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Article Agglutination and the African Contribution to the Portuguese-based Creoles
... (1) Percentages of words identified as African by source languages from Ladhams (2012) in the Gulf of Guinea creoles: ...
... Even though tone seems to be at the center of this discussion, few attempts have been made to investigate the typology of creole word-prosodic systems, and most creole tone systems have yet to be studied thoroughly (Smith 2008). 10 9 The sources used for the origin of the African words were Agheyisi (1986), Aigbokhan (2013), Assis Junior (1947), (Bentley 1887), Günther (1973, Ladhams (2003Ladhams ( , 2012 and Maurer (2009 Significantly, Afro-Atlantic Creoles present a unique situation of contact between two word-prosodic systems: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. 11 In (2) we show the two types of lexifiers and substrates in this context: ...
... Even though tone seems to be at the center of this discussion, few attempts have been made to investigate the typology of creole word-prosodic systems, and most creole tone systems have yet to be studied thoroughly (Smith 2008). 10 9 The sources used for the origin of the African words were Agheyisi (1986), Aigbokhan (2013), Assis Junior (1947), (Bentley 1887), Günther (1973, Ladhams (2003Ladhams ( , 2012 and Maurer (2009 Significantly, Afro-Atlantic Creoles present a unique situation of contact between two word-prosodic systems: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. 11 In (2) we show the two types of lexifiers and substrates in this context: ...
Creole languages have generally not figured prominently in cross-linguistic studies of word-prosodic typology. In this paper, we present a phonological analysis of the prosodic system of Lung’Ie or Principense (ISO 639-3 code: pre), a Portuguese-lexifier creole language spoken in São Tomé and Príncipe. Lung’Ie has produced a unique result of the contact between the two different prosodic systems common in creolization: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. The language has a restrictive privative H/Ø tone system, in which the /H/ is culminative, but non-obligatory. Since rising and falling tones are contrastive on long vowels, the tone must be marked underlyingly. While it is clear that tonal indications are needed, Lung’Ie reveals two properties more expected of an accentual system: (i) there can only be one heavy syllable per word; (ii) this syllable must bear a H tone. This raises the question of whether syllables with a culminative H also have metrical prominence, i.e. stress. However, the problem with equating stress with H tone is that Lung’Ie has two kinds of nouns: those with a culminative H and those which are toneless. The nouns with culminative H are 87% of Portuguese origin, incorporated through stress-to-tone alignment, while the toneless ones are 92% of African origin. Although other creole languages have been reported with split systems of “accented” vs. fully specified tonal lexemes, and others with mixed systems of tone and stress, Lung’Ie differs from these cases in treating African origin words as toneless, a quite surprising result. We consider different analyses and conclude that Lung’Ie has a privative /H/ tone system with the single unusual stress-like property of weight-to-tone.
... (1) Percentages of words identified as African by source languages from Ladhams (2012) in the Gulf of Guinea creoles: ...
... Even though tone seems to be at the center of this discussion, few attempts have been made to investigate the typology of creole word-prosodic systems, and most creole tone systems have yet to be studied thoroughly (Smith 2008). 10 9 The sources used for the origin of the African words were Agheyisi (1986), Aigbokhan (2013), Assis Junior (1947), (Bentley 1887), Günther (1973, Ladhams (2003Ladhams ( , 2012 and Maurer (2009 Significantly, Afro-Atlantic Creoles present a unique situation of contact between two word-prosodic systems: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. 11 In (2) we show the two types of lexifiers and substrates in this context: ...
... Even though tone seems to be at the center of this discussion, few attempts have been made to investigate the typology of creole word-prosodic systems, and most creole tone systems have yet to be studied thoroughly (Smith 2008). 10 9 The sources used for the origin of the African words were Agheyisi (1986), Aigbokhan (2013), Assis Junior (1947), (Bentley 1887), Günther (1973, Ladhams (2003Ladhams ( , 2012 and Maurer (2009 Significantly, Afro-Atlantic Creoles present a unique situation of contact between two word-prosodic systems: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. 11 In (2) we show the two types of lexifiers and substrates in this context: ...
Creole languages have generally not figured prominently in cross-linguistic studies of word-prosodic typology. In this paper, we present a phonological analysis of the prosodic system of Lung'Ie or Principense (ISO 639-3 code: pre), a Portuguese-based creole language spoken in São Tomé and Príncipe. Lung'Ie has produced a unique result of the contact between the two different prosodic systems common in creolization: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. The language has a restrictive privative H/Ø tone system, in which the /H/ is culminative, but non-obligatory. Since rising and falling tones are contrastive on long vowels, the tone must be marked underlyingly. While it is clear that tonal indications are needed, Lung'Ie reveals two properties more expected of an accentual system: (i) there can only be one heavy syllable per word; (ii) this syllable must bear a H tone. This raises the question of whether syllables with a culminative H also have metrical prominence, i.e. stress. However, the problem with equating stress with H tone is that Lung'Ie has two kinds of nouns: those with a culminative H and those which are toneless. The nouns with culminative H are 87% of Portuguese origin, incorporated through stress-to-tone alignment, while the toneless ones are 92% of African origin. Although other creole languages have been reported with split systems of "accented" vs. fully specified tonal lexemes, and others with mixed systems of tone and stress, Lung'Ie differs from these cases in treating African origin words as toneless, a quite surprising result. We consider different analyses and conclude that Lung'Ie has a privative /H/ tone system with the single unusual stress-like property of weight-to-tone.
... Estima-se que as primeiras levas de cativos que chegavam a São Tomé eram, sobretudo, provenientes do Reino do Benim. Por efeito das relações comerciais e diplomáticas portuguesas com o mencionado Reino, principalmente no período entre 1493-1515, houve um maior resgate de contingente escravizado na região do Delta do Níger, onde se falavam línguas do grupo edóide 4 , entre outras (Garfi eld, 1992;Ladhams, 2007). Desse modo, a partir do encontro dos elementos linguísticos da região do Delta do Níger e portugueses, uma nova língua emergiu e posteriormente se especiou (Araujo et al., 2020;Bandeira, 2017;Bandeira et al., 2021). ...
... A partir de 1520, São Tomé passa a receber um grande contingente de escravizados do Congo e de Angola. À vista disso, na fase mencionada, avalia-se que a retenção de cativos tenha ocorrido, predominantemente, em zonas em que eram faladas línguas da família bantu, mais precisamente variedades do quicongo e do quimbundo (Ferraz, 1979;Garfi eld, 1992;Ladhams, 2007). Escravos que escapavam das terríveis condições de vida da cidade e dos engenhos de açúcar formaram quilombos. ...
This study seeks to reconstruct the form of the reflective particle in the Protocreole of the Gulf of Guinea (PGG) based on data from its daughter languages Santome (ST), Angolar (AN), Lung’Ie (LI), and Fa d’Ambô (FA). Thus, the reflexive mechanisms of the daughter languages were compared by identifying convergent and divergent features. Then, the reconstruction of the reflexive particle of the PGG was based on the application of the comparative method of historical linguistics. The reconstructed form *ôg͡bê > ubwê (ST), ig͡bê (LI), ôngê (AN), ôgê (FA) is an evidence for the relationship between the four daughter languages. Furthermore, the reconstruction of categories such as reflexive particles corroborates the fact that features from languages of the Niger Delta are not limited to phonology but are present in different layers of the proto-language. Therefore, the protoform *ôg͡bê function as a reflexive particle and can refer to lexical item ‘body’ too.
Keywords:
reflexive particle; proto-creole; Gulf of Guinea
... Estima-se que as primeiras levas de cativos que chegavam a São Tomé eram, sobretudo, provenientes do Reino do Benim. Por efeito das relações comerciais e diplomáticas portuguesas com o mencionado Reino, principalmente no período entre 1493-1515, houve um maior resgate de contingente escravizado na região do Delta do Níger, onde se falavam línguas do grupo edóide 4 , entre outras (Garfi eld, 1992;Ladhams, 2007). Desse modo, a partir do encontro dos elementos linguísticos da região do Delta do Níger e portugueses, uma nova língua emergiu e posteriormente se especiou (Araujo et al., 2020;Bandeira, 2017;Bandeira et al., 2021). ...
... A partir de 1520, São Tomé passa a receber um grande contingente de escravizados do Congo e de Angola. À vista disso, na fase mencionada, avalia-se que a retenção de cativos tenha ocorrido, predominantemente, em zonas em que eram faladas línguas da família bantu, mais precisamente variedades do quicongo e do quimbundo (Ferraz, 1979;Garfi eld, 1992;Ladhams, 2007). Escravos que escapavam das terríveis condições de vida da cidade e dos engenhos de açúcar formaram quilombos. ...
Este estudo propõe uma reconstrução da partícula reflexiva (REFLEX) no protocrioulo do Golfo da Guiné (PGG), com base em dados de suas quatro línguas-filhas, o santome (ST), o angolar (AN), o lung’Ie (LI) e o fa d’Ambô (FA). Assim, foram comparados os mecanismos reflexivos das línguas-filhas, identificados os traços convergentes e divergentes e, em seguida, realizada a reconstrução de REFLEX do PGG, fundamentada na aplicação do método comparativo da linguística histórica. A reconstrução *ôg͡bê > ubwê (ST), ig͡bê (LI), ôngê (AN) e ôgê (FA) mostrou-se relevante na medida em que se comprova a descendência direta das quatro línguas-filhas. Ademais, a reconstrução de partículas gramaticais como REFLEX corrobora o fato de que os traços oriundos das línguas do Delta do Níger não se circunscrevem à fonologia, mas estão presentes em diferentes camadas da protolíngua. Dessa forma, a partir dos dados da reconstrução gramatical, a protoforma *ôg͡bê pode se referir à particula reflexiva, bem como ao item lexical ‘corpo’.
... Cette répartition suscite, en effet, des questions auxquelles certains auteurs ont tenté de répondre. A l'exception de Baissac (1880) (Ladhams 2012;Hagemeijer 2009) et sporadiquement, dans quelques autres créoles non-dérivés de langues romanes, comme par exemple, en Sranan et Saramaccan, ou encore dans le pidgin nigérien (Parkvall 2008). l'agglutination 2 du déterminant en mauricien est réputée dû à l'influence de langues bantoues, contributeurs majeurs de la formation des CBF de l'Isle de France 3 ( Baker 1987, Grant 1995b, Strandquist 2003, Veenstra 2011). ...
... 7 Une étude approfondie de la distribution des formes alternantes serait nécessaire pour étayer cette hypothèse. base française, n'est pas généralisable à d'autres créoles à part ceux à base portugaise (Ladhams 2012, Hagemeijer 2009. Si le procédé était caractéristique de la créolisation, on s'attendrait à ce que ce soit plus répandu à travers les créoles. ...
... Maurer (2009: 27) briefly mentions stress, but does not consider it in his discussion. 6 Consequently, Lung'Ie has the lowest percentage of Bantu words and the highest percentage of Edo words compared to the other Gulf of Guinea creoles (Ladhams 2012). (3) Lung'Ie tone patterns ...
In this paper we consider two non-canonical prosodic systems resulting from Afro-European contact: Lung’Ie (Principense) and Central African French. After establishing criteria for “tone” and “stress”, we show that neither system meets the canonical properties of either: Lung’Ie restricts words to at most one (“culminative”) high tone, but also allows toneless words, while Central African French assigns one and only one (“culminative and obligatory”) high tone to the final syllable of each word, suggesting an accentual analysis, non-high syllables, instead of having interpolated pitch, are clearly realized with an output low target, thus making the language “feel like tone”. Our study again shows that not all word-prosodic systems fit neatly into predefined typological “boxes”. In these (and other cited) cases, the “non-canonical” systems show that Afro-European contact between tone and stress/accent can have quite different effects.
... These forms are morphologically simplex constructions, as in Morisyen: latant "aunt", mo latant "my aunt", en latant "an aunt" (see e.g. Baker 1984;Ladhams 2012). ...
This book launches a new approach to creole studies founded on phylogenetic network analysis. Phylogenetic approaches offer new visualisation techniques and insights into the relationships between creoles and non-creoles, creoles and other contact varieties, and between creoles and lexifier languages. With evidence from creole languages in Africa, Asia, the Americas, and the Pacific, the book provides new perspectives on creole typology, cross-creole comparisons, and creole semantics. The book offers an introduction for newcomers to the fields of creole studies and phylogenetic analysis. Using these methods to analyse a variety of linguistic features, both structural and semantic, the book then turns to explore old and new questions and problems in creole studies. Original case studies explore the differences and similarities between creoles, and propose solutions to the problems of how to classify creoles and how they formed and developed. The book provides a fascinating glimpse into the unity and heterogeneity of creoles and the areal influences on their development. It also provides metalinguistic discussions of the “creole” concept from different perspectives. Finally, the book reflects critically on the findings and methods, and sets new agendas for future studies. Creole Studies has been written for a broad readership of scholars and students in the fields of contact linguistics, biolinguistics, sociolinguistics, language typology, and semantics.
This paper investigates the origins of Guianese French Creole. Whereas the existing literature assumes Guianese was formed in situ , we argue the creole is in fact genetically related to Lesser Antillean French Creole. We support our hypothesis by means of a range of comparative linguistic data. Furthermore, a historical framework is provided that accounts for linguistic transfer from the Lesser Antilles to French Guiana in the second half of the 17th century.
Four Portuguese-based Creoles are spoken on the islands in the Gulf of Guinea: Santome, Angolar, Lung’Ie, and Fa d’Ambô. These languages are descendants of the Portuguese-based Gulf of Guinea Proto-Creole, which emerged at the beginning of the sixteenth century on São Tomé Island. Based on Bandeira (2017), we discuss the development of liquid consonants in Santome, Lung’Ie, Angolar and Fa d’Ambô using data from the reconstruction, and we examine the developments in the daughter-languages of the proto-phonemes *r and *l that led to the synchronic systems and the present configurations in the daughter languages, since the liquid consonants evolved differently from the proto-creole. We show that the relation between long vowels and liquid consonants, both in coda and in complex onsets, can be better understood if we consider the modern lexical items in these four languages as continuations of proto-forms, with characteristic modifications in each language governed by regular processes.
Este artigo discute a ascensão do português em São Tomé e Príncipe. Com base em processos históricos de interação social nos períodos colonial e pós-colonial, observou-se a difusão da língua portuguesa em detrimento das línguas locais, ainda que o input em português fosse, inicialmente, limitado. Em decorrência de pressões assimilatórias, reforçadas ao longo dos séculos XIX e XX, a população não portuguesa favoreceu o uso e a transmissão intergeracional do português, comportamento validado pelas elites locais. Após 1975, o português foi, então, consolidado, como a língua transmitida pelas gerações mais velhas, tornando-se a língua materna da maior parte da população de São Tomé e Príncipe, possibilitando, assim, a emergência de variedades singulares do português, as quais são marcadas pelo contato com as demais línguas locais.
This book launches a new approach to creole studies founded on phylogenetic network analysis. Phylogenetic approaches offer new visualisation techniques and insights into the relationships between creoles and non-creoles, creoles and other contact varieties, and between creoles and lexifier languages. With evidence from creole languages in Africa, Asia, the Americas, and the Pacific, the book provides new perspectives on creole typology, cross-creole comparisons, and creole semantics. The book offers an introduction for newcomers to the fields of creole studies and phylogenetic analysis. Using these methods to analyse a variety of linguistic features, both structural and semantic, the book then turns to explore old and new questions and problems in creole studies. Original case studies explore the differences and similarities between creoles, and propose solutions to the problems of how to classify creoles and how they formed and developed. The book provides a fascinating glimpse into the unity and heterogeneity of creoles and the areal influences on their development. It also provides metalinguistic discussions of the “creole” concept from different perspectives. Finally, the book reflects critically on the findings and methods, and sets new agendas for future studies. Creole Studies has been written for a broad readership of scholars and students in the fields of contact linguistics, biolinguistics, sociolinguistics, language typology, and semantics.
Congruence and convergence are frequently mentioned to explain crosslinguistic phenomena, such as code alternations, borrowings etc., which arise when languages are in contact (Matras 2009). As a rule, these linguistic processes are generated by the coexistence of languages in the same area over a long period of time (hence the creation of sprachbünde), and by situations of language acquisition and bilingualism. These processes are fueled by the acquisition strategies developed by plurilingual speakers (Haspelmath 1998). Congruence and convergence are often used as synonyms to name the linguistic factors that shape the material (linguistic matter) and the modes of organization (patterns) of languages in contact (Matras 2009: 148), but sometimes these terms may refer to distinct linguistic processes. In this contribution, convergence and congruence are discussed in the light of the socio-historical and linguistic development of Creole languages. The meaning and use of these notions are examined through a discussion of the case of nominal agglutination (i.e. the reanalysis of the French Determiner + Noun sequences into new lexical units), presented by Baker (1984) as an example of transfer of a Bantu substratum in the development of Isle de France Creole (i.e. French Creoles from Mauritius, Rodrigues and Seychelles). Since Weinreich (1953) and Haugen (1956), language contacts are known to foster the emergence of diaphonemes and diamorphemes, that is linguistic units which span languages in contact and are perceived by bilingual speakers as identical. These interlingual phenomena bear both on linguistic materials and on modes of organization. The notion of conceptual change of Jarvis and Pavlenko (2008) describes the conditions that trigger these crosslinguistic effects. To pose that the appropriation of the dominant language of a colony by plurilingual subalterns is at the origin of creolization is to accept that the emergence of Creole languages follows a course where transfer, convergence and congruence between languages in contact, and other general learning processes are at play. The crystallization of these learner varieties is made possible because of the development of socialization among the slaves, and of the related sociolinguistic phenomenon of focussing (Lepage & Tabouret-Keller 1985). Gumperz and Wilson (1971) and Myers-Scotton (2002) define the socio-linguistic and cognitive dimensions of convergence while Baptista (2020) uses the notion of congruence to describe the same linguistic phenomena. For these researchers, convergence and congruence, are unitary processes that engender new combinations of units and functions in languages in contact. For other researchers (for instance, Olko, Borges and Sullivan 2018), convergence or congruence is the result of a sum of mechanisms of linguistic change, including grammaticalization, lexical and grammatical borrowing and reanalysis. In the present paper, convergence and congruence are defined as processes based on targeted linguistic transfer which, according to the dynamics of the languages in contact, give rise to reanalysis of the model languages, leading to the creation of new grammatical meanings in the replica languages. If the link is direct between congruence, convergence and reanalysis, i.e. the reinterpretation of the units and categories of the model language, it is indirect vis a vis grammaticalization (Hopper & Closs-Traugott 1993: 220). Convergence and congruence, like other processes, contribute to the development of grammaticalization in emerging languages. Nominal agglutination in French-related Creoles is of two types: a) a consonant is added to a French etymon beginning with an initial vowel; b) a syllable derived from the French determiner (mau. di, li etc.) agglutinates with the French lexical etymon to form new Creole lexemes, examples lera (rat) (from) < (fr. le rat), dizef (eggs) < (fr. de l’œuf), lizje (eyes) < (fr. les yeux) etc. According to Baker (1984), the massive presence of agglutinated nominal forms of the second type in the Creoles of Mauritius, Rodrigues and the Seychelles is due to the presence of Bantuphone slaves in Mauritius during the period of formation of the so-called Isle de France Creole (IdFC), i.e. between 1773 and 1810. Baker (1984: 111) sketches an acquisition scenario whereby the Bantuphone slaves, the majority of the inhabitants of Ile de France at that time, reanalyze the Determiner + Noun sequences of French into unique lexical items because of the transfer of their knowledge of Bantu class markers, leading to a case of isomorphic convergence (Baptista 2020). The paper attempts to show that factors other than convergence and congruence could be at play in the inception of nominal agglutination and more widely of creolization in French Creoles. In the light of the definitions of convergence and congruence proposed, the paper investigates the phenomenon of lexical reanalysis called nominal agglutination, keeping in mind that transfer presupposes the identification of similar sites in the target language and that any isomorphic convergence or any congruence implies that identities have been perceived between the languages in contact. The paper claims that nominal agglutination in French Creoles cannot be considered to constitute a strict case of convergence or congruence in spite of Baker (1984), Myers-Scotton (2002) and Baptista (2020)’s analyses. A cursory examination of the system of class markers in Bantu languages shows that the nominal morphology of these languages is different from that of French. The nominal classes of the Bantu languages and the French NP and its agreement specifiers are organized differently on the morphological and semantic levels. Of course, speakers of Bantu languages tend to be sensitive to prefixes in the model NP and tend to add augments to the substantival base of the model language in certain contexts. However, these arguments are not sufficient to prove that nominal agglutination in French-related Creoles a case of congruence or convergence. Nominal agglutination in French Creoles has been and is produced by multiple factors, from the conservation and the intra-systemic generalization of regional uses of French to possible partial transfers between the languages of the slave populations and colonial French during creolization. Understanding creolization as a case of acquisition of the dominant language of the colony by multilingual adults presupposes an understanding of the conditions that govern the mobilization of convergence or congruence and other linguistic and cognitive mechanisms of transfer, analogy, reanalysis, convergence and congruence. Sociohistorical factors are also to be taken into account in creolization because they shape the very nature of inter-linguistic contacts.
The term ‘abstract objects’ is introduced in linguistics by the metaphysical and logical tradition, to designate entities characterized by the absence of some fundamental physical properties, such as space-temporal localization, the ability to form cause-effect processes or the sensory perceptibility. The purpose of the book is to give an account of some particular strategies by which French-based creole languages deal with the linguistic encoding of abstract objects, when they are expressed in morphosyntactic formats of name, adjective predicate and completive clause. Three case studies are presented. The first one is dedicated to the phenomenon of article agglutination. The second case study concerns the compatibility of adjectives belonging to different semantic classes with verbal syntactic constructions and morphological markers in Haitian, Martinican and Guadeloupean Creoles. Finally, the third case study is the description of the syntactic coding in the Creole of Guadeloupe of the fact type and potential type completive clauses.
Creole languages have generally not figured prominently in cross-linguistic studies of word-prosodic typology. In this paper, we present a phonological analysis of the prosodic system of Lung’Ie or Principense (ISO 639-3 code: pre), a Portuguese-lexifier creole language spoken in São Tomé and Príncipe. Lung’Ie has produced a unique result of the contact between the two different prosodic systems common in creolization: a stress-accent lexifier and tone language substrates. The language has a restrictive privative H/Ø tone system, in which the /H/ is culminative, but non-obligatory. Since rising and falling tones are contrastive on long vowels, the tone must be marked underlyingly. While it is clear that tonal indications are needed, Lung’Ie reveals two properties more expected of an accentual system: (i) there can only be one heavy syllable per word; (ii) this syllable must bear a H tone. This raises the question of whether syllables with a culminative H also have metrical prominence, i.e. stress. However, the problem with equating stress with H tone is that Lung’Ie has two kinds of nouns: those with a culminative H and those which are toneless. The nouns with culminative H are 87% of Portuguese origin, incorporated through stress-to-tone alignment, while the toneless ones are 92% of African origin. Although other creole languages have been reported with split systems of “accented” vs. fully specified tonal lexemes, and others with mixed systems of tone and stress, Lung’Ie differs from these cases in treating African origin words as toneless, a quite surprising result. We consider different analyses and conclude that Lung’Ie has a privative /H/ tone system with the single unusual stress-like property of weight-to-tone.
This book takes a fresh approach to analysing how new languages are created, combining in-depth colonial history and empirical, usage-based linguistics. Focusing on a rarely studied language, the authors employ this dual methodology to reconstruct how multilingual individuals drew on their perception of Romance and West African languages to form French Guianese Creole. In doing so, they facilitate the application of a usage-based approach to language while simultaneously contributing significantly to the debate on creole origins. This innovative volume is sure to appeal to students and scholars of language history, creolisation and languages in contact.
William Jennings is Senior Lecturer in French language, linguistics and culture at the University of Waikato, New Zealand. His research interests lie primarily within French colonial and encounter history, with a particular focus on the emergence of creole languages and societies.
Stefan Pfänder is Full Professor of Romance linguistics at Albert-Ludwigs-Universitäts Freiburg, Germany. His teaching focuses on French, Spanish, Italian and Creole, while his research centres around the emergence of grammatical constructions in interaction, and usage-based models of language variation and change.
Chapter 3 is published open access under a CC BY 4.0 license.
This chapter describes the history of French Guiana during the time when French Guianese Creole emerged (1660–1700). After providing background information about the Native American, French and African peoples who lived in French Guiana, this chapter explores the French Caribbean colonial system founded in the Antilles. It then focuses on the linguistic experience of African slaves in French Guiana’s capital Cayenne, drawing on a plantation archive to describe daily life in the colony and providing evidence that, unusually for a slave colony, almost all the first slaves came from a single region of Africa. This chapter also provides a likely pathway for the invention of French Guianese Creole as it evolved from basic pidgin to the dominant language of the community.
The general aim of the thesis is to assess the circumstances of the origin of Portuguese plantation creole languages, from both linguistic and extra-linguistic perspectives, by studying the Creoles in the Cape Verde Islands and the Gulf of Guinea Islands (São Tomé, Príncipe and Annobon), as compared with the situation in Brazil, where it would appear that no creole language arose. This is despite the fact that similar sociohistorical conditions existed in all three territories, from the point of view of plantation settlement and slavery, and at roughly the same period. The thesis attempts to answer not so much how, but more particularly why plantation Creoles are formed and develop, in particular sociolinguistic circumstances. A linguistic analysis is made of the extent to which the plantation creoles developed away from 16 th-century Portuguese, and a comparison made between the individual languages as to how "radical" they are. An examination is also made of the origin of the slaves involved in the formation of the Creole languages, to assess the proportions of slaves from different ethnic groups, and also to see what linguistic influences can be traced in the actual Creole languages. A number of theories have been proposed which regard the development of creole languages as being primarily European-based. However, none of these theories would appear to be appropriate for the case of the Portuguese plantation creoles. On the other hand, evidence is produced showing the connection between community formation and language formation, as an indication of solidarity within that community. A number of aspects of community formation are examined in relation to the Portuguese plantation islands and the relationship established between these aspects and the fact that creole languages were formed there. By contrast, it is shown that in Brazil, where creolisation almost certainly did not take place, there is very little evidence of similar community formation, thereby reinforcing the connection between linguistic and extra-linguistic factors in the formation of creole languages.
According to Ehrhart and Corne, Tayo is an endogenous creole that crystallized under the peculiarly plantation-like circumstances present at the St-Louis mission in the late 19th century. Noting some linguistic similarities with Reunion Creole, Chaudenson (1994) raises the question of whether Reunion Creole had had any influence on the development of Tayo. This notion is refuted both by Ehrhart (1994) and Corne (1994, 1995, 1999, 2000a, 2000b), although Corne (2000a) concedes that due to some linguistic and socio-demographic evidence, Reunion Creole influence on Tayo cannot be excluded. This paper revisits this debate and reopens questions that earlier researchers appear to have closed by discussing the implications of two texts written in Reunion Creole and published in New Caledonia. The first is a Georges Baudoux text containing the ‘Reunion Creole’ of Socrates, a black Reunion Creole taken to New Caledonia in 1870 to work as a coolie. The second is a political text attacking a ‘Creole’ candidate running for election on the
Conseil Supérieur des Colonies
published in 1884 by journalist Julien Bernier, an immigrant from Reunion. Accepting the authenticity of these texts raises questions pertinent to the debate on Tayo genesis. Given that
réunionnais
was being spoken in New Caledonia when Tayo was developing, were any speakers in contact with the Kanaks of St-Louis? What, if any, influence did their language have on the developing St-Louis patois? I discuss these questions by re-examining socio-historical evidence and by making some brief comparisons between the New Caledonian Reunion Creole texts and Tayo.
Texte intégral accessible uniquement aux membres de l'Université de Lorraine
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