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Once Upon a Mine: The Legacy of Uranium on the Navajo Nation

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Abstract

On a low, windswept rise at the southeastern edge of the Navajo Nation, Jackie Bell-Jefferson prepares to move her family from their home for a temporary stay that could last up to seven years. A mound of uranium-laden waste the size of several football fields, covered with a thin veneer of gravel, dominates the view from her front door. After many years of living next to the contamination and a litany of health problems she believes it caused, Bell-Jefferson and several other local families will have to vacate their homes for a third round of cleanup efforts by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Decades of uranium mining have dotted the landscape across the Navajo Nation with piles of contaminated mine waste. The EPA has mapped 521 abandoned uranium mines on the reservation, ranging from small holes dug by a single prospector into the side of a mesa to large commercial mining operations.1 The Navajo people did not have a word for “radioactivity” when mining outfits looking for vanadium2 and uranium3 began moving onto their land in the 1940s, and they did not understand that radiation could be dangerous. They were not told that the men who worked in the mines were breathing carcinogenic radon gas and showering in radioactive water, nor that the women washing their husbands’ work clothes could spread radionuclides to the rest of the family’s laundry. Bell-Jefferson and her brother Peterson Bell played in and around the mines, splashing and swimming in pools of radioactive water that had been pumped out of the mines and then collected on their property. The contaminated water looked and tasted perfectly clean. Families used it for cooking, drinking, and cleaning. Hogans and corrals were built with mine wastes, as were roads. All that changed on 16 July 1979. Just about a mile and a half from Bell-Jefferson’s home, a dam broke at the United Nuclear Corporation mill, where workers processed ore from the nearby Northeast Church Rock uranium mine. The spill dumped 94 million gallons of mill process effluent and 1,100 tons of tailings—an acidic, radioactive sludge—into a large arroyo that emptied into the Puerco River.4 The Church Rock spill occurred less than four months after the partial meltdown of the Three Mile Island nuclear reactor, and it released three times as much radiation, making it the biggest nuclear spill in U.S. history, yet it received only a tiny fraction of the news coverage.5 Declared a Superfund site in 1983, the heaps of waste around the mill still cause radiation survey instruments to squeal from the invisible uranium atoms that remain active 30 years later.6 “This area used to be my playground,” Bell-Jefferson says. “Now it’s just a huge wound.” For the Bells and other Dine (the term by which many Navajo people refer to themselves), the Church Rock spill was a turning point. When corporate and government officials appeared in the spill’s aftermath and began inquiring into exposure to the slurry and potential health problems, the Navajo people finally learned the truth—far from being harmless, these uranium mines were poisoning people, and researchers say they will continue to do so for decades to come.
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THE LEGACY OF URANIUM ON THE NAVAJO NATION
ONCE UPON A MINE
Waste outside an abandoned uranium mine on the Navajo Nation, Cameron, Arizona. © Joshua Lott
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O
n a low, windswept rise at the southeastern edge of the Navajo Nation,
Jackie Bell-Jefferson prepares to move her family from their home for a
temporary stay that could last up to seven years. A mound of uranium-
laden waste the size of several football fields, covered with a thin veneer of gravel, dominates
the view from her front door. After many years of living next to the contamination and a
litany of health problems she believes it caused, Bell-Jefferson and several other local families
will have to vacate their homes for a third round of cleanup efforts by the U.S. Environ-
mental Protection Agency (EPA).
Decades of uranium mining have dotted the landscape across the Navajo Nation with piles
of contaminated mine waste. The EPA has mapped 521 abandoned uranium mines on the
reservation, ranging from small holes dug by a single prospector into the side of a mesa to large
commercial mining operations.
1
The Navajo people did not have a word for “radioactivity”
when mining outfits looking for vanadium
2
and uranium
3
began moving onto their land in
the 1940s, and they did not understand that radiation could be dangerous. They were not told
that the men who worked in the mines were breathing carcinogenic radon gas and showering
in radioactive water, nor that the women washing their husbands’ work clothes could spread
radionuclides to the rest of the family’s laundry.
Focus
|
Once Upon a Mine
Bell-Jefferson and her brother Peterson
Bell played in and around the mines, splash-
ing and swimming in pools of radioactive
water that had been pumped out of the mines
and then collected on their property. The con-
taminated water looked and tasted perfectly
clean. Families used it for cooking, drinking,
and cleaning. Hogans and corrals were built
with mine wastes, as were roads.
All that changed on 16 July 1979. Just
about a mile and a half from Bell-Jeffersons
home, a dam broke at the United Nuclear
Corporation mill, where workers processed
ore from the nearby Northeast Church Rock
uranium mine. The spill dumped 94 mil-
lion gallons of mill process effluent and
1,100 tons of tailingsan acidic, radioactive
sludge—into a large arroyo that emptied into
the Puerco River.
4
The Church Rock spill occurred less than
four months after the partial meltdown of
the Three Mile Island nuclear reactor, and it
released three times as much radiation, mak-
ing it the biggest nuclear spill in U.S. his-
tory, yet it received only a tiny fraction of the
news coverage.
5
Declared a Superfund site in
1983, the heaps of waste around the mill still
cause radiation survey instruments to squeal
from the invisible uranium atoms that remain
active 30 years later.
6
“This area used to be my playground,
Bell-Jefferson says. “Now it’s just a huge
wound.”
For the Bells and other Diné (the term
by which many Navajo people refer to them-
selves), the Church Rock spill was a turn-
ing point. When corporate and government
officials appeared in the spills aftermath and
began inquiring into exposure to the slurry
and potential health problems, the Navajo
people finally learned the truthfar from
being harmless, these uranium mines were
poisoning people, and researchers say they
will continue to do so for decades to come.
Canaries in the Uranium Mines
The arrival of prospectors signified the
Navajo Nation’s entrance into the modern
wage economy.
7
Some welcomed the poten-
tial income. In 1995 former uranium miner
George Tutt recollected, “We were blessed,
we thought. Railroad jobs were available
only far off like Denver. … But for min-
ing, one can just walk to it in the canyon.
We thought we were very fortunate, but we
were not told, ‘Later on this will affect you
in this way.’”
7
Yet researchers had noted as early as 1879
that uranium miners in Europe showed sig-
nificantly elevated levels of lung cancer.
8
By
the 1930s, they suspected radiation as the
culprit.
9
As early as 1951, government scien-
tists had begun to work out what made ura-
nium so deadly. The answer, as it turned out,
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Top: Miners prospecting uranium minerals in New Mexico, 1950. Bottom:
A Navajo miner hauls ore in a mine. Studies of white and Navajo uranium
miners starting in 1950 provided definitive evidence that radiation was
responsible for the lung cancers seen in these workers.
Top: © Peter Stackpole/Time & Life Pictures/Getty Images
Bottom: © Loomis Dean/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images
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wasn’t uranium itself but its decay products,
including radium,
10
thorium,
11
and radon.
12
Radon is a gas, but with a half-life of four
days, it rapidly decays into solid products,
explains Doug Brugge, a professor of public
health at Tufts University.
13
“Being solids,
these are going to want to stick to things like
your lungs,” Brugge says. “Both radon and
its daughter products emit alpha particles,
and this is a very effective way to cause dam-
age that can lead to cancer.
In just over a decade, Navajo miners were
being diagnosed with lung cancer,
14
a rela-
tively rare disease in this largely nonsmoking
population.
15
Beginning in 1950, workers
with the U.S. Public Health Service led by
Duncan Holaday and Victor Archer began
following uranium miners in the South-
west, both Navajo and white, to measure
their exposures and assess their specific can-
cer risks. To get access to the workers, the
researchers had to strike a Faustian bargain
with the mining companies: They could not
inform the miners of the potential health
hazards of their work.
2
Seeing it as the only
way to convince government regulators to
improve safety in the mines, the researchers
accepted.
16
By 1965, the investigators
reported an association between cumulative
exposure to uranium and lung cancer among
white miners and had definitively identified
the cause as radiation exposure.
17
In 1984 another team published results
of a casecontrol study that further implicat-
ed uranium mining as a cause of lung cancer
in Navajo men. The team analyzed 96 con-
firmed cancer cases from the New Mexico
Tumor Registry, 32 lung cancer cases and
64 cases of other cancers. Of the 32 Nava-
jo men who developed lung cancer, 72%
had worked as uranium miners, compared
with none of the controls. Furthermore, the
median age of miners with lung cancer was
44 years, compared with 63 years for non-
miners with other cancers.
18
Decades after
their exposure ended, standardized mortality
ratios and relative risks for lung cancer and
other respiratory problems were still nearly
four times higher in Navajo miners than in
nonminers.
19
Community Exposure to
Uranium
Getting the ore out of the ground was only
the first step in a long process. Miners
then transported the ore to a mill, where
it was crushed and soaked in sulfuric acid
to extract the uranium.
20
More chemicals
were added to precipitate out the uranium,
leaving behind a radioactive slurry. This
slurry was frequently stored in
large, unlined ponds, says Chris
Shuey, an environ mental health
specialist with the Southwest
Research and Information Cen-
ter in Albuquerque, who has
spent the last three decades
working with Navajo commu-
nities affected by uranium min-
ing and milling.
Mining in the area had
mostly ceased by the mid-1960s.
Today, after decades of inactivity,
the uranium from these ponds,
waste and tailings piles, and the
mines themselves is still pres-
ent in highly chemically soluble
forms
6,21
that have been leach-
ing into the areas drinking water,
according to water testing by
the EPA and the Army Corps of
Engineers.
22
In a small, one-story adobe
building tucked into the far edge
of the University of New Mexico
campus, Johnnye Lewis, a pro-
fessor of toxicology, has spent
more than a decade studying
mining-related health effects in
the Navajo people. In 2000 she
received an environmental justice
grant from the National Insti-
tute of Environmental Health
Sciences to collect clinical and
survey data from people living on the Eastern
Navajo Nation. The DiNEH (Diné Network
for Environmental Health) Project was origi-
nally started to address community concerns
about the high rate of kidney disease in this
population, which some community leaders
and health professionals suspected was related
to drinking contaminated water.
Lewis and colleagues surveyed 1,304 resi-
dents, obtaining basic demographic informa-
tion, mapping the locations of their homes,
and taking samples from the wells where
they obtained their drinking water. Of these,
267 provided blood and urine samples so the
researchers could look for markers of bio-
logical damage.
23
The average age of study
partici pants was 51.5 years.
The data the team amassed over the last
13 years suggests that health problems from
these mines in fact aren’t limited to the
miners who worked in them but also extend
to those exposed through drinking water or
simply living near a mine. “We’re still ana-
lyzing data—it generated just an enormous
amount of data,” Lewis says. “But what
we will end up with is that we now will be
able to study three successive generations of
Navajos that have been exposed.
Although the literature on chronic
low-level uranium exposure is still quite
Uranium mining occurred in six major areas of the Navajo Nation, now designated
as AUM (abandoned uranium mine) Regions. This map indicates the 521 sites
mapped by the EPA, but there are estimated to be hundreds more.
13
The Church
Rock spill occurred near the “keyhole” of the Eastern AUM Region.
U.S. EPA
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small, by 2003 researchers knew that the
dangers these exposures posed were due not
to uranium’s radioactivity but to its chemi-
cal toxicity.
24
Both animal
25
and human
26
studies have found uranium to be primarily
toxic to the kidneys. One such study, led
by Maria Limson-Zamora, head of Health
Canada’s Bioassay Section, compared bio-
markers of kidney function in the urine
of Canadians chronically exposed to high
(2–780 µg/L) or low (0.02 µg/L) levels
of uranium in their drinking water. The
investigators found signs of kidney damage
that increased with higher daily intake of
uranium in the drinking water.
27
Uranium appears to exert its chemical
effects on the kidney’s proximal tubules.
28
Arse-
nic and cadmium—which, along with other
potentially hazardous metals, are sometimes
found in uranium tailings
29
create similar sig-
natures of metal damage in the kidneys.
30
Lewis’s early data from the DiNEH Proj-
ect suggest that self-reported kidney disease,
hypertension, and autoimmune diseases were
more prevalent among people who lived closer
to mine waste sites.
31
Her colleague at the Uni-
versity of New Mexico, immunologist Ester
Erdei, believes the increase in hypertension
and autoimmune diseases might be connected
to consumption of contaminated water.
A growing body of evidence links hyper-
tension,
32
heart disease,
33
and autoimmune
diseases
34
to markers of inflammation such as
C-reactive protein and assorted chemokines.
35
Erdei hypothesizes that uranium exposure
might contribute to these diseases through
effects on inflammation. She recently present-
ed findings showing an association between
increased levels of activated T cells in DiNEH
Project participants and greater residential
proximity to mine waste sites.
36
“If we see any of these activated T cells,
we know that the immune system is highly
reacting to something,” Erdei says. “We
didn’t know what it is. This is the next step
A backhoe dumps radium-contaminated soils into a truck during the first of three rounds of interim cleanup
in the Red Water Pond Road Community in May 2007. The waste came from the nearby Northeast Church Rock
Mine, the largest abandoned uranium mine on the Navajo Nation. The gray hill in the background is a waste
dump for another nearby abandoned uranium mine. Environmental health specialist Chris Shuey says the hill
has been graded and contoured several times in unsuccessful attempts to prevent runoff.
©
Chris Shuey/Southwest Research and Information Center
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to find out how it’s really happening on the
molecular level.
Uranium’s Toxic Legacy
Human and animal studies elsewhere
have indicated the health legacy of urani-
um exposure may extend to the children of
exposed parents. A study of 266 cases and
matched controls among Navajo births
over 18 years suggested that children of
women who lived near abandoned uranium
sites were 1.83 times more likely to have
1 of 33 selected defects. Among these were
defects thought to be connected to radiation
exposure (e.g., chromosomal disorders, single
gene mutations) as well as distinctly non-
related defects (e.g., deaths due to obstetrical
complications). On the other hand, these
outcomes also were twice as common among
children whose mothers worked at an elec-
tronics assembly plant as in other children.
37
Animal studies suggest potential reproduc-
tive implications of exposure. A study in rats
exposed to uranium found the offspring had
a higher body burden of uranium than the
dams. These offspring also had higher rates of
physiological changes, including atypical sperm
formation.
38
And a mouse study produced evi-
dence that uranium in drinking water caused
estrogenic activity even at levels below the EPA
safe drinking water level of 30 µg/L.
39
To look more closely at the effects of
uranium exposure on human reproduction
and development, Lewis has recently begun
recruiting up to 1,500 pregnant women
to participate in the Navajo Birth Cohort
Study.
40
Besides tracking birth outcomes and
infant development, pharmacologist Laurie
Hudson of the University of New Mexico
is looking at molecular changes that may be
induced by exposure to uranium waste.
Arsenic is chemically very similar to
zinc and can replace zinc in proteins that are
important in DNA repair.
41
Arsenic goes in
and kicks zinc out, but the arsenic doesn’t
replace the function of zinc. So the proteins
become incapacitated,” Hudson says. This
creates a hat trick of DNA damage: Uranium’s
radioactive
42
and chemical
43
properties both
can harm DNA, and the presence of arsenic
may prevent cells from repairing the damage.
Animal and cell culture studies have sug-
gested a potential solution: zinc supplemen-
tation.
44
Hudson and Lewis want to see if
zinc supplementation may prevent arsenic
from damaging DNA repair enzymes in
women enrolled in the Navajo Birth Cohort
Study, and they have identified an easy way
to do this. Prenatal vitamins, which contain
zinc, are generally obtained via a prescrip-
tion through the Indian Health Service.
Researchers can determine which women
are taking their vitamins by who refills their
prescription. Women who don’t take vita-
mins will serve as the control group. The
investigators will have information on the
womens environ mental exposures and their
body burden of metals, so they can start to
zero in on how arsenic and uranium expo-
sures affect protein function and whether zinc
supplementation provides any protection.
The findings will provide a concrete way
for the researchers to give back to the com-
munity. “We’ve pretty much been clear from
the beginning that if we see something that’s
wrong, we’re not going to let it stick around
just to preserve the data,” Lewis says. “Were
going to make sure people know their risks
and can take action.
Carrie Arnold is a freelance science writer living in Virginia. Her
work has appeared in Scientific American, Discover, New Scien-
tist, Smithsonian, and more.
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... While there is a growing community of Native River guides on the San Juan (Podmore, n.d.), it is an easily identifiable white outdoor recreational space that reflects similarly white majority recreational use of public land in the U.S. (Flores et al., 2018). This is true despite being physically adjoined to Diné land, (the Navajo word used to refer to themselves as a people) (Arnold, 2014), and near to Hopi Land. Surrounding this stretch of river are less recreationally visible and accessible spaces. ...
... Directly to the south of the San Juan River, serving as its northern border, is the Navajo Nation and one of the six areas of uranium mining (AUM) on Diné Land (Arnold, 2014). Within these six AUMS, there are 521 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) documented Uranium mining sites, and there are estimated to be hundreds more (Arnold, 2014). ...
... Directly to the south of the San Juan River, serving as its northern border, is the Navajo Nation and one of the six areas of uranium mining (AUM) on Diné Land (Arnold, 2014). Within these six AUMS, there are 521 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) documented Uranium mining sites, and there are estimated to be hundreds more (Arnold, 2014). From the start of U.S. settler colonialism, indigenous land and people, including the Diné, were racialized and seen as disposable in order to secure land, extract resources, and/or dispose of waste (Brynne Voyles, 2015;Smith, 2012). ...
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This paper explores opportunities for outdoor recreation and education programs to support communities working to sustain or increase community vibrancy. Vibrancy is necessarily linked to our natural environment and the quality of and access to natural environments can impact community vibrancy outcomes. Outdoor recreation access and experiences support relationships with place via natural assets. A community’s natural assets and associated recreation, ecosystem services, economic, and broader wellbeing benefits collectively serve to elevate community vibrancy. Nature-based Placemaking (NBP) is an emerging community development framework that builds on a community’s natural assets to bolster community vibrancy. NBP could serve as a roadmap for nature-based community vibrancy efforts, providing direction and considerations for navigating vibrancy related challenges and opportunities. This work provides an NBP overview, outlines embedded concepts that informed development of the framework, explores its initial application, and poses questions and pathways for expanding and refining the NBP framework for broader applicability.
... While there is a growing community of Native River guides on the San Juan (Podmore, n.d.), it is an easily identifiable white outdoor recreational space that reflects similarly white majority recreational use of public land in the U.S. (Flores et al., 2018). This is true despite being physically adjoined to Diné land, (the Navajo word used to refer to themselves as a people) (Arnold, 2014), and near to Hopi Land. Surrounding this stretch of river are less recreationally visible and accessible spaces. ...
... Directly to the south of the San Juan River, serving as its northern border, is the Navajo Nation and one of the six areas of uranium mining (AUM) on Diné Land (Arnold, 2014). Within these six AUMS, there are 521 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) documented Uranium mining sites, and there are estimated to be hundreds more (Arnold, 2014). ...
... Directly to the south of the San Juan River, serving as its northern border, is the Navajo Nation and one of the six areas of uranium mining (AUM) on Diné Land (Arnold, 2014). Within these six AUMS, there are 521 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) documented Uranium mining sites, and there are estimated to be hundreds more (Arnold, 2014). From the start of U.S. settler colonialism, indigenous land and people, including the Diné, were racialized and seen as disposable in order to secure land, extract resources, and/or dispose of waste (Brynne Voyles, 2015;Smith, 2012). ...
Article
This paper argues that the adoption of theories of racial capitalism as a framework for analysis can help shift dominant pedagogies in Outdoor Adventure Education (OAE) to not just be more inclusive, but to reimagine ways that communities of outdoor education, recreation, and leadership can build awareness of the reproduction of the Wilderness and the Outdoors in the U.S. as a racialized and gendered space and build more racially and gender diverse and equitable communities in OAE and related fields. To do this, I trace the social formation of Wilderness as a racial capitalist project and examine the historical and current implications for OAE. Specifically, I explore a common curricular area of OAE, sense of place, while applying a theoretical framework of racial capitalism. This paper is intended to serve as a resource and a call to action for members of the outdoor education, recreation, and leadership communities to disrupt racial and gender inequity in outdoor learning communities.
... The Navajo Nation, comprising lands in Arizona, New Mexico, and Utah, was heavily mined for uranium in order to supply World War II and Cold War nuclear weapons' research and programs [1,2]. Extraction of over 30 million tons of uranium ore through four decades left a legacy of~500 abandoned uranium mines across the Western US and over 1000 associated waste features across the Navajo Nation alone, resulting in decades of exposures of Navajo Nation residents to uranium and a wide range of co-occurring metals, including arsenic, cadmium, copper, and lead [3]. ...
... Exposure to uranium as well as co-occurring metals from these abandoned mines and mine waste features has been linked with risks for a range of adverse health outcomes [1,[4][5][6][7]. The Navajo Birth Cohort Study (NBCS) was initiated in 2010 to respond to Navajo community members' long-held concerns about the potential impacts on future generations exposed to uranium mines and mine wastes, with a specific focus on neurodevelopmental outcomes [4,8]. ...
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Early-life exposure to environmental toxicants can have detrimental effects on children’s neurodevelopment. In the current study, we employed a causal modeling framework to examine the direct effect of specific maternal prenatal exposures on infants’ neurodevelopment in the context of co-occurring metals. Maternal metal exposure and select micronutrients’ concentrations were assessed using samples collected at the time of delivery from mothers living across Navajo Nation with community exposure to metal mixtures originating from abandoned uranium mines. Infants’ development across five domains was measured at ages 10 to 13 months using the Ages and Stages Questionnaire Inventory (ASQ:I), an early developmental screener. After adjusting for effects of other confounding metals and demographic variables, prenatal exposure to lead, arsenic, antimony, barium, copper, and molybdenum predicted deficits in at least one of the ASQ:I domain scores. Strontium, tungsten, and thallium were positively associated with several aspects of infants’ development. Mothers with lower socioeconomic status (SES) had higher lead, cesium, and thallium exposures compared to mothers from high SES backgrounds. These mothers also had infants with lower scores across various developmental domains. The current study has many strengths including its focus on neurodevelopmental outcomes during infancy, an understudied developmental period, and the use of a novel analytical method to control for the effects of co-occurring metals while examining the effect of each metal on neurodevelopmental outcomes. Yet, future examination of how the effects of prenatal exposure on neurodevelopmental outcomes unfold over time while considering all potential interactions among metals and micronutrients is warranted.
... Plans and attempts have been made to remove DU from contaminated areas in order to reduce human exposure [8][9][10]. Despite these efforts, large areas across the Colorado Plateau still far exceed the USEPA and Navajo Nation Environmental Protection Agency (NNEPA) U MCL of 30 ppb (30 µg L −1 ; 0.126 µM), and hence, water and dust from these areas present a significant risk to human health [3,4,11]. ...
... Exposure risks include the inhalation of U particulates that accumulate in the bifurcation nodes of the bronchiole tree. Once deposited, U presents its pro-inflammatory activity by inducing oxidative stress in resident macrophages and epithelial cells [6,7,11,12]. Inhalation and ingestion of U has been linked with elevated occurrences of restrictive lung diseases, such as emphysema and pneumoconiosis, present with kidney fibrosis. ...
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Uranium (U) is a heavy metal used in military and industrial settings, with a large portion being mined from the Southwest region of the United States. Uranium has uses in energy and military weaponry, but the mining process has released U into soil and surface waters that may pose threats to human and environmental health. The majority of literature regarding U’s human health concern focuses on outcomes based on unintentional ingestion or inhalation, and limited data are available about its influence via cutaneous contact. Utilizing skin dermis cells, we evaluated U’s topical chemotoxicity. Employing soluble depleted uranium (DU) in the form of uranyl nitrate (UN), we hypothesized that in vitro exposure of UN will have cytotoxic effects on primary dermal fibroblasts by affecting cell viability and metabolic activity and, further, may delay wound healing aspects via altering cell proliferation and migration. Using environmentally relevant levels of U found in water (0.1 μM to 100 μM [UN]; 23.8–23,800 ppb [U]), we quantified cellular mitosis and migration through growth curves and in vitro scratch assays. Cells were exposed from 24 h to 144 h for a time-course evaluation of UN chemical toxicity. The effects of UN were observed at concentrations above and below the Environmental Protection Agency threshold for safe exposure limits. UN exposure resulted in a dose-dependent decrease in the viable cell count; however, it produced an increase in metabolism when corrected for the viable cells present. Furthermore, cellular proliferation, population doubling, and percent closure was hindered at levels ≥10 μM UN. Therefore, inadvertent exposure may exacerbate pre-existing skin diseases in at-risk demographics, and additionally, it may substantially interfere in cutaneous tissue repair processes.
... Uranium and the waste generated through its supply chains have toxic eff ects. Research on American Navajos exposed during uranium mining found that uranium binds with DNA, which is degraded through uranium's chemical action (Arnold 2014 ). Moreover, uranium's alpha, beta, and gamma decay processes damage cells directly through their energy impacts-alpha particles that sever DNA entirely-and indirectly through creation of free radicals. ...
... In many areas of the arid southwestern United States, naturally occurring uranium, as well as uranium contamination resulting from legacy nuclear development, has contaminated groundwater supplies. This problem is well documented among the Navajo Nation ( Brugge and Goble, 2002 ;Arnold, 2014 ), where uranium levels in groundwater supplies can often exceed 50 g/L (the MCL set by the U.S. EPA is 30 g/L) ( Webber et al., 2021 ;Hoover et al., 2017 ;Ingram et al., 2020 ). ...
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In this review, we focus on electrospun nanofibers as a promising material alternative for the niche application of decentralized, point-of-use (POU) and point-of-entry (POE) water treatment systems. We focus our review on prior work with various formulations of electrospun materials, including nanofibers of carbon, pure metal oxides, functionalized polymers, and polymer-metal oxide composites, that exhibit analogous performance to media (e.g., activated carbon, ion exchange resins) commonly used in commercially available, certified POU/POE devices for contaminants including organic pollutants, metals (e.g., lead) and persistent oxyanions (e.g., nitrate). We then analyze the relevant strengths and remaining research and development opportunities of the relevant literature based on an evaluation framework that considers (i) performance comparison to commercial analogs; (ii) appropriate pollutant targets for POU/POE applications; (iii) testing in flow-through systems consistent with POU/POE applications; (iv) consideration of water quality effects; and (v) evaluation of material strength and longevity. We also identify several emerging issues in decentralized water treatment where nanofiber-based POU/POE devices could help meet existing needs including their use for treatment of uranium, disinfection, and in electrochemical treatment systems. To date, research has demonstrated promising material performance toward relevant targets for POU/POE applications, using appropriate aquatic matrices and considering material stability. To fully realize their promise as an emerging treatment technology, our analysis of available literature reveals the need for more work that benchmarks nanofiber performance against established commercial analogs, as well as fabrication and performance validation at scales and under conditions simulating POU/POE water treatment.
... In Honduras, Bishop Santos Villeda (2018) worries about the method of open-cut mining for gold, whereby foreign companies "use cyanide, which contaminates the ground, the air, and the water but gives them [these companies] great profits because it separates 97% of the gold particles" (92). Similarly, uranium mining in the United States exposed the Navajo people to radiation poisoning, including through contaminated drinking water that caused birth defects (Arnold 2014). ...
Article
Characterizing the diverse, root-associated fungi in mine wastes can accelerate the development of bioremediation strategies to stabilize heavy metals. Ascomycota fungi are well known for their mutualistic associations with plant roots and, separately, for roles in the accumulation of toxic compounds from the environment, such as heavy metals. We sampled soils and cultured root-associated fungi from blue grama grass (Bouteloua gracilis) collected from lands with a history of uranium (U) mining and contrasted against communities in nearby, off-mine sites. Plant root-associated fungal communities from mine sites were lower in taxonomic richness and diversity than root fungi from paired, off-mine sites. We assessed potential functional consequences of unique mine-associated soil microbial communities using plant bioassays, which revealed that plants grown in mine soils in the greenhouse had significantly lower germination, survival, and less total biomass than plants grown in off-mine soils but did not alter allocation patterns to roots versus shoots. We identified candidate culturable root-associated Ascomycota taxa for bioremediation and increased understanding of the biological impacts of heavy metals on microbial communities and plant growth.
Chapter
This chapter notes that uranium mined from Native American lands supplied a substantial proportion of the fuel for early nuclear power plants as well as the U.S. nuclear arsenal. By the 1970s, many of the early miners were dying of lung cancer, most notably among the Navajo and the Dene of the Canadian Northwest Territories. In Washington State, nuclear waste from the Hanford plants afflicted the Yakamas. Uranium mining also has caused a plague of cancer among the Laguna Pueblo. The Navajos organized to stop uranium mining and milling, and today both are illegal there—but only after several hundred people had died.
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The authors wish to correct an error that appeared in the text. The corrected paragraph appears below. However, it is critically important to recognize that the CRP response is nonspecific and is triggered by many disorders unrelated to cardiovascular disease (Table 2). In using CRP for assessment of cardiovascular risk, it is therefore essential to clearly establish true base-line CRP values that are not distorted by either trivial or serious intercurrent pathologies. If the initial CRP result is in the low-risk range, less than 1 mg/l, a single measurement is sufficient, but if it is in the higher risk range, greater than about 2.5 mg/l, two or more serial samples taken at intervals of 1 week or more should be retest-ed until a stable base-line value is seen. If the CRP value persistently remains above 10 mg/l, indicating the presence of a significant acute-phase response, a full history and physical examination of the patient is indicated, ideally together with relevant investigations, to determine the cause and alleviate it if possible. Interestingly, chronic inflammatory conditions, such as rheumatoid arthritis and hemodialysis for end-stage renal failure, that are characterized by persistently elevated CRP concentrations in some individuals, are associated with premature cardiovascular disease.
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Worldwide, the mining of uranium has generated 938 × 106 m3 of mill tailings. The radioactivity of these tailings depends on the grade of ore mined and varies from less than 1 Bq/g to more than 100 Bq/g. The most common mode of disposal is near-surface impoundment in the vicinity of the mine or mill. The principal radiation risks from uranium tailings are gamma radiation, essentially from radium decay; windblown radioactive dust dispersal; and radon gas and its radioactive progeny, which are known to cause lung cancer. Uranium mill tailings are also often associated with elevated concentrations of highly toxic heavy metals, which are a major source of surface and groundwater contamination. Due to their high sulfide content (a few to tens of wt%), tailings may acidify groundwater, accelerating the release of radioactive and hazardous elements.
Article
The Navajo Nation covers a vast stretch of northeastern Arizona and parts of New Mexico and Utah. The area is also home to more than one thousand abandoned uranium mines and four former uranium mills, a legacy of the US nuclear program. In the early 1940s, the Navajo Nation was in the early stages of economic development, recovering from the devastating stock reduction period of 1930. Navajo men sought work away from the reservation on railroads and farm work in Phoenix and California. Then came the nuclear age and uranium was discovered on the reservation. Work became available and young Navajo men grabbed the jobs in the uranium mines. The federal government and the mining companies knew of the hazards of uranium mining; however, the miners were never informed. They had to find out about the danger on their own. When they went to western doctors, they were diagnosed with lung cancer and were simply told they were dying. A team of Navajo people and supportive whites began the Navajo Uranium Miner Oral History and Photography Project from which this book arose. That project team, based at Tufts University School of Medicine in Boston, recruited the speakers who told their stories, which are reproduced here. There are also narrative chapters that assess the experiences of the Navajo people from diverse perspectives (history, psychology, culture, advocacy, and policy). While the points of view taken are similar, there is a range of perspectives as to what would constitute justice.
Article
Arsenic is a recognized human carcinogen and there is evidence that arsenic augments the carcinogenicity of DNA damaging agents such as ultraviolet radiation (UVR) thereby acting as a co-carcinogen. Inhibition of DNA repair is one proposed mechanism to account for the co-carcinogenic actions of arsenic. We and others find that arsenite interferes with the function of certain zinc finger DNA repair proteins. Furthermore, we reported that zinc reverses the effects of arsenite in cultured cells and a DNA repair target protein, poly (ADP-ribose) polymerase-1. In order to determine whether zinc ameliorates the effects of arsenite on UVR-induced DNA damage in human keratinocytes and in an in vivo model, normal human epidermal keratinocytes and SKH-1 hairless mice were exposed to arsenite, zinc or both before solar-simulated (ss) UVR exposure. Poly (ADP-ribose) polymerase activity, DNA damage and mutation frequencies at the hprt locus were measured in each treatment group in normal human keratinocytes. DNA damage was assessed in vivo by immunohistochemical staining of skin sections isolated from SKH-1 hairless mice. Cell-based findings demonstrate that ssUVR-induced DNA damage and mutagenesis are enhanced by arsenite, and supplemental zinc partially reverses the arsenite effect. In vivo studies confirm that zinc supplementation decreases arsenite-enhanced DNA damage in response to ssUVR exposure. From these data we can conclude that zinc offsets the impact of arsenic on ssUVR-stimulated DNA damage in cells and in vivo suggesting that zinc supplementation may provide a strategy to improve DNA repair capacity in arsenic exposed human populations.
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