The aim of the present study is two-fold. First, we investigate age-related changes to bilingual language control (bLC) mechanisms across lifespan. Second, we explore the relation between bLC mechanisms and those of the domain-general executive (EC) system by looking at age effects on these two systems. To do so, we compare the performances of the three age groups of bilinguals (young, middle-aged and elderly) in a language switching task to those of non-linguistic switching task. We found an age-related change in the non-linguistic switch cost but not in the language switch cost. Moreover, we did not find any correlation between the magnitudes of the switch costs. Taken together these results indicate that bLC is not affected by age as the EC system is, and interestingly, we add new evidence that the bLC mechanisms are not fully subsidiary to those of the domain-general EC system.
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... However, there is evidence suggesting a unique language control mechanism, supporting the contrasting domain-specific perspective (e.g., Branzi et al., 2015Branzi et al., , 2016Calabria et al., 2012Calabria et al., , 2015Gray & Kiran, 2016;Magezi et al., 2012;Weissberger et al., 2012). For instance, this includes differences in the effects of aging (Weissberger et al., 2012), distinct ERP signatures (Magezi et al., 2012), and variations in the engagement of certain brain regions (i.e., the ACC and pre-SMA) for the two types of control (Branzi et al., 2015). ...
... However, there is evidence suggesting a unique language control mechanism, supporting the contrasting domain-specific perspective (e.g., Branzi et al., 2015Branzi et al., , 2016Calabria et al., 2012Calabria et al., , 2015Gray & Kiran, 2016;Magezi et al., 2012;Weissberger et al., 2012). For instance, this includes differences in the effects of aging (Weissberger et al., 2012), distinct ERP signatures (Magezi et al., 2012), and variations in the engagement of certain brain regions (i.e., the ACC and pre-SMA) for the two types of control (Branzi et al., 2015). ...
... However, there is evidence suggesting a unique language control mechanism, supporting the contrasting domain-specific perspective (e.g., Branzi et al., 2015Branzi et al., , 2016Calabria et al., 2012Calabria et al., , 2015Gray & Kiran, 2016;Magezi et al., 2012;Weissberger et al., 2012). For instance, this includes differences in the effects of aging (Weissberger et al., 2012), distinct ERP signatures (Magezi et al., 2012), and variations in the engagement of certain brain regions (i.e., the ACC and pre-SMA) for the two types of control (Branzi et al., 2015). More converging evidence is required to comprehend this issue by targeting different neural makers or using different approaches to characterise the language network (Fedorenko & Thompson-Schill, 2014. ...
Language control in bilingual speakers is thought to be implicated in effectively switching between languages, inhibiting the non-intended language, and continuously monitoring what to say and what has been said. It has been a matter of controversy concerning whether language control operates in a comparable manner to cognitive control processes in non-linguistic domains (domain-general) or if it is exclusive to language processing (domain-specific). As midfrontal theta oscillations have been considered as an index of cognitive control, examining whether a midfrontal theta effect is evident in tasks requiring bilingual control could bring new insights to the ongoing debate. To this end, we reanalysed the EEG data from two previous bilingual production studies where Dutch-English bilinguals named pictures based on colour cues. Specifically, we focused on three fundamental control processes in bilingual production: switching between languages, inhibition of the nontarget language, and monitoring of speech errors. Theta power increase was observed in switch trials compared to repeat trials, with a midfrontal scalp distribution. However, this midfrontal theta effect was absent in switch trials following a short sequence of same-language trials compared to a long sequence, suggesting a missing modulation of inhibitory control. Similarly, increased midfrontal theta power was observed when participants failed to switch to the intended language compared to correct responses. Altogether, these findings tentatively support the involvement of domain-general cognitive control mechanisms in bilingual switching.
... However, other studies have reported conflicting results and questioned the existence of overlapping mechanisms (e.g., Branzi et al., 2016;Calabria et al., 2012Calabria et al., , 2015Cattaneo et al., TMS EFFECTS ON LANGUAGE AND COGNITIVE CONTROL 5 2015). For instance, Calabria et al. (2012) recruited 28 highly proficient Catalan-Spanish bilinguals to perform both language switching and non-verbal switching tasks, finding no significant correlation in performance between the two. ...
... For instance, Calabria et al. (2012) recruited 28 highly proficient Catalan-Spanish bilinguals to perform both language switching and non-verbal switching tasks, finding no significant correlation in performance between the two. Calabria et al. (2015) subsequently replicated these negative findings in a larger sample of 60 bilinguals and revealed age effects on non-verbal switching costs, but not on language switching costs. Thus, the current body of behavioral evidence presents an inconsistent and controversial view on the extent of overlap between language control and cognitive control. ...
Previous research has mainly explored the relationship between bilingual language control and domain-general cognitive control through behavioral correlations, often revealing epiphenomenal links rather than causality. This study utilizes transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) to investigate the causal roles of the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and left posterior temporal lobe (LPTL) in these processes among 33 unbalanced Chinese-English bilinguals. Continuous theta burst stimulation was applied in separate sessions, with vertex stimulation as a control. Our results demonstrate that LIFG stimulation significantly increased switching costs in non-verbal switching tasks, highlighting its role in domain-general cognitive control. Conversely, LPTL stimulation did not affect switching or mixing costs in language or non-verbal switching tasks, suggesting no causal involvement. However, it reduced reaction times during language switching tasks, underscoring its specialization in language processing. These findings highlight potential distinctions between the neural mechanisms of bilingual language control and domain-general cognitive control, particularly in the LIFG.
... By now, only behavioural studies provide consistent findings of the effect of ageing on the dynamic of language control abilities. Most studies have found that older bilingual adults are slower than younger adults in performing language switching tasks (Calabria et al., 2015;Hernandez and Kohnert, 1999;Ivanova et al., 2016;Weissberger et al., 2012). However, almost all of the studies reported that the ageing effect on switch costs is absent or minor, suggesting that language switching abilities are preserved with ageing. ...
... Switch cost refers to the difference in naming latencies between repeat trials (naming in the same language) and switch trials (switching language). Interestingly, although no difference between younger and older adults in language switching was observed, some difference between both age groups was found for the switch costs in non-linguistic task switching (Calabria et al., 2015). Taken together, these results suggest that bilingual language control is not an instance of the domain-general executive control and ageing effects may follow different pathways (Gollan et al., 2011). ...
... However, there is evidence suggesting a unique language control mechanism, supporting the contrasting domain-specific perspective (e.g., Branzi et al., 2015Branzi et al., , 2016Calabria et al., 2012Calabria et al., , 2015Gray & Kiran, 2016;Magezi et al., 2012;Weissberger et al., 2012). For instance, this includes differences in the effects of aging (Weissberger et al., 2012), distinct ERP signatures (Magezi et al., 2012), and variations in the engagement of certain brain regions (i.e., the ACC and pre-SMA) for the two types of control . ...
Language control in bilingual speakers is thought to be implicated in effectively switching between languages, inhibiting the non‐intended language, and continuously monitoring what to say and what has been said. It has been a matter of controversy concerning whether language control operates in a comparable manner to cognitive control processes in non‐linguistic domains (domain‐general) or if it is exclusive to language processing (domain‐specific). As midfrontal theta oscillations have been considered as an index of cognitive control, examining whether a midfrontal theta effect is evident in tasks requiring bilingual control could bring new insights to the ongoing debate. To this end, we reanalysed the EEG data from two previous bilingual production studies where Dutch–English bilinguals named pictures based on colour cues. Specifically, we focused on three fundamental control processes in bilingual production: switching between languages, inhibition of the nontarget language, and monitoring of speech errors. Theta power increase was observed in switch trials compared to repeat trials, with a midfrontal scalp distribution. However, no theta power difference was observed in switch trials following a shorter sequence of same‐language trials compared to a longer sequence, suggesting a missing modulation of inhibitory control. Similarly, increased midfrontal theta power was observed when participants failed to switch to the intended language compared to correct responses. Altogether, these findings tentatively support the involvement of domain‐general cognitive control mechanisms in bilingual switching.
... At the same time, our correlation analyses did not show a significant relationship between the switch costs or overall reaction times on the tasks. An absence of significant correlations between switching tasks has been observed previously in the literature on healthy bilinguals (Branzi et al., 2016;Calabria et al., 2015Calabria et al., , 2012Klecha, 2013;Segal et al., 2019;Timmer et al., 2018;Weissberger et al., 2012). ...
... In addition, Branzi et al. (2012) 455 compared the switch costs from language control tasks and n-2 repetition cost from non-language 456 cognitive control tasks, it was found that there was no significant correlation between the two 457 markers, and bilinguals exhibited distinct behavioral patterns when performing language and 458 non-language cognitive control tasks. Furthermore, Calabria et al. (2015) investigated the effect of 459 age among balanced bilinguals on their performances in language control and non-language 460 cognitive control. By Comparing the performance of young (average age 21.8), middle-aged 461 (average age 45.7), and elderly (average age 70.5) participants, they discovered that only 462 non-language cognitive control ability was affected by age: as participants aged, their performance 463 in non-language cognitive control worsened. ...
It is intriguing to learn how language interacts with our cognitive control system. The phenomena of bilingual language control provide us with a perfect window to scrutinize this research topic. Studies on cognitive mechanisms of bilingual language control from 1998 to 2023 were systematically reviewed. Experiment paradigms, hypotheses, behavioral markers, and the relationships between language and non-language control mechanisms were discussed. Nevertheless, several issues remain to be solved in the future. The relationship between reactive and proactive bilingual language control mechanisms is largely unclear. Supera-lexicon level (i.e., phrasal) language control was overlooked by previous studies. “Language control” per se should be re-defined through a more precise comparison with non-language control.
Controversies persist in the literature regarding the existence of bilingual language control during comprehension, which may be attributed to overlooking the modulating effect of word concreteness. To test this hypothesis, we conducted an experiment using abstract and concrete words, thereby manipulating the activation level of the nontarget language. Sixty Chinese–English bilinguals were instructed to switch between two languages in word reading tasks. We found that abstract words (e.g., 正确 [correct], wrong) did not show switching costs, indicating no additional time for switching between languages compared to repeating the same language. In contrast, concrete words (e.g., 晴天 [sunny], rainy) elicited significant larger switching costs. These findings might suggest greater language control demands on the nontarget language when reading more concrete words. This study offers insights into the modulating effect of word concreteness in language processing on bilingual language control during reading comprehension.
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We investigated language control in (within-language) between alphabet switching during comprehension by exploiting the overlap between the two character sets of Serbian. We compared recognition latencies to phonologically ambiguous and phonologically unambiguous versions of the same word (PAE – Phonological Ambiguity Effect) to obtain an index of interference between the two alphabets. Evidence for transient control arose from changing alphabets between trials within a block and the larger PAE when the alphabet of the target changed from the previous trial. Evidence for sustained control arose from presenting a single-alphabet block prior to a mixed alphabet block and the larger PAE when the target alphabet differed from the alphabet of the preceding single-alphabet block. We conclude that within-language alphabet switching exhibits effects of transient and global language control during comprehension. However, switching effects (and their temporal dynamics) were evident only when recognition was challenged by the presence of phonologically ambiguous word forms.
The present study compared bilingualism with bidialectalism in their respective impact on executive control, using a short-term language switching training paradigm for participants who were both bidialectals (Shanghainese-Mandarin Chinese) and bilinguals (Chinese-English). Twenty participants were assigned to a control group where no language switching was involved. Another twenty participants were assigned to an experimental group where language-switching training was applied in two ways: bidialectal-switching between Shanghainese and Mandarin Chinese, and bilingual-switching between Mandarin and English. Their executive control ability was tested via a Simon task before and after each type of language training. The results showed that bilingual switching could involve better executive control and subsequently led to better performance on the Simon task than bidialectal switching. Therefore, the association between language switching control and domain-general executive control could be affected by the languages involved in switching, thus shedding further light on the relations between linguistic and non-linguistic control mechanisms.
Both ageing and bilingualism can have positive as well as adverse cognitive effects. We investigated their combined impact on subcomponents of attention. We used the Attention Network Task to examine alerting, orienting, executive control and task-switching costs. Group comparisons revealed age-related declines for alerting alongside benefits for executive control, for mono- and bilinguals alike. For orienting, age-related decline was more pronounced for bilinguals than monolinguals. Task-switching was unaffected by age or language group. Within bilinguals, we found limited impact of individual differences in L2 proficiency, language switching or mixing: proficiency improves orienting and decreases switch costs, for young and older bilinguals alike; but no other individual differences effects were found. Thus, attention is a multi-faceted network, with clear adverse (alerting) and protective (executive control) ageing effects. We found these to be largely similar for mono- and bilinguals, with variability within bilinguals having only limited impact.
A neglected question regarding cognitive control is how control processes might detect situations calling for their involvement. The authors propose here that the demand for control may be evaluated in part by monitoring for conflicts in information processing. This hypothesis is supported by data concerning the anterior cingulate cortex, a brain area involved in cognitive control, which also appears to respond to the occurrence of conflict. The present article reports two computational modeling studies, serving to articulate the conflict monitoring hypothesis and examine its implications. The first study tests the sufficiency of the hypothesis to account for brain activation data, applying a measure of conflict to existing models of tasks shown to engage the anterior cingulate. The second study implements a feedback loop connecting conflict monitoring to cognitive control, using this to simulate a number of important behavioral phenomena.
Presents a standardized set of 260 pictures for use in experiments investigating differences and similarities in the processing of pictures and words. The pictures are black-and-white line drawings executed according to a set of rules that provide consistency of pictorial representation. They have been standardized on 4 variables of central relevance to memory and cognitive processing: name agreement, image agreement, familiarity, and visual complexity. The intercorrelations among the 4 measures were low, suggesting that they are indices of different attributes of the pictures. The concepts were selected to provide exemplars from several widely studied semantic categories. Sources of naming variance, and mean familiarity and complexity of the exemplars, differed significantly across the set of categories investigated. The potential significance of each of the normative variables to a number of semantic and episodic memory tasks is discussed. (34 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
Bilingual advantages in executive control tasks are well documented, but it is not yet clear what degree or type of bilingualism leads to these advantages. To investigate this issue, we compared the performance of two bilingual groups and monolingual speakers in task-switching and language-switching paradigms. Spanish-English bilinguals, who reported switching between languages frequently in daily life, exhibited smaller task-switching costs than monolinguals after controlling for between-group differences in speed and parent education level. By contrast, Mandarin-English bilinguals, who reported switching languages less frequently than Spanish-English bilinguals, did not exhibit a task-switching advantage relative to monolinguals. Comparing the two bilingual groups in language-switching, Spanish-English bilinguals exhibited smaller costs than Mandarin-English bilinguals, even after matching for fluency in the non-dominant language. These results demonstrate an explicit link between language-switching and bilingual advantages in task-switching, while also illustrating some limitations on bilingual advantages. (JINS, 2011, 17, 682-691).
Language switching was studied with a group of bilingual older adults (65 and older) and college-age bilinguals using a cued picture naming paradigm in a blocked (English or Spanish), unpredictable mixed (Spanish and English cues change randomly from trial to trial), and a predictable mixed condition (cues alternate between English and Spanish from trial to trial). Results revealed equivalent error rates and small differences in reaction time (RT) between older adults and college-age participants in the blocked condi-tion. However, older adults showed much slower RTs and made significantly more errors in the mixed conditions. The results are consistent with models that predict deficiencies in task set shifting across the life span.
The current study tested the hypothesis that bilinguals rely on domain-general mechanisms of executive control to achieve language control by asking if linguistic and nonlinguistic switching tasks exhibit similar patterns of aging-related decline. Thirty young and 30 aging bilinguals completed a cued language-switching task and a cued color-shape switching task. Both tasks demonstrated significant aging effects, but aging-related slowing and the aging-related increase in errors were significantly larger on the color-shape than on the language task. In the language task, aging increased language-switching costs in both response times and errors, and language-mixing costs only in response times. In contrast, the color-shape task exhibited an aging-related increase in costs only in mixing errors. Additionally, a subset of the older bilinguals could not do the color-shape task, but were able to do the language task, and exhibited significantly larger language-switching costs than matched controls. These differences, and some subtle similarities, in aging effects observed across tasks imply that mechanisms of nonlinguistic task and language control are only partly shared and demonstrate relatively preserved language control in aging. More broadly, these data suggest that age deficits in switching and mixing costs may depend on task expertise, with mixing deficits emerging for less-practiced tasks and switching deficits for highly practiced, possibly “expert” tasks (i.e., language).
The present study explored when and how the top-down intention to speak influences the language production process. We did so by comparing the brain's electrical response for a variable known to affect lexical access, namely word frequency, during overt object naming and non-verbal object categorization. We found that during naming, the event-related brain potentials elicited for objects with low frequency names started to diverge from those with high frequency names as early as 152 ms after stimulus onset, while during non-verbal categorization the same frequency comparison appeared 200 ms later eliciting a qualitatively different brain response. Thus, only when participants had the conscious intention to name an object the brain rapidly engaged in lexical access. The data offer evidence that top-down intention to speak proactively facilitates the activation of words related to perceived objects.
In an experimental study of language switching and selection, bilinguals named numerals in either their first or second language unpredictably. Response latencies (RTs) on switch trials (where the response language changed from the previous trial) were slower than on nonswitch trials. As predicted, the language-switching cost was consistently larger when switching to the dominant L₁ from the weaker L₂ than vice versa such that, on switch trials, L₁ responses were slower than in L₂. This "paradoxical" asymmetry in the cost of switching languages is explained in terms of differences in relative strength of the bilingual's two languages and the involuntary persistence of the previous language set across an intended switch of language. Naming in the weaker language, L₂, requires active inhibition or suppression of the stronger competitor language, L₁; the inhibition persists into the following (switch) trial in the form of "negative priming" of the L₁ lexicon as a whole. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This paper aims to foster discussion of the means by which bilinguals control their two language systems. It proposes an inhibitory control (IC) model that embodies the principle that there are multiple levels of control. In the model a language task schema (modulated by a higher level of control) “reactively” inhibits potential competitors for production at the lemma level by virtue of their language tags. The IC model is used to expand the explanation of the effect of category blocking in translation proposed by Kroll and Stewart (1994), and predictions of the model are tested against other data. Its relationship to other proposals and models is considered and future directions proposed.