ethnic identities, experiences and expectations of discrimination, and social and psychological adaptation — among youth in the San Diego longitudinal sample, and also on two key indices of psychological well-being: self-esteem and depression.
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In 1993, the creation of Georgia’s HOPE Scholarship Program accelerated interest in understanding the effects of merit-based student financial aid. This article compares a sample of “borderline” HOPE recipients (students just above the eligibility threshold) with similar nonrecipients to examine differences on four college performance outcomes. The HOPE Scholarship recipients accumulated more credit hours, achieved slightly higher grade point averages, and were more likely to have graduated after 4 years of college. In addition, HOPE recipients who attended 4-year institutions of higher education were more likely to persist in college. Most merit aid recipients lost their scholarships, however, which slightly reduced recipients’advantages on grade point average and credit hour accumulation. Differences in persistence and graduation are significant only for those who maintain eligibility for the scholarship, suggesting that scholarship retention is critical if merit aid programs are to help achieve several of the broad goals of higher education.
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This article focuses on the effects of an ambivalent legal status on Salvadoran and Guatemalan immigrants' experiences with the U.S. educational system, focusing on how liminal legality shapes access to educational opportunities and immigrants' perceptions of these opportunities. Drawing on the segmented assimilation framework and on thirty-four in-depth interviews conducted with Guatemalan and Salvadoran immigrants in Phoenix, Arizona, the author argues that an ambiguous legal status molds views and perceptions of educational prospects and, as such, is central in determining immigrants' place in the educational system. While waiting for their statuses to become regular, they dream of higher education—dreams that are for the most part unattainable. Their legality, while not the only determining factor, does exacerbate and facilitate other conditioning circumstances, such as financial difficulties, family separations, and so on, that also impinge on their educational prospects. This case highlights the importance of immigration policies in shaping assimilation in critical ways.
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This study examines the effect of in-state resident tuition legislation across the United States on the college enrollment odds of individuals likely to be undocumented Latino immigrants. The study employs a differences-indifferences strategy using data from the Current Population Survey's Merged Outgoing Rotation Groups. Foreign-born noncitizen Latinos living in states with a tuition policy were 1.54 times more likely to have enrolled in college after the policy's implementation than similar students in states without such legislation. Results are particular to Latino foreign-born noncitizens and not other minority groups with U.S. citizenship, including U.S.-born and naturalized Latinos.
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Few recent issues in higher education have been as contentious as that of legislation extending in-state college tuition benefits to undocumented students, initiatives now known as in-state resident tuition (ISRT) policies. Building on several strands of literature in political science and higher education studies, we analyze the effects of demographic, economic, political, and policy conditions on the likelihood of these initiatives becoming positioned for legislative action during the period 1999-2007. In particular, we develop and test a theoretical framework distilled from research on "descriptive and substantive representation" in U.S. politics. Our event history analysis finds that the percentage of female legislators (an indicator of descriptive representation), the percentage of the population that is foreign born, the level of unemployment, and the type of higher education governance in a state are associated with the likelihood of an ISRT initiative achieving the legislative agenda. To conclude, we explore several conceptual and policy implications of our findings.
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Many black youths and adults express a high regard for education even though their academic performance is poor. Utilizing a sample of 1,193 high school seniors, this article resolves the attitude-achievement paradox by demonstrating that attitudes toward education are multidimensional. The first dimension is composed of abstract attitudes that reflect the dominant ideology. The second dimension is composed of concrete attitudes that inform achievement behavior. Unlike abstract attitudes, these concrete attitudes are rooted in life experience in which educational credentials may not be fairly rewarded by the opportunity structure. The paradox of poor grades but positive attitudes toward education among blacks vanishes when concrete, rather than abstract, attitudes are related to high school grades. Substantively, the study reported in this article illustrates how race and class, which are large components of the social context of achievement, influence school outcomes.
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Post-1965 immigration to the United States has given rise to a vigorous literature focused on adult newcomers. There is, however, a growing new second generation whose prospects of adaptation cannot be gleaned from the experience of their parents or from that of children of European immigrants arriving at the turn of the century. We present data on the contemporary second generation and review the challenges that it confronts in seeking adaptation to American society. The concept of segmented assimilation is introduced to describe the diverse possible outcomes of this process of adaptation. The concept of modes of incorporation is used for developing a typology of vulnerability and resources affecting such outcomes. Empirical case studies illustrate the theory and highlight consequences of the different contextual situations facing today's second generation.
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This study uses the Survey of Income and Program Participation to infer the legal status of Mexican and Central American immigrant youth and to investigate its relationship with educational attainment. We assess differences by legal status in high school graduation and college enrollment, decompose differences in college enrollment into the probability of high school graduation and the probability of high school graduates' enrollment in college and estimate the contributions of personal and family background characteristics to such differences. Results show that undocumented students are less likely than documented students to both graduate from high school and enroll in college, and differences in college enrollment cannot be explained by family background characteristics. We conclude that legal status is a critical axis of stratification for Latinos.
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As more children of undocumented workers graduate from U.S. high schools, many states are considering laws to grant these students in-state tuition status. Kansas, which adopted such a law in 2004, was an unlikely venue for this kind of policy, considering the negative attitudes toward illegal immigrants among the state's residents as well as its relatively small share of Hispanic residents. We argue that the passage of Kansas's in-state tuition bill occurred in large measure due to the skill of its proponents in framing the issue as one of access to public education. We use a mix of qualitative and quantitative data to show how proponents of the in-state tuition bill were able to direct attention toward public education—an issue more electorally palatable to legislators and their constituents—and redirect attention away from immigration policy. The success of the bill in Kansas has some applicability for similar legislation under consideration in other states; however, as immigration policy has become more politically charged, proponents of in-state tuition for undocumented students will face renewed challenges in the legislative arena, as Kansas also demonstrates.
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After more than 15 years of comparative study of minority education, I concluded that I would have to study two additional factors, namely collective identity and cultural frame of reference to more fully explain the variability in minority school performance. In 1986, I published an article with Signithia Fordham on how “oppositional collective identity and cultural frame of reference” or oppositional culture contributed to Black students' school performance. Many critics have misinterpreted the joint article and even constructed a different thesis of oppositional culture than the one we proposed in the joint article. The thesis is that Black students do not aspire to or strive to get good grades because it is perceived as “acting White.” Furthermore, they have translated my cultural–ecological theory into an oppositional culture theory. I am writing this paper to correct the misinterpretations of the joint article in order to advance scholarship on the subject. I begin by explaining the meaning of collective identity and distinguishing it from other concepts of identity. Specifically, I summarize the evolution of oppositional collective identity and cultural frame of reference or oppositional culture among Black Americans and discuss the Black experience with the “burden of ‘acting White’” in the contemporary United States. Finally, I suggest some continuity between Black historical and community experiences with the “burden of ‘acting White,’” as experienced by Black students.
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Using a model of student dropout with only two possible outcomes – “still in school” or “dropout” – hides the complex reasons that students leave high school. We offer a model with three outcomes: in school, pushed out or pulled out. Using data from the Educational Longitudinal Survey, we find that for black students, differences in SES explain higher likelihoods of being either pushed or pulled out as compared to white students, but Latino students remain more likely to be pulled out even after we control for SES. We also find that SES moderates the relationship between race/gender and being pushed out, and that higher levels of SES may be detrimental to students of color in the context of high poverty schools.
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This paper investigates Mexican immigrant incorporation by examining labor force participation and schooling among Mexican-origin adolescents in the United States. Theoretical perspectives on immigrant incorporation, labor migration-related cultural repertoires and adolescent development considered together imply that studying ethnoracial differences in schooling among adolescents without taking work into account can yield mis-leading pictures of Mexican-origin non-high school completion patterns, thus hampering the assessment of incorporation theories. To avoid this, we analyze Mexican-origin generational differences in the relationship between schooling and workforce participation among adolescents compared to non-Hispanic whites and blacks. Using micro-data from the 2000 US Census, we find that Mexican immigrant boys who are not enrolled in school are more likely to be in the workforce, and conversely that those who are enrolled in school are much less likely to be in the workforce, compared to whites and blacks. Such relative differences in school/work specialization, as predicted, diminish across Mexican-origin generations. Moreover, based on supplementary analyses, we find similar patterns for a cohort of young adults who failed to complete high school during the 1990s. Overall, the results are consistent with the idea that cultural orientations growing out of the nature and experience of Mexican labor migration are important for assessing school enrollment patterns among Mexican-origin youth and for gauging their implications for educational policy and immigrant-group incorporation.
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This literature review examines issues related to the immigrant population at the community college. It centers on first-generation immigrants, including naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents, individuals who are in the process of legalizing their immigration status gand persons residing unlawfully in the United States. The review considers questions of access, educational attainment, and institutional services, policies, and programs introduced with specific attention to the needs of immigrant students.
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The past two decades witnessed unprecedented growth in the number of children of immigrants living in the United States. The successful socioeconomic adaptation of these youth to the United States will be determined, in part, by their early work experiences. The authors use data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) to evaluate differences in the work participation of youth enrolled in high school by immigrant generation. They find that immigrant youth work significantly less during middle and high school than their native-born peers. However, these native-immigrant differences in youth labor-market participation decline as high school graduation approaches. Native-immigrant differences in youth labor-market participation partially reflect differences in the racial-ethnic compositions of first-, second-, and third+-generation cohorts. Beyond race and/or ethnicity, native-immigrant differences in youth labor-market participation also stem from systematic differences in their family socioeconomic characteristics, school orientations, social networks, and labor-market opportunities.
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This third edition of the widely acclaimed classic has been thoroughly expanded and updated to reflect current demographic, economic, and political realities. Drawing on recent census data and other primary sources, Portes and Rumbaut have infused the entire text with new information and added a vivid array of new vignettes and illustrations. Recognized for its superb portrayal of immigration and immigrant lives in the United States, this book probes the dynamics of immigrant politics, examining questions of identity and loyalty among newcomers, and explores the psychological consequences of varying modes of migration and acculturation. The authors look at patterns of settlement in urban America, discuss the problems of English-language acquisition and bilingual education, explain how immigrants incorporate themselves into the American economy, and examine the trajectories of their children from adolescence to early adulthood. With a vital new chapter on religion-and fresh analyses of topics ranging from patterns of incarceration to the mobility of the second generation and the unintended consequences of public policies-this updated edition is indispensable for framing and informing issues that promise to be even more hotly and urgently contested as the subject moves to the center of national debate.
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This study evaluates the recent political context in which foreign-born noncitizen immigrants in the United States exist, their traditional and new settlement locations of residence, and where they are most likely to use public policies that encourage college enrollment. Legislative trends indicate that state activity continues to evolve around the issue of college access for undocumented immigrants, whereas U.S. congressional activity on the federal version of this educational legislation and general immigration policy remains unresolved.
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Acknowledgments Roberto Gonzales is an assistant professor at the University of Washington’s School of Social Work. He received his Ph.D. from the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Irvine. Some of the data in this paper were published in the 2007 policy report, “Wasted Talent and Broken Dreams: The Lost Potential of Undocumented Students,” in conjunction with the Immigration Policy Center, which benefited greatly from the assistance of Jeanne Batalova of the Migration Policy Institute. The author offers special thanks to Marcelo M. Suárez-Orozco, Courtney Sale Ross University Professor of Globalizationand,Education and co-director of Immigration Studies at New York University; Josh Bernstein of the Service Employees International Union; Alfred Herrera of the University of California-Los Angeles; Art Coleman,of EducationCounsel LLC; Maribel Solivan of the College Board; L. Sookyung Oh of the National Korean American Service and Education Consortium; Katharine Gin of Educators for Fair Consideration; and Jong-Min You for their assistance in the research, editing and preparation of this report. The College Board The College Board is a not-for-profit membership,association whose,mission is to connect students to college success and opportunity. Founded in 1900, the College Board is composed of more than 5,600 schools, colleges, universities and other educational organizations. Each year, the College Board serves seven million students and their parents, 23,000 high schools and 3,800 colleges through major programs and services in college readiness, college admissions, guidance, assessment, financial aid, enrollment, and teaching and learning. Among its best- known programs are the SAT,). The College Board is committed to the principles of excellence and equity, and that commitment is embodied in all of its programs, services, activities and concerns. For further information, visit www.collegeboard.com. College Board Advocacy Advocacy is central to the work of the College Board. Working with members, policymakers and the education community, we promote programs, policies and practices that increase college access and success for all students. In a world of growing complexity and competing demands, we advocate to ensure that education comes first. www.collegeboard.com/advocacy © 2009 The College Board. All rights reserved. College Board, Advanced Placement Program, AP,SA T and the acorn logo are registered trademarks,of the College Board. PSAT/NMSQT is a registered trademark,of the
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ABSTRACT This essay articulates a research approach for investigating state adoption of undocumented student tuition policy grounded in policy innovation and diffusion theory utilizing a Cox proportional hazards regression model. The model is developed with the intent of identifying state characteristics that may influence adoption of the investigated policy. This approach to research builds on the limited prior scholarship in this domain,to provide an additional test of the ability of traditional policy innovation theory to explain state postsecondary education policy innovations. * Paper prepared in support of a poster presentation at the 2009 Annual Conference on State Politics and Public Policy, Chapel Hill, NC. The author wishes to thank Dr. Iris Rotberg, Dr. Eric Lawrence, and Dr. Pedro Villarreal III of The George Washington University for assistance and constructive comments,on prior drafts of this paper. Modeling State Adoption of Undocumented Student Tuition Policy: An Event History Analysis As politicians develop postsecondary education policy, they confront many questions. Is the policy likely to address educational conditions in costeffective and broadly beneficial ways?
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Each year, U.S. high schools graduate an estimated 65,000 undocumented students, of whom only 5 percent ever attend college. 1 For most undocumented immigrants, the major barriers to postsecondary access are both financial and legal. For instance, 39 percent of undocumented children live below the federal
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In 2001, Texas became the first state to pass an in-state resident tuition policy that benefits undocumented immigrant students, a majority of whom are of Latino/a origin. This analysis estimates the effect of the Texas in-state resident tuition policy on students likely to be undocumented. Using a differences-in-differences strategy and two extensive data sets, results indicate that foreign-born non-citizen Latino/a students were more likely to attend college after the introduction of the Texas benefit. The results were strongest for older high school graduates, who were found to be 4.84 times more likely to have enrolled in college than not after the tuition policy than their counterparts in Southwestern states without a tuition policy. Multiple tests show that results are robust regardless of specification. (Contains 13 notes, 5 tables, and 2 figures.)
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With almost two million undocumented children in school and an estimated 65,000 graduating from high school every year, higher education is becoming the new frontier in the immigration debate. In 1982, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the children of illegal immigrants have a right to a free K-12 education. However, the court never extended that right to higher education. What has resulted is uncertainty state by state--and often case by case--about how to respond to undocumented students. Some institutions summarily reject such students while others accept them as international students. Still other institutions play a quiet game of "don't ask, don't tell." Multiple immigration bills that hope to clarify the situation are currently working their way through the U.S. Congress, including the DREAM Act. With a contentious debate about immigration raging, the future of the act is uncertain. Its proponents argue that it should be considered on its own merits because it concerns fairness and children's education, and ultimately impacts American competitiveness in the global marketplace. Until legislation is passed, however, undocumented students face an uncertain, obstacle-filled life. Their distant dreams of a better life are tinged with the hope that no one will catch them in the meantime.
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Presents high school dropout and completion rates for 1999, as well as time-series data for 1972 to 1999 using data from the U.S. Census Bureau's October Current Population Survey and universe data from the Common Core of Data (National Center for Education Statistics). Also examines the characteristics of high school dropouts and completers in 1999. (Author/SLD)
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Undocumented immigration has gained unprecedented prominence in many of the world's wealthiest nation-states. In the United States, a substantial population of undocumented youth is growing up with legal access to public education through high school, but facing legal and economic barriers to higher education, even when attaining college admission. The legal and social contradictions associated with undocumented status limit these youths' chances for upward mobility through traditional means. Based on ethnography and in-depth interviews, this article examines the experiences of documented and undocumented children of working-class Latino immigrants in Los Angeles. Because their educational and home environments are not differentiated, undocumented youth undergo similar social incorporation processes as their documented peers early on. However, their legal protections end after high school, greatly limiting their chances for upward mobility through education. In some cases, knowledge of future barriers to college attendance leads to a decline in educational motivation. Existing assimilation theories need to be expanded to include this novel and sizeable phenomenon.Latino Studies (2006) 4, 212-231. doi:10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600200