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Medical tourism in tango paradise: The internet branding of cosmetic surgery in Argentina

Authors:
  • Queens College & The Graduate Center & The CUNY Graduate School of Public Health & Health Policy ~ The City University of New York (CUNY)
  • St. Francis College, Brooklyn, NY
Medical tourism in tango paradise: The internet branding
of cosmetic surgery in Argentina
Anahí Viladrich
, Rita Baron-Faust
The City University of New York (CUNY), USA
article info
Article history:
Received 8 October 2010
Revised 13 December 2013
Accepted 18 December 2013
Keywords:
Medical tourism
Cosmetic surgery
Plastic surgery
Argentina
Tango
Body capital
abstract
This article examines the online marketing literature that pro-
motes Argentina as a rising destination for cosmetic surgeries.
The surgical production of ‘‘body capital’’ is branded as an invest-
ment practice towards increasing one’s value in the global market
economy. Online advertisers portray Argentina as a familiar place
where foreigners can feel ‘‘at home’’ due to an assumed ‘‘cultural
affinity’’ (i.e., racial, ethnic and cultural similarities) with their
Argentine hosts. Argentines are depicted as surgically enhanced
role models to be imitated by their foreign visitors. The notion of
sensual exoticism is advertised via tango products—from taking
lessons to watching tango shows—as a unique component of the
cosmetic surgery package that brands improved physical appear-
ance with enhanced sex appeal.
Ó2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction
‘‘Tango, European architecture, cultural places, historical tours, an exquisite cuisine and a wide
array of comfortable accommodation facilities, along with tourist attractions unique to South
America, will turn your health trip into a true tourist destination. There is a lot to discover, to know
and enjoy. We invite you to try a different trip.’’ (AestheticUp, 2012).
‘‘Shopping, nightlife, restaurants, clubs, there is no shortage of things for the tourist to do.
Argentina’s love of music (including the famously sexy tango), food (you won’t get a better steak
0160-7383/$ - see front matter Ó2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2013.12.007
Corresponding author. Address: Departments of Sociology & Anthropology, Queens College of the City University of New
York, Powdermaker Hall 233A, 65-30 Kissena Blvd, Queens, NY 11367-1597, USA. Tel.: +1 718 997 2784.
E-mail address: anahi.viladrich@qc.cuny.edu (A. Viladrich).
Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
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journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures
anywhere) and general hedonism is well known! And of course, everything in Argentina is notice-
ably cheaper than you would expect to pay in the US or Europe.’’ (Cheaper Cosmetic Surgery
Abroad, 2012).
These quotes represent the standard pitches utilized by medical tourism companies to promote
Argentina as a unique cosmetic surgery destination. Their shared themes aim to attract potential trav-
elers to experience Argentina’s pleasures while receiving lower-cost, high-quality medical care—from
breast implants to bariatric surgery. Whereas until recently so-called medical tourists were mostly the
Third World wealthy journeying to developed countries for care, this route has largely been reversed
(Merrell et al., 2008). Medical tourism is now a globalized industry aided by lower labor costs, ad-
vanced telecommunications, and an information revolution that allows the transmission of medical
records to distant places in mere seconds (Bookman & Bookman, 2007; Connell, 2006; Whittaker,
2008).
A spate of publications targeting potential health travelers reflects this trend—from handbooks
offering advice on how to choose the best medical vacation to online cost-comparison charts. The
social science literature has followed suit by addressing the ‘‘tour-and-cure’’ trend in articles and
reports in social science journals such as Annals of Tourism Research (Clarke, 2010; Garcia-Altes,
2005; Joppe, 2012), with special issues devoted to the topic including Anthropology & Medicine
(Naraindas & Bastos, eds., 2011), Medical Anthropology (Smith-Morris & Manderson, eds., 2010) and
Signs (Mazzaschi & McDonald, eds., 2011). Much of this literature provides a critical lens to our
understanding of offshore health services in tandem with rising global health inequalities
(Smith-Morris & Manderson, 2010; Sobo, 2009; Sobo, Herlihy, & Bicker, 2011; Weisz, 2011).
Despite the various terms used to define medical tourism practices—including cross-border travel,
medical travel, and reproductive exile or travel (Kangas, 2007, 2011; Scheper-Hughes, 2000; Whittak-
er & Speier, 2010)—one thing is clear: Most commercial intermediaries, doctors, and clinics heavily
rely on the Internet to advertise their products, recruit potential clients, and win new markets for their
services (Lunt, Hardey, & Mannion, 2010). The growth in Internet-based medical advertising has
reinforced the notion of patients as consumers free to buy any products (including specialized
surgeries) in an increasingly mobile global marketplace (Smith-Morris & Manderson, 2010).
This paper reflects the growing scholarly interest in the advertising strategies of the medical
tourism industry as shown by studies on its Internet messages (Crooks, Turner, Snyder, Johnston, &
Kingsbury, 2011; Lunt et al., 2010; Nassab et al., 2010; Whittaker, 2008). Aside from the literature
on reproductive tourism and general marketing trends (Smith, Behrmann, Martin, & Williams-Jones,
2010; Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2010, 2012) and recent works on medical and cosmetic practices (Masi
de Casanova & Sutton, 2013; McDonald, 2011), there has been little research on medical tourism in
Argentina. This article fills that gap by exploring the promotional pitches utilized by the online
cosmetic tourism literature that advertises plastic surgery packages in Argentina. The cosmetic
enhancement market represents a multibillion-dollar industry that caters to growing numbers of
patient-consumers around the world (Lunt et al., 2010). While a handful of developing countries have
become top destinations for aesthetic procedures, notably Thailand and India, most Americans and
Europeans opt for shorter flights to Central and South America, particularly Brazil and Argentina,
where cut-rate aesthetic surgery and fertility treatments are a major draw despite the lack of
international accreditation of many health facilities (Burkett, 2007).
An unprecedented devaluation of the Argentine national currency in the early 2000s provoked a
tourism boom that attracted foreign companies to Argentina, eager to launch lucrative medical facil-
ities in the cosmetic market (McDonald, 2011; Merritt, 2012). These investments ultimately paid off:
Argentina ranks eleventh among countries with the most surgical and non-surgical cosmetic proce-
dures (ISAPS, 2012) and fifth in demand for cosmetic surgery procedures in the Americas and the
Caribbean (Parker, 2009). Over 300,000 cosmetic procedures (including 60,000 breast implant surger-
ies) are performed in Argentina annually at internationally competitive prices (InvestBA, 2012). Yet,
price alone is not enough to lure medical tourists to a distant land for the purpose of undergoing
potentially dangerous aesthetic procedures (Crooks et al., 2011). The combining of highly rated
medical care with pleasure travel is no simple equation; savvy marketers know this and therefore
A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131 117
shape their promotional pitches by concocting exclusive branding for their specific destinations
(Bookman & Bookman, 2007).
Within the globalized trend of product differentiation, countries strive to make their services as
both attractive and unique. In their study of medical tourism in the English-speaking Caribbean,
Chambers and McIntosh (2008) observe that the region could not easily compete in the global medical
market, given the wide international availability of cheap, top-notch health services paired with
appealing natural resources. The Caribbean region consequently brands its distinctiveness in special
ways, by advertising alternative healing therapies and eco-resorts nestled in rain forests that pur-
posely target tourists’ demand for adventurous experiences (Chambers & McIntosh, 2008). While na-
tions such as Jamaica (with low-grade technology) offer eco-friendly health accommodations,
Barbados (a traditional niche for a well-off population segment) has fashioned for itself a blossoming
fertility health market (Ramírez de Arellano, 2011).
In an effort to develop its own signature brand, Argentina has rapidly marketed its uniqueness by
combining the advantages of a proto-European country that offers outstanding natural beauty and
exceptional sophistication with top-tier cosmetic medicine. While cardiovascular and orthopedic sur-
geries are readily available to foreign patients in Argentina, medical tourism companies typically pro-
mote elective enhancement procedures—labeled as low risk and with quick recovery time.
In this article, we argue that the online marketing literature promotes the cosmetic surgery journey
to Argentina as an exciting experience that takes place in surroundings familiar enough for foreigners
to feel at home. We term the concept ‘‘cultural affinity’’ to define an alleged familiarity shared by
Argentine providers and their foreign patients on the basis of their racial, ethnic, and cultural similar-
ities. The notion of sensual exoticism is constructed through the promotion of tango products, from
tango lessons to tango shows, as a singular component of the Argentine plastic surgery package.
We argue that the Argentine medical tourism literature delivers its own tangoized version of
beauty—spiced with sensuality and charm—as a singular product of the Southern Cone. Medical tour-
ism marketers strategically address the ontological tension between seeking medical treatments
abroad and having a vacation by advertising Argentina as both a sophisticated and exciting destina-
tion. In the conclusions, we revisit the main findings of this study and call attention to the potentially
deleterious effect of Internet messages that mostly stress the benefits of the cosmetic surgery trip and
downplay its potential health risks.
We begin with an analysis of the surgical production of body capital as an investment practice
aimed at increasing one’s value in the global market economy.
Cosmetic tourism and globalized body capital
Conceptual tensions in the literature on cosmetic surgery underscore positions that assert its prac-
tice as liberating and empowering, versus those that consider it a form of subjugation to the globalized
beauty industry (for a critique, see Holliday & Cairnie, 2007). This paper seeks an alternative middle
ground by conceiving aesthetic surgeries as a vehicle for capital investment, with the body being a
main site for its transactions. Unlike previous modernity projects that sought progress through social
and political institutions, enhancement technologies have turned the body into a main instrument for
social and political advancement (Hogle, 2005).
The exponential growth of the cosmetic industry, which has gone hand in hand with the commod-
itization of health care, involves conscious efforts to change one’s physical traits for the sake of social
and material gains (Aizura, 2009). Recasting the body as a capital investment allows us to see it as a
means for either restoring or improving normalcy while creating a ‘‘natural’’ look with a scalpel (Blum,
2003; Gimlin, 2000). No longer only focused on repairing physical flaws (Pitts, 2003; Pitts-Taylor,
2007), cosmetic surgery has become a widespread leisure activity that seeks to improve one’s appear-
ance in a capitalistic economy.
The notion of the changeability of capital (Bourdieu, 1985) is particularly useful here to address the
convertibility of one form of assets into another. Cheap surgical vacations allow quick investments in
one’s body parts that are then turned into social capital (connections and access to upper-level
118 A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
circuits); symbolic capital (status); and even financial gains (better jobs and upward mobility through
marriage). The body capital framework critically examines the conversion of patients into self-reliant
agents who choose surgical fixes as a way of gaining autonomy, decreasing age anxiety, and improving
self-esteem (Fraser, 2003). In this view, investing in reshaping one’s belly and buttocks is no longer a
symptom of conspicuous consumption but rather a long-term strategy that, along with obtaining
advanced university degrees, promises to increase one’s value in the hierarchical market of symbolic
goods (Gilman, 1999). Elective surgeries are thereafter framed as a choice, with appearance no longer
being determined by genetic destiny but rather by market competition and cultural mandates
(Gilman, 1999; Hogle, 2005; Lee, 2008).
By realigning individuals’ self-perception with an image that conveys radiance and youth, aesthetic
surgery has the potential to change how society values one’s persona (Holliday & Cairnie, 2007). The
inauthentic or surgically modified body then becomes synonymous with a younger individual and the
antithesis of the aging and degenerative self (Ackerman, 2010). The new technologies of the body have
also contributed to deepen social inequalities by favoring individuals who display improved physical
features (Goldenberg, 2010). As noted by Holliday and Cairnie (2007), even small surgical changes may
have dramatic consequences in the ways people are perceived by potential employers, friends and col-
leagues—leading to varied degrees of success in different fields. The surgical makeover is utilized as an
individualistic and normative project that allows women and men to regulate their own appearance
and even strengthen their gender identity through discipline (e.g., gyms, competitive sports) and/or
body modification, from rhinoplasty to gender reassignment (Aizura, 2009).
Cosmetic surgery tourists represent a growing group of transnational patients who visit distant
locations to improve their bodies while enjoying recreational activities as members of a growing lei-
sure class (Masi de Casanova & Sutton, 2013). Such travelers are increasingly being recruited among
those who cannot afford cosmetic practices in their countries of origin, epitomizing a lower- and mid-
dle-class strategy by which to become (and remain) competitive in the labor market. Edmonds (2007)
shows how cosmetic surgery in Brazil’s public hospitals delivers promises of upward mobility to the
working class by treating aesthetic imperfections according to the mandates of the beauty industry. In
her study on women’s marriage prospects, Schaeffer-Grabiel (2006) describes how Mexican and
Colombian women endure cosmetic surgery hoping to improve their chances of marrying well-to-
do foreigners.
The medical industry makes good use of the promotion of body capital by advertising the medium-
and long-term benefits that cosmetic alterations bring to the medical traveler, for whom a surgically
improved body turns into a souvenir of the tourist experience (Jones, 2011). Contrary to other forms of
medical outsourcing that are considered lifesaving and more serious, plastic surgery is framed as an
elective holiday journey described as relaxing, pleasurable, and restorative (Bell, Holliday, Jones,
Probyn, & Taylor, 2011). The body ultimately becomes both the medium and endpoint of the cosmetic
surgery trip, eventually leading to professional advancement and individual success within a
consumer-market-driven economy (Hunter, 2011; Yang, 2011).
The beauty industry, both East and West, abounds in depictions of practices to enhance one’s body
capital, largely by framing cosmetic surgery as the new ‘‘fountain of youth’’ for the emerging middle
classes. The motto ‘‘being good looking is capital’’ (Wen, 2009) is more than a metaphor; it symbolizes
a well-planned upward mobility stratagem. In South Korea (Orbach, 2011) and China (Yang, 2011), the
double-slit eyelid operation to Westernize the Asian eyelid has become synonymous with social
advancement. This practice is publicly advertised on the Miss Plastic Surgery Pageant, a competition
first held in Beijing in 2004 to crown the country’s best ‘‘artificial beauty.’’ In China, cosmetic surgeries
have become family projects to secure a young woman’s success by improving her marriage and
employment options (Lindridge & Wang, 2008; Wen, 2009).
Similarly, in Argentina, teenagers are increasingly turning to cosmetic enhancements (including
Botox and fillers) mostly due to social and parental pressure (La Nación, 2012). Breast implant raffles
are a staple at ‘‘sweet fifteen’’ parties, with breast augmentations being one of the most popular birth-
day presents sought by young Argentine women (Balch, 2006). As further examined in this paper, the
online medical tourism industry widely advertises Argentines’ use of plastic surgery as a trend to be
admired and even followed by prospective medical travelers.
A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131 119
Methods
This study is based on a content analysis of the online marketing literature—namely, Internet-
based advertisements and promotional articles and blogs—that brand Argentina as a top destination
for medical travelers seeking cosmetic enhancements abroad. Online searches were conducted for a
period of four years, from May 2009 to May 2013, during which we tracked the websites of Argentine
and U.S. medical tour providers and online advertisers that promote cosmetic surgery services in
Argentina. Keywords systematically utilized to conduct the searches included ‘‘Argentina’’ and
‘‘medical tourism,’’ ‘‘plastic surgery,’’ and ‘‘cosmetic surgery.’’ This led to the compilation of a broad
directory of English-language websites. Periodic visits to these websites via search engines (e.g.,
Google, Yahoo) allowed us to gauge the direction of cosmetic tourism marketing and replicate the
information that English-speaking medical travelers may easily find on the Internet.
An initial search conducted by the second author led to more than 400 hundred websites that
served as the original corpus for this research project. After deleting duplications and discarding sites
that were not significantly related to Argentina—as in the case of global agencies that only tangentially
mentioned this country—we ended up with 98 websites that advertise Argentina as an aesthetic sur-
gery destination. In agreement with the typology of medical tourism websites proposed by Lunt et al.
(2010), these open portals represent three categories: cosmetic and medical tourism companies (65
sites); articles promoting cosmetic surgery travel (22 sites); and blogs posted by travelers and doctors
(11 sites).
In order to assure inter-coder reliability, the authors worked independently of each other, search-
ing for the most salient and frequent themes on the selected websites. Rather than relying on prescrip-
tive content analysis (based on pre-coded sets of close parameters), open categories were used to
identify the most frequent and distinctive frames within the texts (McKeone, 1995). The analysis of
the materials was done manually by recording the materials’ manifest content (e.g., quotations) as
well as their latent meaning, as in the case of words suggesting a particular theme. For example,
the use of phrases such as ‘‘European-like atmosphere,’’ ‘‘familiar,’’ and ‘‘comfort’’ were linked with
the concept of Argentina as a destination that is comfortingly familiar to travelers. Most of the concep-
tual analysis (e.g., the meaning of ‘‘body capital’’ from a cosmetic tourism perspective) was developed
by Viladrich, the first author of this paper. Viladrich is a sociologist and medical anthropologist,
originally from Argentina, whose long-term research deals with the cultural dimensions of health
and illness in her home country.
In a second stage, the authors worked together to check for the amount of agreement between their
respective coded materials, as well as to refine the most salient themes found in the texts. From the 98
websites, they selected 200 promotional materials that included 136 advertisements, 53 excerpts
from articles, and 11 excerpts from blogs. Together, these materials provided three main themes by
which Argentina (and its inhabitants) is construed as distinctive from other medical tourism
destinations.
The first theme, cultural affinity, was found in 80 of the 200 online materials and portrays an al-
leged racial and cultural similarity between Argentines and their foreign visitors. This theme was rep-
resented evenly among advertisements, articles and blogs in about forty percent of the 98 websites.
Quotes in this group highlight the European and cosmopolitan qualities of Argentina (and particularly,
Buenos Aires) that present the country as both exotic yet comfortable for Western travelers. The no-
tion of having European origins is indicated via photographs of predominantly white women and men,
as examples of typical cosmetic surgery patients. We particularly identified 147 images of Caucasian
plastic surgery patients (mostly posted on advertisements of medical tourism websites). A second
theme, found in 69 out of the 200 materials, highlights Argentines’ investment in their body capital
through plastic surgery and the concomitant high quality of their plastic surgeons. This theme was
represented evenly in advertisements and articles in one-third of the 98 sites.
A third and final theme, found in 51 of the 200 materials (distributed uniformly among advertise-
ments, articles and blogs in about one-fourth of the 98 sites) introduces the Argentine tango through
two distinctive and convergent frames. The first frame depicts tango as a hands-on activity that med-
ical travelers are enticed to learn and practice, either before or after cosmetic surgery. A second frame
120 A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
turns medical travelers into voyeurs of the Buenos Aires tango spectacle. Combined, these two frames
draw attention to the charms of the Argentine tango as an intrinsic component of the culture of Bue-
nos Aires and its people. With the exception of two big tourism companies (GoSculptura and Plenitas),
which each posted more than one tango advertisement throughout the period, we identified one ref-
erence to tango per website.
Although the tango theme was the least frequent found in the materials analyzed, it has a visual
impact that highlights its larger relevance (Fig. 1). Furthermore, we identified two dozen images
(mostly as part of advertisements in 24 of the 98 websites) that included photos and drawings of sen-
suous (white) female and male tango dancers. The occurrence of the tango theme also correlates with
the growing importance of ‘‘tango tourism’’ in Argentina, which has been increasingly reported by the
scholarly literature (Dávila, 2012; Merritt, 2012; Savigliano, 2005; Viladrich, 2013).
Finally, we acknowledged two additional themes: the low cost of cosmetic services and doctors’
high professional reputation. These are largely found in the marketing materials of most touristic des-
tinations and are widely discussed in the medical tourism literature (see Bookman & Bookman, 2007).
In order to save space, and avoid reiterating what is already known on the topic, this paper does not
discuss these last two frames. The next section explores why reputed high-quality medical technology
at low cost is not enough to entice foreign travelers to visit Argentina for aesthetic procedures.
A whitening niche: the construction of cultural affinity
‘‘Buenos Aires, the ‘Paris of South America’ is a truly cosmopolitan city bursting with culture, archi-
tectural landmarks, fine dining, street life, tango, great wine, meat and shopping. Come alone, as a
couple or with your family and prepare for this lifetime experience!’’ (GoSculptura, 2011)
Fig. 1. Tango and Medical Tourism in Argentina. Source: http://www.aestheticup.com/buenos-aires-argentina-medical-
tourism.php.
A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131 121
A main feature in the portrayal of Argentina’s exceptionality rests on the promotion of its sophis-
tication and the cosmopolitanism of its citizens, who are portrayed as being closer to the developed
world than to their Latin American peers. As noted in the quote above, the capital city of Buenos Aires
is widely considered the Paris of South America with its beautiful, wide boulevards and lavish shops,
along with intellectual and artistic sophistication (Nwosu-Hope, 2010). Medical tourism companies
represent Argentina as being wealthier, in terms of gross national product per capita (Workman,
2007); more literate, with a 97% literacy rate (Populstat, 2009); and whiter, with 85% to 97% of
Argentines identifying as being of European descent (Europa World Plus, 2012) than other Latin
American countries, and more developed than Thailand and India—despite the latter’s booming
technology industry.
In the same way in which European health clinics brand their services as being located in
developed countries (Whittaker & Speier, 2010), Argentine medical facilities distance themselves from
their Latino neighbors, including Brazil, a country known not only for its fabulous beaches and annual
Carnival but also for being a ‘‘scalpel paradise’’ for Americans (Edmonds, 2010). The online medical
tourism industry constructs an image of Argentine urbanites as European descendants who are better
off than their Latin American peers:
‘‘With its heavy European influence (mainly Italian and Spanish), Buenos Aires, Argentina is known
as the ‘Paris of South America’ and is the largest city in Argentina with 33% of the population.
Argentina is the 2nd largest country in South America and the 8th largest country in the world...
Argentina is referred to as a secondary emerging market or an upper middle-income country’’.
(Medical Tourism.com, 2012)
Plenitas (2009), a leading medical tourism company in Argentina, presents a comparison chart
(Table 1) with a few social indicators among selected countries that underscore Argentina’s advanced
social status. Curiously, this chart selectively ignores Brazil and Mexico, which offer stiffer competition
for Argentina than countries in South Asia or Eastern Europe. Plenitas’ comment at the bottom of the
table—noting that Argentines are ‘‘mainly white and from European descent’’—stresses the similarity
factor between foreigners and their Argentine hosts. A key feature in the construction of cultural
affinity involves depicting familiar environments where medical travelers will feel ‘‘at home,’’ as
suggested by the following quotes:
‘‘Many tourists that have come to Buenos Aires claim that they did not feel foreign at all when
walking down the streets of the city; they felt ‘at home.’’’ (PlacidWay, 2012)
Table 1
Plenitas: ‘‘Destination Argentina’’. Source: Plenitas, Destination Argentina accessed on 10/07/10 at http://www.plenitas.com/en/
destinoargentina.asp.
Argentina Colombia India Poland Thailand
GDP per capita
(international
dollars)
$12,400 $6,600 $2,900 $12,000 $8,100
Industrial production
growth rate
16.2% 4% 6.5% 10% 8,5%
Airports 1,334 980 333 123 109
Television Broadcast
Stations
42 (plus 444
repeaters)
60 (includes 7 low-
power stations)
562 (480 have less than
1 kW of power)
179 (plus 256
repeaters)
5 (plus 131
repeaters)
Internet service
providers
33 18 43 19 15
In the last two years, Argentina has experienced an important growth in the economy, especially in agriculture and
industry. The values related to services show the quality of life of the inhabitants who, due to their high educational
level, demand more access to information and culture as well as better quality.
Literacy rate
(>15 years old)
97.1% 92.5% 59.5% 99.8% 92.6%
Argentina’s population has a high level of literacy, is mainly white and from European descent. In Argentina, many
nationalities live peacefully, without any racial or religious conflicts.
122 A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
‘‘Argentina is a traveler’s paradise due to its gorgeous landscapes, beautiful cities, lively culture and
its stunning natural wonders. Unlike the Andean nations where North Americans and Europeans
are obvious tourists, in Argentina you can travel while feeling at ease and blending in with the peo-
ples of European descent.’’ (MediMundi, 2012)
While in nations such as South Africa, the promotion of urban safaris to Soweto (also described as
‘‘poverty safaris’’) tends to highlight travelers’ sense of being elite (Mazzaschi, 2011), online advertis-
ers describe Argentine hosts and their foreign visitors as convivial members of a first-class citizenship.
In contrast, the popular representations of many South Asian countries (including India and Thailand)
emphasize luxurious medical infrastructures that are removed from disadvantaged children and
adults living in poverty (Bookman & Bookman, 2007; Warf, 2010). In an analysis of promotional mate-
rials for medical tourism in India, Crooks et al. (2011) observe marketers’ tendency to highlight the
great quality of India’s medical care, in order to combat the perception of India as a third-world coun-
try. Online advertises emphasize India’s cutting-edge medical services, which are branded along with
its touristic sites and holistic vacations (Gupta, 2008). However, the experiences of tourists in India
and in Argentina, as publicly constructed, clearly differ. Citing an article from the Argentine newspaper
Clarin,Masi de Casanova and Sutton (2013: 67) note that Argentina is generally regarded as a better
location than India—a country seen as ‘‘known for its dirtiness,’’ which becomes a serious concern for
potential medical tourists.
Salomon’s study on medical tourism in India (Solomon, 2011: 110) details the experiences of an
American couple who travel to India for orthopedic surgery, by stating that the advantages in medical
care and costs they experienced ‘‘had to be put alongside the challenges of their first visit to India,
including their responses to crowds, poverty, and a different set of sense stimuli.’’ The couple Salomon
interviewed were as satisfied with India’s medical services as they were shocked by their cultural
encounters: ‘‘Some of the smells are really horrific, and it’s hard to get past the smell to eat... We’re
just some Southern people, we’ve never been outside the United States, and we were kinda scared
stark.’’
Whatever Argentina lacks in terms of India’s diverse and high-tech medical options, it makes up for
with its alleged cultural resemblance. McDonald (2011) observes that the use of postcolonial racial idi-
oms intend to make Argentina a European niche in contrast with India, Thailand, and Mexico. Rather
than warning foreigners to avoid Argentine locals, the former are invited to embrace their hosts’ cul-
tural practices. ‘‘Being among friends’’ becomes an online vaccine against the culture shock that med-
ical tourists may experience elsewhere, but not in the company of porteños (people from Buenos
Aires), as advertised in a blog post (Tanaris, 2008), entitled ‘‘Argentina: Nightlife, Tango, Plastic
Surgery’’:
‘‘Modern medical tourism not only offers affordable plastic surgery but also the once in a lifetime
chance of experiencing the beauty of your destination country. Porteños [people born in Buenos
Aires] are not only renowned with their expertise inside the operating room but because of their
culture. You will never be in a culture shock if you decide to get affordable plastic surgery in Argen-
tina. Family and friendship ties are generally valued more than in North America and the best thing
about Buenos Aires is being surrounded by incredible people who you can call family.’’
Leonardo Boto, executive director of the National Institute of Touristic Promotion in Argentina
(Ríos, 2009), stresses the cultural resemblance that makes Europeans and Americans more comfort-
able in Argentina than in other countries, including India:
‘‘There is also a cultural closeness with the U.S., Europe and other Latin American Countries—Botto
added. For an American, for example, it is a delicate situation to get medical attention in a country
like India, for example, where you won’t be sharing the language and the religion, nor will they
have the same vision regarding the mysteries of life.’’
Shared language is another important aspect in the branding of cultural affinity. One factor that has
enabled India to successfully market its services to medical tourists is that Indian professionals speak
English (Bookman & Bookman, 2007). Although Mr. Botto (in the quote above) seemed unaware of this
A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131 123
fact, his remarks reveal the construction of cultural familiarity between Argentina and its foreign
guests—despite the fact that Spanish (and not English) is the language spoken in Argentina. Online
marketers typically de-emphasize the fact that Argentina is a Spanish-speaking country. Fear of a
foreign language, which may make potential travelers hesitant to undergo surgical treatments in
Argentina, is counterbalanced by the country’s alleged European flavor, along with the availability
of English-speaking providers and personal assistants.
In the end, much of the manufactured affinity discussed here is orchestrated by an advertising
industry designed to make patients ‘‘feel at home’’ even in unfamiliar and foreign surroundings. These
findings coincide with the work of scholars who point out the public representation of Buenos Aires as
a haven for American and European expatriates and a locale that combines familiarity with a sexy
urban vibe (Dávila, 2012; Merritt, 2012). Next, we explore how medical tourism marketers go one step
further by depicting Argentines as savvy consumers of cosmetic surgeries and, therefore, as role
models to be imitated by their foreign visitors.
Looking like an argentine
‘‘Argentine women are the most beautiful because they are obsessed with their looks and use
plastic surgery in Argentina to reach their objective.’’ (GoSculptura, 2012).
‘‘...Buenos Aires is considered a perfect aesthetic surgery destination due to porteños’ body image
obsession. In a country where 1 in 30 of the population has gone under the knife, Dr. [Guillermo]
Blugerman believes: ‘many feel comfortable recovering in a place where surgery is less taboo.’’’
(Nwosu-Hope, 2010)
As suggested in the quotes above, Argentines are described as ‘‘obsessed’’ with their body image
(Fig. 2), a trait that reinforces their stature as savvy consumers of cosmetic surgeries (Forbes et al.,
2012; Meehan & Katzman, 2001). In a promotional interview, Dr. José Juri (billed as the most famous
plastic surgeon in Argentina) points out that Argentines’ obsession with beauty is rooted in the fact
that most do not consider themselves Latin American but rather European, and even dress according
to that image (Carlin, 2006).
While in Brazil cosmetic surgery is defined as a ‘‘tactic of the weak’’ (Edmonds, 2007, 2010) in order
to escape poverty and stigmatization, in Argentina it is framed as a middle-class conscious effort to
assure one’s upward trajectory. The normalization of the surgery trip is reinforced by the self-deter-
mination of European-looking Argentines in investing in their bodies. In Dr. Juri’s words: ‘‘A pretty face
has more power and will get you more than 20 letters of recommendation’’ (Galetto, 1996: 6). The cos-
metic surgery web pages prominently feature photographs of beautiful white individuals, especially in
‘‘before and after’’ photographs of plastic surgery. In these figures, the archetypical Argentine female is
portrayed as a fair-skinned, sexy woman encased in a form-fitting tango dress slit to the upper thigh
(see figure). As noted by Ballve (2006):
‘‘There is a strong pressure for [Argentine] women to adhere to a European look, and if they don’t fit
the mold, they suffer harsher judgment, personally and professionally, than in many other
cultures.’’
Physicians’ competence is among the main factors influencing the choice of destination for medical
tourism (Gill & Singh, 2011). Concomitantly, medical marketers tend to impart a sense of professional
reassurance to foreign travelers by pointing out that Argentine physicians have plenty of local patients
who, as summarized by cosmetic surgeon Dr. Raul Banegas, ‘‘are obsessed with physical perfection...
So we have to be the best at what we do...’’ (The Week, 2007). The portrayal of Argentine women and
men as devoted caretakers of their own body images becomes a surrogate warranty for finding a good
plastic surgeon:
‘‘Argentina’s plastic surgeons are skilled because domestic demand for breast implants, laser sur-
gery and nip-and-tuck treatments is sky high in this fashion-conscious country where looking good
is always in style. One in 30 Argentinians are estimated to have gone under the plastic surgeon’s
124 A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
knife, making the population the most operated on in the world after the US and Mexico.’’
(MediMundi, 2012)
The ethnographic observations and media analysis of McDonald (2011: 487) and Merritt (2012:
96–97) agree with our findings regarding the branding of Argentines’ European traits along their fond-
ness for cosmetic enhancements which, together, make cosmetic surgery more appealing to foreign
patrons. In her study of cosmetic tourism in Argentina, McDonald (2011: 487) notes the following:
‘‘Assertions of a ‘white’ and ‘European’ identity are underwriting broad claims to biomedical exper-
tise, and in particular, the kind of expertise needed to operate upon foreign, ‘First World’ patients. It
Fig. 2. Argentine women’s ‘‘obsession’’ with beauty. Lbmsl. Source: Excerpt from GoSculptura’s website: http://
www.gosculptura.com/info/newsletter/ofArgentineWomen.php).
A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131 125
is not by chance that Buenos Aires markets itself as a safe place for surgery while simultaneously
selling the idea of Argentina as an island of European culture in a sea of ‘tropical’ Latin America.’’
The concept of becoming a ‘‘surgical junkie’’ (Blum, 2003) is crucial in the construction of change-
able bodily parts that can be improved all at once. In a promotional article, Carlos Robles, commercial
manager of AestheticUp.com (La Razón, 2010), explains the advantages of this approach:
‘‘In most cases we don’t just do one surgery but a mix; it is customary to take advance to travel
abroad to get several surgeries all at once. Typically, the idea is to combine a breast implant with
a liposuction, because it is convenient from the perspective of cost differentials.’’
Now we turn to the last key ingredient in the recipe for marketing Argentina as a special medical
travel destination, which relies on tango imagery to make body capital more accessible (and sensual)
to the medical traveler.
Tango in Buenos Aires: branding sensual difference
‘‘The Worldwide Dancing Festival that is part of Tango Buenos Aires will take place in the city [of
Buenos Aires] from August 13 to 31 and it is the tango event that enjoys the broadest international
repercussion. Thousands of dancers and international attendees get together for this event’s activ-
ities making it a total success. However, tourists not only take advantage of the milongas, shows,
classes and exhibitions, they also get information that allows them to remain a few more days to
take care of their own beauty needs. What it is expected are the consultations for surgical enhance-
ments since having a surgery in Argentina is cheaper and our professionals have an international
reputation. All of this makes Argentina one of the preferred worldwide destinations for plastic
surgeries.’’
The quote above comes from an excerpt of ‘‘Tango Buenos Aires,’’ posted on the promotional web-
site of a cosmetic surgery clinic in Buenos Aires (Clinica Robles, 2010). It provides a direct link between
foreigners’ opportunity during a single stay in Buenos Aires to dance tango and seek affordable surgi-
cal enhancements. The medical tourism industry in Argentina builds such advertising on frames that
either invite medical tourists to take classes and practice tango, or become tango spectators. The first
frame is best exemplified by Plenitas, a leading medical tour company coupling cosmetic surgery with
tango tours in Argentina. For one all-inclusive fee, a prospective patient can reserve four-star accom-
modations and meals, tango lessons and nightclub shows along with a face-lift, liposuction, or tummy
tuck (Plenitas Press Release, 2004). Among Plenitas’ most popular tours in 2009 was the ‘‘Breast Im-
plant & Tango Trip,’’ a seven-day package that included both Spanish language and private tango les-
sons and FDA-approved silicone implants. In its marketing, Plenitas promises the unveiling of ‘‘a new
you’’ at a tango dinner dance at Buenos Aires’ famed Gardel’s Corner (Plenitas, 2009).
Following Plenitas’ lead, other tango tour providers (e.g., Freegate Tourism, Explore Argentina, and
Tour y Tango) soon began offering full tourist and hotel packages with tango classes and shows, all for
around $2,310 per person (ExploreArgentina.com, 2009). In the promotional article ‘‘Tango & Cash:
Argentina’s secret weapons against fat thighs,’’ Healism.com states:
‘‘The low cost of thigh lift surgery should be enough to entice most cosmetic surgery shoppers out
there, but medical tourism brings other advantages to the table as well. How about adding a lux-
urious vacation where you travel to exotic sites, eat delicious food, meet amazing people, and learn
a few tango steps along the way? Argentina is an amazing country in its own right and would be a
great destination to visit even if you didn’t need any health care.’’ (Healism.com, 2012)
Tango offers a new pleasure for the cosmetically enhanced body, as the following excerpt
illustrates:
‘‘Tango is the sensuous and passionate dance of Argentina. All Argentines know tango. You can
experience the culture of Tango anywhere in Buenos Aires. Opening days and times of Tango halls
change regularly so you will want to check before going. Your Personal Assistant will help direct
126 A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
you to Tango halls... Señor Tango is considered one of the hottest Tango Halls in Buenos Aires.’’
(Medretreat.com, 2012)
The practice of tango in Buenos Aires has skyrocketed in recent years, fueling a growing foreign
interest in the manufacture of tango products from thematic restaurants to tango stores, simulta-
neously turning the city into the ‘‘Disneyland of tango’’ (Dávila, 2012). It was only a matter of time
before the medical industry would bundle its services with the growing Argentine tango industry.
In her ethnographic study on first-world expatriates, Dávila (2012) observes that foreign travelers,
whose original goal in Argentina was to learn tango, would end up buying cosmetic surgeries after
being lured by the country’s widespread aesthetic surgery advertising vis-à-vis its relative cheaper
prices. Argentine tango guides combine glossy color images of tall, slim, beautiful and sensual dancers
with tourist excursions and commercials for aesthetic surgery clinics, paralleling the performative rit-
ual of watching and being watched at tango parlors (Merritt, 2012; Viladrich, 2013). Interestingly,
breast augmentation and liposuction—the two most internationally advertised cosmetic proce-
dures—rank as the top practices promoted by big city magazines that convey sexual themes by show-
ing partially naked white women (Hennink-Kaminski & Reichert, 2011).
In his study of gender reassignment surgical tourism in Thailand, Aizura (2009) points out that for-
eign patients are not only subjected to surgical corrections but also to Thai culture, which together in-
form their own subjective transformations. In similar fashion, by making tango an essential part of
Buenos Aires—and even assuming, erroneously, that its inhabitants all know about tango, as in the
quote above—the medical tourism industry promotes Argentina as a destination where bodily changes
can also be sensually enhanced. In one of its online promotional materials, entitled ‘‘Of Argentine Wo-
men,’’ GoSculptura (2012) quotes a plastic surgeon for the purpose of stressing Argentines’ obsession
with beauty and femininity and their influence, along with the role of Argentine tango, in enhancing
foreigners’ sensuality:
‘‘And interestingly, this obsession on looks is contagious. Says a plastic surgeon in Argentina: ‘I got
three women patients who are company presidents,’ she says. ‘One of them is foreign. When she
arrived she looked rather severe. Today, three years on, she is a lot more feminine and sensual.
Another example: at the tango club I go to, we have a number of French women who come over
year after year. And year after year I see their look softening, their hair getting longer... Coquetry
is the essence of it all,’ she says.’’
For those unfamiliar with the relatively fast expansion of tango tourism in Argentina, the typical
question that arises is how medical tourism companies are able to advertise cosmetic surgeries—with
their potentially dangerous effects that demand postoperative care—hand in hand with tango lessons
that require a significant amount of physical activity. As noted earlier, a second marketing frame turns
medical travelers into spectators of the tango’s flair at dancing parlors and restaurants. Aware of the
limitations of promoting tango dancing while recovering from surgery, online marketers stress the
‘‘tango spectacle,’’ as in the following online advertisement:
‘‘For a big, festive night of tango, try El Querandí in San Telmo. The elaborate nightly show, featur-
ing dramatic dancing and some of the best Argentine crooners you’ll ever hear, includes a tradi-
tional three course dinner.’’ (GoSculptura-Argentina, 2012)
By adding tango to the cosmetic surgery equation, the commercial marriage of medical and tourist
excursions is heightened by the coupling of improved appearance with enhanced sex appeal. In a re-
cent content analysis of cosmetic surgery tourism and its media representations in Argentina, Masi de
Casanova and Sutton (2013: 67–68) also observed that Argentina fits the fantasy of achieving a beau-
tiful and youthful body through enhanced technologies, in places where the sexiness of the experience
is enriched with tango attractions. In the end, it is not enough to surgically alter one’s body; it is
through the company of Argentines that travelers may get to experience ‘‘a new you’’ (per the Plenitas
advertisement quoted above).
The fleshly charisma of tango appeals to men, as well. In a promotional article, entitled ‘‘Tango with
the Dentist,’’ a Canadian medical tourist (Shirley, 2012) muses about his personal experience in the
office of a female dentist in Buenos Aires: ‘‘Is it normal to fantasize about dancing a tango with your
A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131 127
dentist? During a root canal?’’ While dental work is fairly standard no matter where it is performed,
the tango is branded as authentically Argentine thanks to the image of sexy dancers (even
dentists). Medical tourism in Argentina is then entwined with sexualized imagery, with the implied
promise of transforming oneself and returning home with a surgical souvenir enhanced by the
tango mystique.
Conclusions
The field of cosmetic surgery in Argentina provides a window of opportunity to explore the ‘‘tour-
with-a-cure’’ global trend led by medical travel companies offering all-inclusive packages for offshore
aesthetic care. While many features of the Argentine medical tourism industry can be found in other
countries (i.e., low-cost, top-notch medical technology), cheap, expert services alone are not enough to
convince foreigners to seek cosmetic surgery in the Southern hemisphere.
We have argued that the emphasis on plastic enhancement treatments portrayed alongside
sensual pleasures in alleged familiar environments is key to promoting Argentina’s medical tourism
industry. Argentina differs from Brazil, with its beautiful beaches and wild Amazon jungles, and
Mexico, with its Aztec and Mayan wonders. By the turn of the twentieth century, Argentina had
already embraced a seemingly European modernity by importing British-designed public transpor-
tation, Italian cuisine and French architecture. Therefore, medical tourism’s Internet pitches empha-
size the proto-European, first-class glamour of Buenos Aires and its inhabitants as a comfort factor
offered to Western tourists.
For Internet marketers, the branding of the similarity factor between locals and visitors, based on
racial and cultural features, is ultimately aimed at normalizing cosmetic surgery. Contrary to other
destinations where locals and foreigners are phenotypically and culturally set apart, the online cos-
metic tourism literature emphasizes racial and cultural resemblance. Rather than inviting travelers
to venture into potentially ‘‘dangerous’’ territories, the caring aspect of curing is spiced with exciting
and sensual experiences. In this vein, the tango component of medical packages is more than a dance;
it is a ticket to out-of-the-ordinary practices different from one’s own daily routines.
Internet messages help create new shades of body capital that feed on Argentines’ alleged fixation
with their own ideals of beauty that highlight their sensual charisma and self-confidence. Certainly,
Argentines are pictured as architects of their own body capital, not as mere copies of the archetypical
Anglo-Saxon thin body type. The slim, fairly white Argentine women and men portrayed in tourism
vignettes must be followed and mirrored, both in their tango moves and physical appearance. No long-
er designed in the developed world, globalized body ideals are now concocted in the developing one.
Tours that combine tango (both as dancing practice and spectacle) and thigh lifts endorse the image of
Argentina as a place where porteños are not only sexier and more beautiful, but also whiter and more
sophisticated than their Latin American and Asian peers. In the end, the medical tourism sales pitch
‘‘sea, sand and surgery’’ (Bookman & Bookman, 2007; Connell, 2006) is turned into ‘‘touch-up tours,’’
with tango imagery deployed as a powerful advertising tool.
This paper’s results agree with an emerging literature on medical and tango tourism in Argentina,
which underscores the racialized discourses (mostly emphasizing Argentines’ whiteness) that have
largely framed the global advertising of cosmetic surgery practices in this country (Masi de Casanova
& Sutton, 2013; McDonald, 2011; Merritt, 2012). Since our study focused on the medical tourism mes-
sages and not on their impact, future work should determine if the growing volume of medical travel
to Argentina is due (even partially) to the effect of Internet advertising.
Cosmetic surgeries are highly invasive and potentially hazardous and require delicate post-opera-
tive follow-ups (Bookman & Bookman, 2007). Therefore, forthcoming research should also address the
potentially deleterious effect of marketing messages that give emphasis to the pleasurable aspects of
the cosmetic surgery trip and minimize its potential dangerous effects. As noted by Sobo et al. (2011),
the general inconsistencies in the Internet’s selling of medical tourism packages to Americans reveal
unresolved issues, such as the lack of international certification of many foreign medical facilities. Cos-
metic tourism in Argentina can either address these issues (by further developing rigorous standards
of quality and safety) or continue to deepen the tensions found in the patient-tourist equation, such as
promoting tango dancing while recovering from surgery.
128 A. Viladrich, R. Baron-Faust / Annals of Tourism Research 45 (2014) 116–131
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... Cormany & Baloglu, 2011;Duarte Alonso et al., 2013;Birdir & Buzcu, 2014;Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014;Frederick & Gan, 2015;Glover et al., 2015;Mohammed, 2016;Öksüz & Altıntaş, 2017;John et al., 2018. Jotikasthira, 2010;Ricafort, 2011;Lee et al., 2012a;Sarwar et al., 2012;Chomvilailuk & Srisomyong, 2015;Hanefeld et al., 2015;Alnakhi et al., 2019;Sağ & Zengül, 2019; Destination Image Chon, 1990;Alhemoud & Armstrong, 1996;Baloglu et al., 1999;Beerli & Martin, 2004;Crooks et al., 2011;Cheng & Lu, 2013;Kim et al., 2013;Khan et al., 2016;Park et al., 2017;Deeparechigi et al., 2018;Cham et al., 2021b;Chaulagain et al., 2021;Farrukh et al., 2022. ...
... In some studies, however, specific areas of medical tourism related to dental (Turner, 2008;Gönül & İçöz, 2020;Aydın & Işık, 2023), hair transplantation (İlhan & Özdoğan, 2022), physical therapy and rehabilitation (Büyük & Akkuş, 2022b), plastic surgery (Tan, 2007;Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014;Temizkan & Temizkan, 2020), stem cell transplantation (Şahin et al., 2019), reproduction (Yıldız & Khan, 2016), and cancer (Büyük & Akkuş, 2022a) have been examined. ...
... Argentina, which is among the popular medical tourism destinations that have made its name known in the world (Collins et al., 2019), stands out especially in terms of aesthetic surgery, dentistry, treatments related to reproduction and fertility, and eye operations (Connell, 2006;Smith et al., 2009;Yıldız & Khan, 2016). For example, it has been reported that 300,000 aesthetic operations were performed in the country in 2012, 60,000 of which were breast implant surgery (Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014). Within the Latin American region, Argentina, alongside Brazil and Mexico, has emerged as a leader in the development of a private fertility industry, as evidenced by research conducted by Smith et al. (2010). ...
Thesis
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Globalization and advancements in healthcare have birthed a novel form of tourism known as medical tourism. Over the past decade, MT has witnessed a significant upsurge, evolving into a burgeoning industry. The increasing popularity of medical tourism can be attributed to a confluence of factors, including the development of electronic communication systems, the improved ease of international transportation, the utilization of social media as a marketing tool, and the emergence of more cost-effective healthcare options. Healthcare system shortcomings in developed nations manifested as lengthy wait times, legal hurdles, and high costs, have driven the medical tourism movement towards developing countries. Conversely, advancements in technology and the dissemination of information have facilitated the promotion and marketing of medical tourism. Furthermore, medical tourism's appeal is augmented by its ability to offer a confluence of quality healthcare and vacation opportunities, attracting patients seeking a holistic experience. This study investigates the impact of destination image and social media interaction on medical tourists' intentions to visit Turkey. It explores their visit motivations, perceptions of quality and cost, and how these factors, along with their destination image formed through social media interactions, influence their decision to choose Turkey for medical care. Survey data for analysis was collected via social media from 1124 participants. These included citizens from the eight top source countries for medical tourists to Turkey (2018-2022): Iraq, Germany, UK, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, France, and Georgia, along with Turkish dual citizens residing worldwide. Data analysis involved frequency analysis, evaluation of internal consistency for employed scales, and assessment of construct validity for sub-dimensions using confirmatory factor analysis. Mediation analyses explored the role of mediating variables, followed by linear regression and hypothesis testing via R software. Bootstrapping with 5000 repetitions examined indirect effects in mediation models. The research findings demonstrate the significant role of social media in shaping the formation of visit intentions in medical tourism. It has been determined that participants actively utilize social media to acquire information about medical tourism services in Turkey, and this interaction enhances their visit intentions. The impact of social media on creating destination image and shaping perceptions of the quality and cost of medical services is crucial. Additionally, it has been identified that perceptions of cost and quality influence potential tourists' visit intentions. Therefore, it is essential for medical tourism service providers to effectively market their destinations and enhance perceived quality by sharing accurate and up-to-date information via social media. The findings indicate that Turkey possesses a strong competitive advantage in the medical tourism market. Among these advantages are the perceived high quality of medical services in the country, low costs, modern healthcare facilities, well-trained physicians, and a wide range of medical services available. Consequently, medical tourism destinations need to focus on various strategies to strengthen destination image and optimize service quality. The effective use of social media, enhancement of cost and quality perceptions, positively influences potential tourists' visit intentions, creates a favourable medical destination image, and supports the tourism sector.
... Medical tourism encompasses a wide range of services, including elective procedures, complex surgeries, dental care, fertility treatments, and wellness therapies. Medical tourism contributes significantly to the economies of host countries, generating revenue not only for healthcare providers but also for ancillary services such as hotels, restaurants, and local attractions (Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014). For patients from countries with limited medical infrastructure, medical tourism offers access to advanced medical treatments and facilities, which can be lifesaving for individuals needing specialized care (Ashton, 2018). ...
... These attributes include the overall cultural ambiance, the historical and cultural landmarks, and the local customs and traditions that can enhance the medical tourism experience. A destination rich in cultural heritage and offering a unique cultural experience can be highly appealing to medical tourists (Lee & Kim, 2015;Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014). For instance, patients may choose destinations that not only provide excellent medical care but also allow them to explore new cultures and traditions, making their medical trip more enriching and fulfilling. ...
... For instance, patients may choose destinations that not only provide excellent medical care but also allow them to explore new cultures and traditions, making their medical trip more enriching and fulfilling. Medical tourism destination that excel in these areas attract a diverse range of health tourists seeking specialized treatments, wellness programs, and cultural experiences (Singh, 2013;Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014). Furthermore, Personalized experiences contribute to destination attractiveness by aligning with tourists' specific health and wellness goals (Dryglas & Salamaga, 2018;Rosenbusch et al., 2018). ...
Article
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Purpose: This study aims to acquire a comprehensive understanding of the factors contributing to the attractiveness of medical tourism destinations (MTD). Method: Utilizing a systematic literature review (SLR) methodology, this research conducts an in-depth analysis of academic journal articles published between 2010 and 2024, indexed in the Scopus database. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) method serves as the framework for this systematic review, ensuring the robustness of the review process through meticulous screening, data extraction, and synthesis of findings. Result: The results reveal four prominent factors determining medical tourism attractiveness. First, economic factors such as the cost of medical expenditures, destination competitiveness, and economic diversification. Second, cultural and social factors including destination attributes, tourism and vacation experience and geographical distance. Third, healthcare infrastructure and quality standards, encompassing service quality factors, medical treatment quality and government support for medical tourism infrastructure. Fourth, and lastly, marketing and promotional strategies, including branding, marketing, and destination perception. This comprehensive analysis provides valuable insights for stakeholders aiming to enhance the appeal of medical tourism destinations.
... The factors influencing decision-making and choice of destination are the main subjects of research on the behaviour of medical tourists (Crompton, 1979;Nugraha, Hamin, & Elliott, 2016). The determinants of capital inflows, global liquidity and other people's opinions have all been identified in several studies as push-pull factors (Klaus & Pachocka, 2019;Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014). Cost of care, service quality, development, popularity of hospitals, expansion of medical facilities and political and social stability are further significant factors (Chang, Chou, Yeh, & Tseng, 2016;Singh, 2013). ...
Article
Full-text available
Purpose This study aims to explore the consumer perceptions of cognition and intention to visit pilot zone of international medical tourism as emerging, developed medical tourism destinations. Design/methodology/approach Using a survey-based quantitative method, based on a survey of 439 tourists who have cross-border travel experience, the partial least squares approach was performed to test the hypotheses. Findings The results show that internal factors had a stronger influence on destination image compared to external factors. Among different factors, preferential policies had the greatest impact on intention to visit. Perceived quality had a stronger effect on intention to visit than preference. Geographical distance had a varied effect, with those furthest away in Northeast China showing greater intention to visit compared to closer regions. Originality/value This study explores the impact of multidimensional destination perception on medical tourists’ behavioural intention in emerging destinations by integrating the push-pull theory and theory of planned behaviour and tests how geographical distance affects intention to visit emerging destinations. Using China international medical tourism pilot area as a typical case of medical tourism emerging destinations for empirical analysis. This research offers guidance for branding and marketing strategies, contributes to a deeper understanding of medical tourists’ destination choices, enriches the theoretical explanation of emerging destination choice in medical tourism and provides valuable insights for destination recovery.
... The findings of studies on this subject have suggested that destination image components (cognitive, affective, and global) are antecedents of tourists' destination preferences, although the overall image is the key predictor of destination preference (Lin et al., 2007). Several common attributes of destination image, including tourist attractions, general infrastructure, reputation of hospitals, quality of hospitals medical amenities, social environment, transportation services, accommodations, support services, food, personal safety, and communication (Esiyok et al., 2017;Johnston & Herzig, 2006;Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014). The presence of famous tourist attractions near medical tourism destinations impacts tourists' perceptions of leisure and vacation opportunities. ...
Article
This study advances the Health Belief Model (HBM) within the context of medical tourism, exploring the intricate interplay between destination image, health beliefs, psychological distance, and the behavioral intentions of potential medical tourists. Our investigation reveals that destination image significantly influences perceived barriers and severity of risks, which, along with perceived susceptibility and benefits, strongly predicts tourists’ visitation intentions. Notably, the study revealed the dual roles of psychological distance: as a mediator between destination image and tourist preferences, and as a moderator affecting the impact of destination image on perceived risks. These findings underscore the importance of psychological factors in medical tourism decisions, suggesting that addressing psychological distance can enhance marketing strategies and improve patient outcomes.
... Besides cultural closeness, geographical closeness is one of the preferred reasons for health customers. Geographical closeness has advantages such as being costefficient because of shorter travel distances, the possibility to travel for follow-up check-ups easily, and feeling more comfortable like in their own place (Viladrich & Baron-Faust, 2014;Esiyok et al., 2017). Especially for the treatments that need follow-up checks increase the required international travel time and cost. ...
... En esta línea, han sido analizados los "viajes médicos" de familias bolivianas hacia la Argentina (Vindrola-Padros, & Whiteford, 2012) y la "movilidad por salud" entre ciudades fronterizas como Arica y Tacna . La promoción del turismo médico en algunos países del espacio sudamericano hacia comienzos de 2010, motivó el desarrollo de trabajos que buscaron conocer las estrategias de mar keting empleadas para promover nuevos destinos turísticos (Viladrich, & Baron-Faust, 2014) y problematizaron los desafíos éticos y legales que supone para ciertos Estados la expansión de esta industria en relación con la distribución de recursos en salud considerados escasos y la regulación de la activi dad (Vindrola-Padrós, 2015). Otros estudios analizaron el surgimiento y la producción de la figura del turismo médico en el contexto argentino para dar cuenta de la emergencia de nuevos y diversos mecanismos de selección, regulación y control de las "movilidades por salud" en el marco de regímenes diferenciados de movilidad (Basualdo, 2020a(Basualdo, , 2020b. ...
Article
Full-text available
El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el proceso de (in)securitización de las movilidades por salud definidas como “turismo de trasplante”. Específicamente indaga el surgimiento y circulación de la categoría “turismo de trasplantes”, así como ciertos usos políticos del concepto en regulaciones sobre trasplante y migración en Argentina. Sostiene que el “turismo de trasplantes” fue construido como un problema de (in)seguridad asociado a los peligros y amenazas que determinadas movilidades representan para el “orden nacional” de los trasplantes y para la “seguridad internacional” a partir de su asociación con modalidades ilícitas de extracción y comercialización de órganos. El artículo adopta una metodología cualitativa que articula análisis de diversas fuentes documentales y entrevistas con funcionarias/os de gobierno del contexto argentino.
... The topics might include how AI can improve forecasting methods (e.g. Zhang et al., 2021) or how AI can enhance the tourist experience in the field of medical tourism (Viladrich & baron-Faust, 2014). These topics are strongly relevant since COVID-19 has unveiled how unprepared the tourism industry was when facing the crisis . ...
Article
Full-text available
The growing interest in intelligent automation adoption and development in tourism presents many potential solutions for sustainable tourism issues. To map the current landscape of research on intelligent automation in sustainable tourism, a systematic review was conducted of 213 scholarly articles. Five major themes were identified: intelligent automation to enhance tourist experience, preserve heritage, promote quality of life, measure tourist experience, and conserve the environment. Scholarly work on this topic has paid more attention to the economic and sociocultural aspects of sustainability but less to addressing environmental issues. To uncover further research gaps, this study outlines sustainability transition pathways using two dimensions: sustainability inclusion and tourist involvement. Twenty-three distinct AI-based innovations were mapped onto the pathways to reveal future research directions. The findings explain the lack of AI-based solutions that offer high levels of sustainability inclusion and tourist involvement. Thus, this study proposes the “AI4GoodTourism” framework, inferring that intelligent automation with high sustainability inclusion levels can scale up the marginal contributions that tourists provide collectively. This framework serves to guide future research and development for various stakeholders who are progressing sustainable tourism agendas through intelligent automation.
Article
The tourist industry is one of the parts of the global economy that is most fiercely competitive. As part of travel for health and wellness services, medical tourism is now growing rapidly. Purpose-The present research is an effort to establish Chhattisgarh, a mineral rich state of India as a medical destination emphasizing over demographic characteristics. Design/methodology/approach-Primary data are gathered from the Chhattisgarh population using a structured questionnaire and convenience sampling, a non-probability sampling method. The association between resident's perception and identified variables is explained using a chi-square test followed by ANOVA, which will determine the significant difference amongst the demographic characteristics. Findings-Desk research is done to recognize the variables influencing resident's preferences towards medical services at Chhattisgarh. The influences for Medical Services have segregated into three broad independent variable viz. Automation, Infrastructural facilities and Monetary sustenance. Resident's perception towards medical services at Chhattisgarh are measured in three categories viz. excellent, average and subpar. The test result from the statistical analysis reveals that, Residents' perception towards medical services and Automation, Infrastructural facilities and monetary sustenance are not independent. Research implications-This study will be resourceful for the administrators of Chhattisgarh and hospital owners to frame the marketing strategies based on the consumer perception towards medical services. Originality/value-The study emphasizes over Automation, Infrastructural facilities and monetary sustenance, which are the ultimate influencing variables for Residents' perception towards medical services. These variables are successful in establishing a state as a medical destination.
Article
Bu çalışmanın amacı, sağlık turistlerinin destinasyon imajı algılarının, tıbbi seyahatin algılanan değerine ve destinasyonu tekrar ziyaret niyetlerine etkisini ortaya koymaktır. Araştırmada, nicel araştırma deseni (betimsel araştırma yaklaşımı - tarama araştırması - kesitsel araştırma) kullanılmış olup veriler çevrimiçi internet ortamında toplanmıştır. Araştırmanın ana kütlesini Türkiye’ye sağlık turizmi kapsamında tedavi almaya gelen ve sosyal medya kanalıyla (Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Web Siteler, Bloglar) ulaşılan uluslararası sağlık turistleri oluşturmaktadır. Araştırma evrenini temsil eden örneklem sayısının belirlenmesinde Türkiye’de tedavi olmuş sağlık turistleri dikkate alınmış olup toplamda 408 anket çevrimiçi ortamda uygulanmıştır. Araştırmada olasılıksız örnekleme tekniklerinden kolayda örnekleme tekniği kullanılmıştır. Bu araştırmanın sonuçları sağlık turizmi destinasyon imajının, tıbbi seyahatin algılanan değerini ve turistlerin destinasyonu tekrar ziyaret niyetlerini istatistiksel olarak anlamlı ve pozitif yönde etkilediğini ortaya koymuştur. Dolayısıyla sağlık turizmi destinasyon imajı arttıkça tıbbi seyahatin algılanan değerinin ve turistlerin destinasyonu tekrar ziyaret niyetlerinin de artacağı öngörülmektedir.
Book
Western patients are increasingly travelling to developing countries for health care and developing countries are increasingly offering their skills and facilities to paying foreign customers. The potential and implications of this international trade in medical services is explored in this book through analysis of the market.
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Inspired by Sweetness and Power, in which Sidney Mintz traces the colonial and mercantilist routes of enslaving tastes and artificial needs, this paper maps a late‐20th‐century global trade in bodies, body parts, desires, and invented scarcities. Organ transplant takes place today in a transnational space with surgeons, patients, organ donors, recipients, brokers, and intermediaries—some with criminal connections—following new paths of capital and technology in the global economy. The stakes are high, for the technologies and practices of transplant surgery have demonstrated their power to reconceptualize the human body and the relations of body parts to the whole and to the person and of people and bodies to each other. The phenomenal spread of these technologies and the artificial needs, scarcities, and new commodities (i.e., fresh organs) that they inspire—especially within the context of a triumphant neoliberalism—raise many issues central to anthropology's concern with global dominations and local resistances, including the reordering of relations between individual bodies and the state, between gifts and commodities, between fact and rumor, and between medicine and magic in postmodernity.