ArticlePDF Available

Missing Persons: Incidence, Issues and Impacts

Authors:

Abstract

ISBN 0642 24145 7 Each year, around 30,000 people are reported missing in Australia—one person every 18 minutes. The 30,000 people exceed the total number of victims, reported to police for homicide, sexual assault, and unarmed robbery combined. Nation-ally, the rate of missing people reported to the police is 1.55 per thousand, and it varies considerably around Australia with South Australia and the Australian Capital Territory have rates double the national average. Children and young people having rates three times those of adults. Fortunately, nearly all are found, and 86 per cent are located within one week. The social and economic impacts on families, friends, and the community as a whole are profound. It is estimated that each missing person costs the community about 2,360insearchcosts,lossofearningswhilefamilymemberslook,andhealthandlegalcosts.For30,000people,thisaddstoover2,360—in search costs, loss of earnings while family members look, and health and legal costs. For 30,000 people, this adds to over 70 million per year. Relatively little is known about the reasons people go missing, the character-istics of missing persons, and the impact of their disappearance on the commu-nity. In 1998, the National Missing Persons Unit (NMPU) at the Australian Bureau of Criminal Intelligence commissioned an independent study to address this information gap and to identify service delivery needs for those affected by the phenomenon of missing persons. This paper summarises that report. Adam Graycar Director T he study was based on various sources of information. These included an analysis of missing person statistics provided by Australian police and by three non-government tracing organisations—the Salvation Army, Australian Red Cross, and International Social Service (Australia) over a three-year period. A detailed analysis was carried out on 505 missing person police reports, representing all missing persons reported to Australian police during a single week at the mid-point of the three-year period. A national survey of families and friends of 270 people reported missing to police was conducted, using an in-depth structured telephone interview. Consultations were held with over 90 organisations with an interest in missing person issues. The study also included an assessment of the economic and social costs of missing people in the Australian community.
No. 144
Missing Persons:
Incidence, Issues and
Impacts
Monika Henderson, Peter Henderson and Carol
Kiernan
A U S T R A L I A N I N S T I T U T E
O F C R I M I N O L O G Y
t r e n d s
&
i s s u e s
in crime and criminal justice
Australian Institute
of Criminology
GPO Box 2944
Canberra ACT 2601
Australia
Tel: 02 6260 9221
Fax: 02 6260 9201
For a complete list and the full text of the
papers in the Trends and Issues in
Crime and Criminal Justice series, visit
the AIC web site at:
http://www.aic.gov.au
January 2000
ISSN 0817-8542
ISBN 0642 24145 7
Each year, around 30,000 people are reported missing in Australia—one person
every 18 minutes. The 30,000 people exceed the total number of victims, reported
to police for homicide, sexual assault, and unarmed robbery combined. Nation-
ally, the rate of missing people reported to the police is 1.55 per thousand, and it
varies considerably around Australia with South Australia and the Australian
Capital Territory have rates double the national average. Children and young
people having rates three times those of adults.
Fortunately, nearly all are found, and 86 per cent are located within one
week. The social and economic impacts on families, friends, and the
community as a whole are profound.
It is estimated that each missing person costs the community about
$2,360—in search costs, loss of earnings while family members look, and health
and legal costs. For 30,000 people, this adds to over $70 million per year.
Relatively little is known about the reasons people go missing, the character-
istics of missing persons, and the impact of their disappearance on the commu-
nity. In 1998, the National Missing Persons Unit (NMPU) at the Australian
Bureau of Criminal Intelligence commissioned an independent study to address
this information gap and to identify service delivery needs for those affected by
the phenomenon of missing persons. This paper summarises that report.
Adam Graycar
Director
The study was based on various sources of information. These
included an analysis of missing person statistics provided by
Australian police and by three non-government tracing
organisations—the Salvation Army, Australian Red Cross, and
International Social Service (Australia) over a three-year period. A
detailed analysis was carried out on 505 missing person police
reports, representing all missing persons reported to Australian
police during a single week at the mid-point of the three-year
period. A national survey of families and friends of 270 people
reported missing to police was conducted, using an in-depth
structured telephone interview. Consultations were held with over
90 organisations with an interest in missing person issues. The study
also included an assessment of the economic and social costs of
missing people in the Australian community.
Incidence
Unfortunately, statistics on the incidence of missing persons
reported to police across Australia are not routinely compiled, and
there is no reliable national trend information available. The rate of
missing persons reported to police over the study period 1995-97
was constant at 1.55 per 1,000 people in the general population each
year, but varied between jurisdictions and according to age and
Australian Institute of Criminology
2
gender (see Table 1). In 1997,
children and young persons were
reported missing at a rate over
three times higher than adults.
Adult females showed lower
rates than adult males, while
female children and young
persons showed higher rates than
their male counterparts. In 1997,
the rates of missing persons in
South Australia and Australian
Capital Territory were well above
the national average, but this was
interpreted as a function of
different reporting practices in
those two jurisdictions (such as
taking reports by telephone)
rather than to real jurisdictional
differences in susceptibility of
people going missing.
Including missing persons
reported to the three non-govern-
ment tracing organisations, the
rate of missing persons is 1.61 per
1,000 people. In comparison, the
rate of road traffic accident
deaths in 1995 was 0.1 per 1,000
people and non-fatal road traffic
accidents requiring hospitalisa-
tion was 1.2 per 1,000 people. The
suicide rate was 0.1 per 1,000
people and other crimes, such as
robbery and sexual assault, were
reported to police at a rate of 0.9
per 1,000 people and 0.7 per 1,000
people respectively in 1995
(Australian Bureau of Statistics
figures, cited in Mukherjee and
Graycar 1997). The incidence of
missing persons is at least as high
as that of other issues that gener-
ate far more media attention and
public interest.
Characteristics of Missing People
Missing person reports to police
include a significant proportion
of people reported missing from
an institution of some kind, such
as a psychiatric or general hospi-
tal, supported accommodation
for the aged or intellectually
disabled, or youth supervised
care or detention facility (but
exclude escapes from prisons or
adult correctional facilities). A
national estimate of people going
missing from these non-correc-
tional institutions was calculated
from a one-week sample of all
missing person reports received
Table 1: Rates of Missing Persons Reported to Australian Police Services in 1997 (per 1,000 People)
by police over a one-week period
in 1996, and found to be 32 per
cent of all reported missing
person cases.
The remaining two-thirds of
missing people are generally
reported missing by families or
friends. The national survey
provided more detailed informa-
tion about the characteristics of
this group than was routinely
available in police reports (see
Table 2).
Compared to the general
population, people reported
missing to police were more
likely to be born in Australia and
less likely to be living in a rural
area, and adult missing persons
were somewhat more likely to be
unemployed.
Families or friends of the
missing persons attributed one or
more of a range of “special
needs” to the missing person in
46 per cent of cases in the survey.
Table 2: Socio-demographic Characteristics of Missing Persons Based on National Survey
Percentage
Gender Male 49
Female 51
Total 100
Age 10 and Under 5
11 to 17 62
18 to 25 13
26 to 40 8
41 to 60 8
Over 60 5
Total 101
Country of Birth Australia 86
Other English-speaking Country 10
Non-English-speaking Country 4
Total 100
Labour Force Status Currently Employed 19
Unemployed 11
Full-time Student 60
Not Employed—Other Reason 10
Total 100
Marital Status Never Married 87
Married or Defacto Relationship 9
Divorced or Separated 3
Widowed 1
Total 100
Where Living City or its Suburbs 78
Rural Town 15
Country 7
Total 100
Lived in Own Home (Alone or Shared) 18
Lived in Parental Home 66
Lived with other Non-spouse Relative 8
Other 8
Total 100
All Persons Adult Males Adult Females Male Children
and Young
Persons
Female Children
and Young
Persons
NSW 1.18 0.96 0.61 1.77 2.63
Vic 1.51 0.94 0.60 3.60 4.23
Qld 1.52 1.15 0.77 2.71 3.60
WA 1.67 1.17 0.94 3.47 3.65
SA 3.20 2.46 1.36 8.33 6.21
Tas 0.46 0.38 0.28 0.63 1.15
ACT 3.55 2.26 1.31 8.93 8.21
NT 1.04 0.83 0.60 1.69 1.82
Australia 1.55 1.14 0.73 3.15 3.62
3
Australian Institute of Criminology
The most common were some
form of physical health problem,
ranging from mild asthma to
insulin-dependent diabetes, and
mental health concerns,
particularly depression and
age-related disorders such as
Alzheimer’s disease.
Missing people often showed
a history of repeat incidents. In
the survey, 34 per cent of missing
persons had gone missing before
the episode under review. In
about one-third of those cases,
there was only one previous
incident, but others involved
regular occurrences, up to almost
monthly disappearances over a
four-year period. A higher
proportion (38%) of relevant
cases had gone missing within
the 18-24 months following the
incident that identified them for
inclusion in the survey. Half of all
cases (50%) had either gone
missing before or after the
incident, or both. In most cases,
these incidents were not reported
to police.
Percentage
Place Last Seen Own Home 54
Other Persons Home 6
School or Travel to/from School 14
A Public Place (including public transport) 9
Other 7
Not Known/Not Stated 10
Total 100
Time of Day Last Seen Morning (6-11am) 23
Afternoon (12-5pm) 18
Evening (6-11pm) 20
Night (midnight-5am) 2
Daytime (exact time not known) 10
Night-time (exact time not known) 3
Not Known/Not Stated 24
Total 100
Day of Week Last Seen Saturday or Sunday 20
Friday 20
Other Weekday 43
Not Known/Not Stated 17
Total 100
Relationship of Person Parent 72
Making Report Spouse 4
Other Relative 18
Other Person 3
Not Known/Not Stated 3
Total 100
Missing in Company Went Missing in Company with Another
Person 16
Total 16
Table 3: Circumstances of the Missing Person Incident Based on National Survey
Circumstances of the Missing
Person Incident
The national survey provided an
opportunity to explore the
circumstances surrounding the
incident for a representative
sample of people reported miss-
ing to police (but excluding those
reported missing from an
institution), see Table 3.
In the majority of cases, the
missing person was last seen at
home during the daytime hours,
with the most common day of
week being Friday.
Reason/Explanation for
Going Missing
The survey asked families and
friends why they believed, at the
time, the person went missing,
and what explanation was given
for the disappearance when the
missing person was located. The
responses were content analysed,
then grouped into four discrete
categories, and classed into a
miscellaneous “other” group, a
“non-specific” group where there
was not enough information to
discriminate between categories,
and “none given/not known”
group (see Table 4).
The most common reason
families and friends believed at
the time to be the reason for
going missing, and the most
common explanation given
afterwards, was conflict about
authority, rules, or independent
behaviour. At the time the person
went missing, there were often
fears about safety, but the expla-
nation given after being located
rarely supported those concerns,
and often fell into the “uninten-
tional” category.
Category Reason
Believed
(percentage)
Explanation
Given
(percentage)
Independence/Rebellion (for example, rebellion against parental
authority, wanting to be independent, responding to peer pressure,
conflict over family rules)
21 24
Safety Concerns (for example, suicide, abduction, accident, or non-
specific concerns over self-harm or harm by others) 19 1
Unintentional (for example, confusion over times/arrangements to
meet, wandering/lost because of dementia, forgetting to advise
others of a planned absence)
622
Escaping Adverse consequences (for example, to avoid adverse
consequences such as financial difficulties, threat of violence,
parental discipline for specific infraction)
11 12
Other 11 14
Non-specific 15 8
None Given/Not Known 17 19
Total 100 100
Table 4: Reasons Believed and Explanations Given for Persons Going Missing Based on Survey
Australian Institute of Criminology
4
Outcomes of Reported Missing
Person Incidents
The location rates for all people
reported missing to police, based
on annual statistics recorded by
police missing person units, were
uniformly high across the three-
year period 1995-97 and across
jurisdictions, falling above 95.5
per cent in all cases, and usually
above 99 per cent. Only two
people reported missing to police
over the one-week sample of
missing person reports in 1996
(excluding persons missing from
institutions) were still missing in
early 1998. In the survey, only
two people were still listed as
missing at the time of interview,
some 18-24 months later. This
calculates to a 99.4 per cent and
99.3 per cent location rate respec-
tively.
The missing person was
located quickly in the majority of
cases (usually within the first two
days), most commonly spending
the time while missing at a
friend’s home or with friends.
The missing person was generally
located because he or she
returned home, or made contact,
or was found by family and
friends rather than by police (see
Table 5).
Impacts on the Australian
Community
The survey asked a series of
structured questions to identify
the extent of impact in five
specific areas—health, work,
emotions, quality of life, and
relationships (including the
number of persons affected and
the extent of the impact), see
Table 6. The extent of impact was
rated by the interviewer based on
respondents’ responses to a
specific question on how severe
they considered the impact was
in each area. To receive a rating of
major impact, the respondent’s
assessment needed to be
supported by confirmatory
evidence. This included number
of days lost from work in the case
of employment impacts, or visits
to the doctor in the case of health
impacts. Concrete examples of
life changes were needed to
support a rating of major quality
of life impact (for example,
elderly grandparents taking up
permanent responsibility for a
handicapped grandchild after the
mother went missing, or
structured recreational activities
ceased for an extended period).
Major emotional impacts were
assessed on the basis of respon-
dents’ assessments only, and
relationship impacts were not
rated according to severity of
impact.
Survey respondents also
identified impacts in other areas.
These included direct financial
impacts, difficulties in maintain-
ing or disposing of property
belonging to the missing person,
and education impacts such as
extensive time off school and
poor examination performance.
Families and friends (and in
some cases the missing persons
themselves) suffer significant
health, work, quality of life,
Percentage
When Located On Same Day as Reported Missing 35
On Next Day After Report 27
2 Days to One Week After Report 24
8 to 31 Days After Report 7
Over 1 Month After Report 6
Not Located 1
Total 100
How Located Missing Person Returned/Made Contact 42
Located By Police 18
Located By Family/Friend Search Action 33
Other 6
Total 99
Where Located At Friends Home or With Friends 47
Other Home 10
Public Place (For Example, On Street, Beach, and Train) 20
Other (For Example, Refuge, Own Car, and Hotel) 19
Not Known/Not Stated 4
Total 100
Table 5: Circumstances of Location, Based on National Survey
emotional, relationship,
economic, and other impacts
associated with the missing
person incident. For every case of
a missing person, an average of at
least 12 other people are affected
in some way. Based on the annual
number of reported missing
person cases, a very conservative
estimate of the number of people
affected each year is over
one-third of a million. For some
of these people, the impact is
ongoing for years and even
decades.
The economic cost to the
Australian community was
estimated using a range of infor-
mation sources. Full details of the
methodology applied and the
sources used are provided in
Henderson and Henderson
(1998). Unit cost was calculated
per missing person incident by
apportioning estimated costs in
each category across the missing
person population, using the
national survey as a basis for
determining the distribution of
Table 6: Percentage of Survey Respondents Reporting Impact in Five Areas
Health Work Quality of
Life Emotional Relationship
ANY IMPACT
Percentage of Cases 37 49 94 99 58
Total Persons Affected 145 229 1647 3116 -
Average no. Persons Affected
Per Case 0.5 0.9 6.1 11.5 -
MAJOR IMPACT
Percentage of Cases 22 21 43 73 -
Total Persons Affected 77 92 364 668 -
Average no. Persons Affected
Per Case 0.3 0.3 1.3 2.5 -
5
Australian Institute of Criminology
cases in those instances where the
cost estimate was relevant to only
a proportion of cases (for exam-
ple, Australians missing overseas
or loss of earnings for days lost
off work). This is a conservative
calculation as various cost com-
ponents could not be reliably
estimated from the information
sources available.
Overall, the estimated eco-
nomic cost of locating missing
people and the associated imme-
diate health and employment-
related costs are estimated at a
minimum of $2,360 for every
missing person reported to police
(see Table 7). Using a similar basis
for calculating costs associated
with missing people reported to
the three non-government tracing
organisations, a figure of $1,851 is
spent on every case. Extrapolat-
ing the 1997 missing person
population (both police and
tracing organisation clients), an
estimate of over $72 million is
spent in the Australian commu-
nity (at 1997 dollars), without
taking into account the long-term
impact on families and friends of
the missing person. For example,
including an estimate of the cost
of lost lifetime earnings from
missed education by missing
persons reported to police adds
another $19 million.
Service Effectiveness
The national survey asked a
series of questions about satisfac-
tion with the services provided
by police and any other agencies
associated with locating the
missing person, as well as experi-
ences with services providing
support to the families and
friends of missing people.
Most people reported they
were satisfied with the service
provided by police at each of
three stages—initial reporting,
investigation, and outcome
advice/follow-up stage (83%,
73%, and 71% of relevant cases
respectively). Specific areas for
improvement most commonly
identified were perceived delays
before taking action (in particular,
there was a misconception that
police policy required a 24-hour
wait before a missing person
report could be made) and more
contact and feedback to families.
A sympathetic and understand-
ing approach at the time of taking
the initial report was the most
commonly identified positive
feature. Existing support services
were not used by a large propor-
tion of people, most often because
people “did not feel the need”,
but there was strong support for
the establishment of a specialised
missing person support service.
However, the sorts of services
people considered it should
provide varied and included
direct search assistance,
emotional and practical support,
information provision, and
support after the missing person
was located.
Areas of Need
Information from the national
survey, interviews with other
families and friends of missing
people, consultation with govern-
Table 7: Estimated Costs per Missing Person Incident Reported to Police (at 1997 dollars)
Estimated Cost
Per Case ($)
LOCATION COSTS
Police Location Costs 351.00
National Missing Person Unit Costs 6.49
Search Costs Directly Incurred by Families and Friends 128.15
Other Agency Search Costs in Assisting Police 401.05
Additional Costs of Australians Missing Overseas 2.11
Search Costs by Departments with Specific Client Responsibilities not costed
Costs of Inquiries into Agency Records not costed
Business and Community Contributions not costed
Costs of Return of the Missing Person When Located not costed
Media and Publicity Costs not costed
EMPLOYMENT RELATED COSTS
Loss of Earnings for Time Off Work or Business 272.05
Industry and Public Sector Costs of Lost Work Days 425.23
Productivity Loss Through Impaired Work Performance 13.20
Costs Associated with Loss or Change of Employment 44.02
Lifetime Earnings Lost Through Missed Education 654.33
Costs of Government Benefits and Revenue Loss not costed
Lost Opportunity Costs by Organisations Assisting with Searches not costed
HEALTH COSTS
Medical Services (Consultation, Hospitalisation, Prescriptions) 235.92
Costs of Counselling Services 16.87
Pain and Suffering not costed
Ongoing Health Vulnerability not costed
SUPPORT TO MISSING PERSON WHILE MISSING
Supported Accommodation and Services 25.00
Advisory and Other Services for Missing Persons not costed
Government Allowances and Benefits not costed
PREVENTION, ADVOCACY AND POLICY FUNCTIONS
Policy and Other Involvement by Non-core organisations not costed
Client Advice and Support from Non-core Agencies not costed
Specific Prevention Initiatives by non-core Agencies not costed
Sponsorship and Promotion Initiatives by Non-core Agencies not costed
OTHER DIRECT COSTS TO FAMILIES/FRIENDS
Legal Costs 160.70
Other Direct Costs 277.78
OTHER COSTS
Relationship and Quality of Life Impacts not costed
Crime Costs not costed
Fear of Crime Impacts from Media Coverage of Some Cases not costed
Generational Costs (for example, Impacts on Children of Missing
People) not costed
Australian Institute of Criminology
6
General Editor, Trends and Issues in
Crime and Criminal Justice series:
Dr Adam Graycar, Director
Australian Institute of Criminology
GPO Box 2944
Canberra ACT 2601 Australia
Note: Trends and Issues in Crime and
Criminal Justice are refereed papers.
ment and non-government
agencies and community groups,
and from national and interna-
tional research, point to a number
of areas for action. The need for
effective support services for
families and friends of missing
persons was the single issue
raised most consistently in the
survey and interviews. The type
of support identified varied from
acute emotional crisis support to
specialised support specific to the
needs of families and friends of
long-term missing cases. Two
issues in relation to police policy
and practice were commonly
raised as areas for improvement.
These were perceived delays in
taking action when the missing
person was first reported and
contact with families and friends
to provide feedback on what is
occurring after the report has
been made. Access to government
information to assist in tracing
missing people was also an
important issue, particularly in
tracing long-term missing cases.
Overall, families and friends
of missing persons were generally
satisfied with the services
provided in locating the missing
person. The most significant
unmet need was for both immedi-
ate and long-term support for
families. Priority areas identified
in the study to address that need
were the provision of information
and practical advice to assist
families and friends in searching,
specialised training in unresolved
grief counselling, and missing
person support needs for existing
agencies especially training in
missing person issues for
telephone counselling service
providers, promoting under-
standing of missing person issues
among special need support
groups, and establishment of
specialised self-help groups for
families of long-term missing
persons. These are priority areas
for the National Missing Persons
Unit (NMPU).
The Policy Response
The study concluded that a
national approach to missing
people is critical. The NMPU
provides a national coordination
function as well as support to
State and Territory police services
in locating long-term missing
person cases. Education and
public awareness strategies
provide a better level of under-
standing about missing person
issues in the community as well
as helping to locate specific cases.
Through the work of missing
person agencies and groups, the
particular needs of those people
affected by the phenomenon of
missing person are being
increasingly recognised and
addressed. However, there is still
a lot that needs to be done. For
example, little is known about
effective prevention strategies, in
both an Australian and an inter-
national context.
Although a number of inno-
vative prevention and “conse-
quence-minimisation” strategies
were identified through consulta-
tion with community and govern-
ment organisations, there is
generally little information
available about their operation or
effectiveness. There is a critical
need for monitoring, research,
and evaluation to determine what
works for whom and under what
circumstances in preventing
missing person incidents, and in
minimising the impacts and
consequences of someone going
missing. Fruitful areas to explore
include research on repeat
incidents, the links between
homelessness and missing
persons, and the effectiveness of
education and awareness raising
programs. Finding ways to
reduce, or preferably to avoid, the
social and economic costs associ-
ated with missing people needs
to be addressed by the commu-
nity, government, non-govern-
Monika Henderson
and Peter Henderson
are consultants at M.& P.
Henderson & Associates.
Carol Kiernan is the National
Coordinator of the National
Missing Persons Unit,
Australian Bureau of Criminal
Intelligence.
ment organisations, the business
sector, media, and missing per-
sons themselves.
References
Henderson, M. and Henderson, P.
1998, Missing People: Issues for the
Australian Community, Common-
wealth of Australia, Canberra,
also available at
www.missingpersons.info.au
Mukherjee, S. and Graycar, A. 1997,
Crime and Justice in Australia,
Hawkins Press, Sydney.
... A finales del siglo XX, definió la "desaparición de personas" como "una situación social en la que una persona está ausente de su red social y personal habitual hasta el punto de que este entorno cercano considera que la ausencia está interfiriendo en el comportamiento esperado de la persona en cuanto a sus responsabilidades". Henderson et al. (2000) hacen referencia a este término como cualquier persona que sea denunciada como desaparecida a la policía, cuyo paradero sea desconocido y existan riesgos para la salud de la persona o preocupaciones sobre su bienestar. Posteriormente, ya en el siglo XXI, consideran la desaparición de una persona como una situación en la que la ausencia de una persona resulta inesperada, angustiosa o inaceptable para su entorno cercano y en la que se produce una pérdida de contacto por motivos intencionales o no intencionales. ...
... Utilizando datos de las diferentes asociaciones del tercer sector social, entienden la desaparición como una "dimensión continua", y diferencian entre desapariciones decididas-intencionales, por pérdida de contacto, involuntarias, y no intencionales. En Australia, Henderson et al. (2000) estudian el escenario que subyace en la desaparición, y las clasifican en tres tipos: aquellos que se van, para obtener la independencia o como forma de rebelión; aquellos que desaparecen por consecuencias adversas; y los que se pierden involuntariamente, por falta de comunicación o por un accidente. Este estudio ha sido muy cuestionado dado que la mayoría de la muestra son menores. ...
... Sin embargo, estas guías de actuación presentan algunas limitaciones: en primer lugar, se han construido basándose meramente en aproximaciones descriptivas (análisis bivariantes), lo que permite identificar diferentes categorías que se consideran "de vulnerabilidad" (por ejemplo, personas con demencia, esquizofrenia o menores, entre otros) así como las características principales de las personas incluidas en estos grupos, sin abordar directamente la valoración del riesgo de que la persona denunciada como desaparecida sufra un daño, o el fallecimiento, durante la desaparición, por lo que no parecen ser completamente adecuadas para tomar decisiones Ferguson, 2022), y, en segundo lugar, las muestras estudiadas no incluyen casos de desenlace fatal por causa homicida. De este modo, existe una necesidad de realizar estudios basados en análisis estadísticos multivariantes que tengan implicaciones para la futura calibración de sistemas predictivos capaces de identificar las causas y motivos por los que una persona ha desaparecido y de valorar el riesgo de resultar dañado o fallecido por causa violenta, tanto suicida como homicida Ferguson, 2022;Hedges, 2016;Henderson et al., 2000;Kraemer et al., 1997;Newiss, 1999). ...
Thesis
Full-text available
La presente Tesis Doctoral nace del interés en identificar variables psicológicas, sociodemográficas y criminológicas que permitan discriminar entre los diferentes tipos de desaparición y desenlaces de salud (buen estado, daño o fallecimiento por causa violenta). A través de los trabajos incluidos se ha explorado y descrito el fenómeno de las personas desaparecidas en España por primera vez. Específicamente, con los seis estudios que integran esta Tesis Doctoral se han identificado y descrito los diferentes tipos de desapariciones existentes en España, se ha hallado que aunque la edad es una variable moduladora del fenómeno, es necesario considerar aspectos de naturaleza psicosocial o criminológica para explicar las causas y los motivos por los que una persona desaparece y llega a sufrir daños durante la desaparición, se han descrito los perfiles de adultos y menores desaparecidos así como identificado las vulnerabilidades de cada uno de ellos para sufrir daños o el fallecimiento, se han descrito las características psicosociales y criminológicas de los desenlaces violentos (suicidios y homicidios) así como identificado sus factores de riesgo de manera empírica, se ha construido un sistema predictivo de valoración del riesgo eficaz (“SER-DesVi”) que es capaz de identificar de forma temprana aquellos casos en los que es probable que la persona resulte dañada durante la desaparición o fallecida por causa violenta (suicida y homicida) y se ha estudiado la validez y capacidad predictiva del “SER-DesVi” haciendo uso de diferentes técnicas de minería de datos o “machine learning”. Estos hallazgos han permitido la identificación empírica de algunos de los mecanismos explicativos que diferencian entre los tipos de desapariciones y los posibles desenlaces. Este conocimiento podría contribuir a conocer los factores sobre los que deben asentarse las campañas de prevención y educación en materia de personas desaparecidas. Finalmente, han servido para la construcción del “SER-DesVi”, una herramienta predictiva fiable, eficiente, y de fácil manejo para los investigadores policiales que permite la identificación temprana de los casos que presentan riesgo de que la persona desaparecida resulte dañada o fallecida por causa suicida u homicida.
... Studies have shown that the majority of disappearances are voluntary (e.g., runaway, disappearing to escape financial problems, suicide) or accidental (García-Barceló et al., 2020;Henderson et al., 2000;Payne, 1995). However, a smaller number of disappearances are involuntary and associated with a criminal act (i.e., abductions and/or violent offending leading to homicides whose victims' bodies are never found) (Biehal et al., 2003;García-Barceló et al., 2020;LePard et al., 2015;Taylor et al., 2019). ...
... This category includes cases of kidnapping (i.e., sexual and/ or physical violence) as well as parental abductions. Henderson et al. (2000) proposed an empirically-based classification of circumstances surrounding missing person incidents. They identified four main categories overlapping with some of Payne's (1995) types. ...
... Our analysis indicated that criminal disappearances occur under various circumstances. This finding is novel and contrasts with previous studies that have classified missing person cases in a criminal context in a single group (Biehal et al., 2003;Foy, 2016;García-Barceló et al., 2020;Henderson et al., 2000;Payne, 1995). This finding is novel and contrasts with previous studies tha have classified missing person cases in a criminal context in a single group (Biehal et al., 2003;Foy, 2016;García-Barceló et al., 2020;Henderson et al., 2000;Payne, 1995). ...
Article
The purpose of this study is to explore cases of missing persons suspected of being criminal. Specifically, this research aims to empirically describe the circumstances surrounding criminal disappearances and examine whether there are different subcategories within these cases using a victimological framework. The data used in this study come from an operational police database. The sample includes 155 unsolved missing person cases whose thorough investigation by the police concluded that a criminal motive remained the most likely hypothesis. These cases occurred on the entire territory of metropolitan France and overseas. Multidimensional scale analysis was used to explore the context of disappearance according to missing person characteristics, lifestyle, everyday activities, and situational exposure at the time of the disappearance. Results show that the distribution of variables in a two‐dimensional space reveals four distinct different categories related to lifestyle and situational exposure: riskier lifestyle, riskier situation, safer situation, and safer lifestyle. This study is the first to empirically explore unsolved missing person cases suspected of a criminal outcome. Moreover, the framework used in this study demonstrates the importance of victimology in an investigative context.
... For instance, there is evidence in emerging research that family conflicts, specifically spousal arguments, render an individual more at risk for going missing (Huey and Ferguson, 2020b). Current research suggests that, as a result, the incidence of missing persons may be reduced by intervening on family tensions and breakdowns, as well as marital relationship issues (Henderson et al., 1999(Henderson et al., , 2000Huey and Ferguson, 2020b;Payne, 1995;NPIA, 2007;Newiss, 1999;Samways, 2006;Yoder et al., 2001;Zerger et al., 2008). This suggests that other unexplored demographic variables could influence one's risk for a missing episode. ...
... Trauma exposure was also revealed as a risk factor amongst some studies, whereby ongoing trauma, including physical, sexual, or domestic abuse, increases the risk of going missing (Foy, 2006;Henderson et al., 1999Henderson et al., , 2000Hirschel and Lab, 1988;Payne, 1995;Samways, 2006;Shalev Greene and Hayden, 2014;Stevenson et al., 2013;Tarling and Burrows, 2004;Yoder et al., 2001;Zerger et al., 2008). Within this grouping, one area does represent a relatively significant body of literature. ...
... Other investigators have revealed that, specific to missing episodes from mental health settings, younger, male patients with a diagnosis of schizophrenia are at high risk for going missing (Dickens and Campbell, 2001;Gerace et al., 2015;Hearn et al., 2012;Nurjannah et al., 2009;Simpson and Bowers, 2004). Researchers have also established that existing mental health problems, both diagnosed and undiagnosed, and self-harm and suicidal ideation serve as risk factors for missingness (Bayliss and Quinton, 2013;Biehal et al., 2003;Blakemore et al., 2005;Bonny et al., 2016;Clarke, 1997;Cohen et al., 2008;Foy, 2006;Fyfe et al., 2015;Gibb and Woolnough, 2007;Henderson et al., 2000;Hirschel and Lab, 1988;Holmes et al., 2013;Huey et al., 2020;Payne, 1995;Perkins et al., 2011;Samways, 2006;Shalev Greene and Hayden, 2014;Stevenson et al., 2013;Sowerby and Thomas, 2017;Tarling and Burrows, 2004). Many studies have also highlighted drug and alcohol use and abuse as prominent factors associated with missingness (Blakemore et al., 2005;Bonny et al., 2016;Cohen et al., 2008Cohen et al., , 2009Ferguson and Huey, 2020;Foy, 2006;Fyfe et al., 2015;Hirschel and Lab, 1988;LePard et al., 2015;Payne, 1995;Perkins et al., 2011;Puzyreva and Loxley, 2017;Shalev Greene and Hayden, 2014;Stevenson et al., 2013;Welch, 2012;Wilkie et al., 2014;Yoder et al., 2001;Zerger et al., 2008). ...
Article
Full-text available
This study seeks to advance an understanding of ‘risk’ for persons going missing—a phenomenon also known as missingness. There is a need to clarify terms used to describe correlations or statistical associations between variables that are identified as risk factors for missing person incidents to understand the mechanisms influencing this phenomenon. Without such research, policies and preventative strategies cannot be adequately offered to begin to reduce missingness. To do so, a review is first provided of the current risk factors identified internationally for missing persons. Then, the Kraemer and colleagues (Arch Gen Psychiatry 54:337–343, 1997; Kraemer et al., Am J Psychiatry 158:848–856, 2001) risk factor classification system and MacArthur framework are applied to the risk factors to identify the ways in which these may be overlapping, proxy, mediating, and/or moderating factors. This clarification on risk terminology attempts to offer a common language for communicating about risk factors associated with missing persons. Suggestions are then provided for how these factors may overlap and/or work together to form risk pathways. The application of this framework highlights that ‘going missing’ may have multiple risk pathways that transgress the current risk factor categorical boundaries. The article then concludes that consistent use of terms and additional research on risk factors will enhance investigations of missing persons and understandings of low- and high-risk groups.
... Another perspective in the literature on cold/long-term missing person cases pertains to families and friends experiencing ambiguous loss and the impact missing incidents have on the relatives' lives. One of the earliest discussions is by Australian researchers Henderson, Henderson, and Kiernan (2000), who traced the longer-term impacts of long-term missing cases. These authors highlight that effective support services for families and friends of long-term missing persons are one of the single most outstanding issues related to these cases, with it being the most significant unmet need for relatives. ...
... These authors highlight that effective support services for families and friends of long-term missing persons are one of the single most outstanding issues related to these cases, with it being the most significant unmet need for relatives. Specialised self-help groups for families and friends of long-term missing persons were recommended as a result (Henderson et al., 2000). Scholars have extended such findings, documenting that acceptance, emotional and social support, mental disengagement, and venting emotions are coping strategies relatives frequently engage in when a loved one is missing long term. ...
Article
Full-text available
Cold/long-term missing person cases continue to be a matter of great concern for the public and police. Scholars have attempted to study the issue of missing persons more broadly, using research from across regions to understand this phenomenon. However, there has been little study of how relevant research from different regions is to other areas and little examination of cold/long-term missing person cases. Given these two considerations – these cases being of great concern but understudied and the blending of research findings from different regions – this study presents first insights on cold/long-term missing person cases from England and Wales versus Canada through a comparative examination. From this, we offer key recommendations that either region may benefit from for enhancing police response. We also highlight the applicability of research from each region, discussing the implications of different police systems, processes, and challenges.
... Using data from UK charitable organisations, Biehal et al. (2003) re-considered the disappearance as a 'missing continuum' which ranged from intentional to unintentional absences and differentiated four types: 'decided to leave', 'drifted', 'unintentionally absent' and 'forced to leave'. In Australia, Henderson et al. (2000) used police data to identify three typologies: 'those who leave to obtain independence or as a form of rebellion', 'those that disappear due to adverse consequences' and 'those that are lost involuntarily due to miscommunication or an accident'. Similarly, the Spanish National Centre of Missing Persons (CNDES) classifies cases into three groups based on law enforcement experience: 'intentional', 'unintentional' and 'forced' (Spanish Ministry of Interior, 2020). ...
... In summary, most of the empirical research that has been conducted in the scope of missing person cases has focused on the explanation of the phenomenon, the description of missing persons and disappearances, as well as the identification of risk factors of harm (Biehal et al., 2003;Bonny et al., 2016;Buckley, 2012;García-Barceló, et al., 2019;Huey & Ferguson, 2020). However, the latter have largely been addressed from a bivariate approach, resulting in a lack of knowledge based on multivariate statistical analysis which generates implications for the future calibration and validation of risk assessment tools focused on the early estimation of (a) missing person outcomes (good state of health, harmed or deceased) and (b) missing person typologies (intentional, unintentional and forced; Blackmore et al., 2005;Foy, 2016;Henderson et al., 2000;Newiss, 1999). ...
... Using data from UK charitable organisations, Biehal et al. (2003) re-considered the disappearance as a 'missing continuum' which ranged from intentional to unintentional absences and differentiated four types: 'decided to leave', 'drifted', 'unintentionally absent' and 'forced to leave'. In Australia, Henderson et al. (2000) used police data to identify three typologies: 'those who leave to obtain independence or as a form of rebellion', 'those that disappear due to adverse consequences' and 'those that are lost involuntarily due to miscommunication or an accident'. Similarly, the Spanish National Centre of Missing Persons (CNDES) classifies cases into three groups based on law enforcement experience: 'intentional', 'unintentional' and 'forced' (Spanish Ministry of Interior, 2020). ...
... In summary, most of the empirical research that has been conducted in the scope of missing person cases has focused on the explanation of the phenomenon, the description of missing persons and disappearances, as well as the identification of risk factors of harm (Biehal et al., 2003;Bonny et al., 2016;Buckley, 2012;García-Barceló, et al., 2019;Huey & Ferguson, 2020). However, the latter have largely been addressed from a bivariate approach, resulting in a lack of knowledge based on multivariate statistical analysis which generates implications for the future calibration and validation of risk assessment tools focused on the early estimation of (a) missing person outcomes (good state of health, harmed or deceased) and (b) missing person typologies (intentional, unintentional and forced; Blackmore et al., 2005;Foy, 2016;Henderson et al., 2000;Newiss, 1999). ...
Article
Full-text available
Although research on missing persons has globally increased during the past few years, most of the studies conducted have focused on the description of socio-demographic and situational factors associated with this phenomenon. The aim of this study is to explore in-depth the relation between missing person's socio-demographic factors and missing person's typology and outcomes. A full 1-year sample of police recorded missing persons (n = 24,284) was extracted from the Spanish 'Missing Persons and Unidentified Human Remains (PDyRH)' system and a multivariate statistical approach was used. The findings of this research show that, although nationality and gender are mainly important from a descriptive level, age is the socio-demographic variable that better classifies the typology and outcome of missing person cases. These findings suggest that age is a modulating variable of this phenomenon. Thus, there is a need for the conduction of research for each specific age group focused on identifying psychosocial, criminological and geographical risk factors which could explain missing person case outcomes from a multifaceted approach. Considering previous research in the field, the findings of this research are mostly consistent with these previous studies and entail different implications, both at prevention level and in the scope of police investigations.
... Los adultos desaparecidos en España son personas que tienen deudas económicas, no hablan el idioma del lugar donde han desaparecido, han abandonado voluntariamente la medicación que necesitan, se van a otros países o regiones, tienen antecedentes policiales y/o penales, manifiestan su intención de suicidarse, se encuentran tristes o afligidos, en un proceso de separación, bajo la influencia del alcohol/drogas y/o pueden haber tenido un accidente, tanto físico como de salud mental. Estas características podrían fundamentar la existencia de diferentes escenarios temáticos sobre desapariciones de adultos: aquellos que desaparecen como vía de escape, aquellos que lo hacen con intenciones disfuncionales como acometer el suicido, aquellos que tienen accidentes de salud, y aquellos que pudieran ser víctimas de delito (Biehal et al., 2003;Bonny et al., 2016;Henderson et al., 2000). ...
... Por su parte, los menores desaparecidos en España son personas que tienen un estilo de vida ajetreado, tienen discusiones previas en el entorno cercano, se desvinculan y rebelan de su entorno familiar, evitan responsabilidades en el mismo, se relacionan con pares delincuentes y/o se ausentan con sus parejas. A nivel temático, estas variables podrían caracterizar diferentes escenarios de menores desaparecidos: aquellos que se fugan del hogar/centros de acogida con el objetivo de estar con sus pares cercanos (amigos y pareja habitualmente) o que tratan de desvincularse de su entorno familiar (Biehal et al., 2003;Bonny et al., 2016;Henderson et al., 2000;Payne, 1995). ...
Article
Full-text available
La investigación científica sobre personas desaparecidas a nivel internacional y nacional se ha incrementado durante los últimos años en pos de abordar los diferentes retos establecidos acerca de la estandarización de la respuesta inicial (prevención e intervención) ante el fenómeno por parte de la Administración Pública. Los objetivos de este trabajo se centran en la identificación de las características que componen los perfiles de adultos y menores desaparecidos en España así como las relaciones existentes entre éstas y los estados de salud en los que las personas desaparecidas son localizadas. Se ha estudiado una muestra de 1,140 desapariciones ocurridas y esclarecidas en España en el año 2019. Los resultados indicaron que existen características que discriminan entre los perfiles de adultos y menores desaparecidos, así como entre los diferentes tipos de desenlaces (buen estado de salud, lesión y fallecimiento). Estos hallazgos generan diversas implicaciones en función del grupo de edad de la persona desaparecida: a) en el ámbito de la prevención general de las desapariciones, y sobre los grupos específicos de riesgo de resultar dañados o fallecidos, así como b) en el ámbito de la investigación policial para la creación de herramientas de apoyo a la toma de decisiones.
... En el ámbito científico, el estudio las desapariciones de personas se ha incrementado durante las últimas décadas a nivel internacional (Biehal et al., 2003;Bonny et al., 2016;Taylor et al., 2018) debido a la necesidad existente acerca de generar conocimiento empírico que sirva de ayuda en el proceso de toma de decisiones institucionales que permitan localizar a la persona desaparecida en el menor tiempo posible y en buen estado de salud, así como ofrecer asistencia a los familiares de las personas desaparecidas, quienes se exponen a un impacto psicológico traumático derivado de la ausencia y del desconocimiento del paradero de su familiar, lo que genera dificultades en los procesos de adaptación al medio o ambiente en el que viven, especialmente para aquellas personas cuyos familiares desaparecidos permanecen sin localizar (Parr & Stevenson, 2013). Algunas de estas investigaciones sugieren que, especialmente, existe una alta demanda social respecto a la respuesta que deben dar los servicios públicos a los casos Algunas de las cifras que hay disponibles a nivel mundial indican que, en Australia se denuncian anualmente alrededor de 35,000 desapariciones (Stevenson y Thomas, 2018) estableciéndose la cifra de reincidencia entre el 34% y el 54% (Bricknell, 2017;Henderson et al., 2000;McFarlane, 2021). Aunque no se han encontrado cifras totales de las personas desaparecidas que reinciden en Canadá, en la Columbia británica, la región más occidental de este país, el porcentaje de casos reincidentes de personas desaparecidas es del 13 A nivel explicativo la investigación científica ha puesto de manifiesto que los eventos de reincidencia en casos de personas desaparecidas suelen estar asociados a casos de menores que desaparecen por causas voluntarias relacionadas con el escape. ...
Article
Full-text available
La literatura científica señala la necesidad existente que tienen las instituciones públicas en ofrecer una respuesta adecuada a los casos de personas desaparecidas reincidentes. El propósito de esta investigación reside en identificar los factores de riesgo de reincidencia en casos de personas desaparecidas, así como determinar si la reincidencia podría considerarse un factor de riesgo o protección del estado de salud en el que se localiza a la persona. Se estudió una muestra de 1,140 personas desaparecidas, y se llevaron a cabo análisis estadísticos bivariantes y multivariantes. Los hallazgos determinaron que existen algunos factores, especialmente la edad y las causas de la desaparición, que discriminan entre aquellos casos de personas desaparecidas que reinciden y aquellas que no lo hacen. Estos resultados ofrecen algunas implicaciones prácticas en el ámbito social, policial y comunitario en pos de ofrecer una respuesta global y efectiva ante esta casuística.
Article
Missing persons cases present a complex challenge for law enforcement globally and require a nuanced understanding of their typologies. This study provides a comprehensive analysis of cases from the United Kingdom, from within a single police service, focusing on the alignment of police missing person risk assessment (RA) factors with existing typologies. Utilizing data exclusively from nearly 5000 police RAs, the study undertakes a multi-stage analysis, examining RA factors for congruence with established typologies and exploring data subsets based on gender, case outcomes, and risk gradings. Using Jaccard’s similarity coefficient and smallest space analysis (SSA), the study interprets and visualizes the cases to explore relationships. Results are reported using visual and descriptive statistics. Key findings include confirmation of alignment to existing typologies and research that has identified ‘unintentional – accidental/drift’ as the dominant missing person typology, identifying it in 65% of the cases. Notably, the typology was also the dominant theme in 45% of the cases resulting in a harmful outcome and 42% graded as high-risk. Categorical nuances are identified within subsets, with 47% of long-term missing and 63% involving men relating to the intentional – dysfunctional typology. 31% of the cases involving females, and 30% and 45% of the cases graded as medium and no apparent risk, respectively, were dominated by the ‘intentional – escape’ typology. We discuss how these findings can be used to improve the police RA process and guide initial risk grading and case prioritization enhancing the understanding and response to missing person cases.
Article
The present research examined the role of expectations, delay and ongoing task on prospective person memory. Participants (N = 561) studied six mock missing person posters and were told that they had either a low chance or a high chance of encountering the missing persons. Participants were told to press the ‘h’ key if one of the persons was encountered. Participants engaged in a grocery store task immediately after studying the posters or after a five-minute delay. The grocery store task included photographs of 44 individuals, including one of the ‘missing persons’. During the grocery store task, participants either engaged in an attention demanding ongoing activity (i.e. looking for four items from a shopping list) or were able to devote themselves solely to looking for the missing persons. Expectations of encounter increased both correct and incorrect sightings, effects that were more pronounced after the five-minute delay. The presence of the ongoing task had no significant effect on sighting rates. Results are discussed in terms of the multiprocess model [McDaniel, M. A., & Einstein, G. O. (2000). Strategic and automatic processes in prospective memory retrieval: A multiprocess framework. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 14(7), S127–S144 .] and the preparatory attention and memory process model [Smith, R. E. (2003). The cost of remembering to remember in event- based prospective memory: Investigating the capacity demands of delayed intention performance. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 29(3), 347–361.] of prospective memory. We also discuss applications of these findings to missing person investigations.
Missing People: Issues for the Australian Community, Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra, also available at www.missingpersons
  • M Henderson
  • P Henderson
Henderson, M. and Henderson, P. 1998, Missing People: Issues for the Australian Community, Commonwealth of Australia, Canberra, also available at www.missingpersons.info.au
Crime and Justice in Australia
  • S Mukherjee
  • A Graycar
Mukherjee, S. and Graycar, A. 1997, Crime and Justice in Australia, Hawkins Press, Sydney.