What Happened to the American "Middle" Class? Class and Consumption in America

To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.


The plight of the “middle class” has been a constant theme in political discourse and business press during the turn of the 20th century. Some argue that the “middle class” has been shrinking, while others contend that it is sinking or losing its ability to maintain its lifestyle. Those in the first camp see the “middle class” as a malleable cohort that can expand/contract in size over time, while those in the second group seem to define the “middle class” as a constant cohort whose income, wealth and consumption patterns vary over time. This lack of a consistent, objective and implementable definition of the “middle class” adds ambiguity to the controversy around this important segment of our society. In this study, we propose a metric for socioeconomic stratification, based on the theoretical concept of Permanent Income, which we use to classify households into the upper, middle and lower socioeconomic classes, using data from the Survey of Consumer Expenditures (CEX), gathered by the Bureau of Labor Statistics between 1982 and 2010. Our analysis of the three major socioeconomic strata in America over the past three decades produces interesting and valuable insights into how the different strata in our society fared in the last three decades. First, we find that, despite the current debate on the plight of the “middle class” in America, households in the two middle quartiles of our society have seen some improvement in income, wealth and consumption, albeit not in the same extent as the upper quartile. Our empirical results show that the one stratum clearly left behind in the past three decades is the lower quartile, which did not see any significant improvements in income or wealth, and in fact saw a decline in their consumption budgets. We find that the most visible shifts in the past three decades were observed on consumption, particularly on the consumption of positional (conspicuously consumed non-essential) goods and services, where the gap between the upper, middle and lower quartiles of Permanent Income have grown more dramatically. We see these discrepancies as a major source of discontent by the “middle class,” for two main reasons. First discrepancies in consumption are more visible than discrepancies in income or wealth. Second, discrepancies in the consumption of positional goods are exacerbated by their signaling value, which results into welfare gaps not only on the direct utility of consumption but also in terms of positional losses.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.

... Yet, despite its importance, there is no agreement as to what happened to the American middle class in the past several decades. Some in the press contend that the middle class is losing its ability to maintain its lifestyle or that the middle class has been shrinking in size (Kochihar and Fry 2015;Kochihar and Morin 2014;Morin and Motel 2012;Pew Research Center 2012), while others argue that the middle class has been doing better or at least not as badly as being portrayed in the popular press (Burkhauser et al. 2011;Kamakura 2014). This disagreement about the middle class is largely due to the lack of a consistent, objective and implementable definition of the middle class, which adds ambiguity to the controversy around this important segment of our society (Kamakura 2014). ...
... Some in the press contend that the middle class is losing its ability to maintain its lifestyle or that the middle class has been shrinking in size (Kochihar and Fry 2015;Kochihar and Morin 2014;Morin and Motel 2012;Pew Research Center 2012), while others argue that the middle class has been doing better or at least not as badly as being portrayed in the popular press (Burkhauser et al. 2011;Kamakura 2014). This disagreement about the middle class is largely due to the lack of a consistent, objective and implementable definition of the middle class, which adds ambiguity to the controversy around this important segment of our society (Kamakura 2014). ...
... A similar operationalization approach was to use the concept "permanent income" as a function of people's expected income over their lifecycle instead of just current income (Friedman 1957). Kamakura (2014) defined middle class as the two middle quartiles of the population in terms of permanent income, estimated via a flexible latent trait model using a variety of indicators including education, occupation, current income, pension, taxes, financial assets, and physical assets. Kamakura found that between 1982 and 2010, households in the two middle quartiles of our society saw some improvement in income, wealth, and consumption, despite the current debate on the plight of the middle class in America. ...
Full-text available
In 2010, the US Department of Commerce, commissioned by the White House Middle Class Task Force, recommended six indicators that define the middle class: having one’s own home, a car or two in the carport, taking a family vacation every year, sending kids to college, and having some retirement savings. We used the Consumer Expenditure Survey (CE) data to estimate the size of American middle class in selected years from 1988 to 2015 using three empirical variations of this definition and to test if there were upward or downward trends during these years. We found that the size of the American middle class was definitely on the decline between 1988 and 2015 for all three definitions. Multivariate analyses show that variations in total household annual expenditure and sociodemographic variables could not explain the decline. In fact, adjusting for these controls made the decline of the middle class over time more severe.
... Figure 1 shows Census data for incomes at various percentiles from 1967 to 2017; incomes of the top earning households expanded dramatically, while those of the lower tiers have remained relatively flat. Such shifts in the distribution of income can lead to changes in aggregate consumer spending (e.g., Krueger and Perri 2006;Kamakura 2014) with implications for firms and marketing strategies. ...
Full-text available
The authors study the effect of changes in the United States income distribution on assortment size in the mainstream grocery channel. Census demographics for 1,711 counties are matched to local assortment data from Nielsen in 944 grocery product categories from 2007 to 2013. The authors show that holding other demographics constant, assortment size increases with higher average income but decreases with greater income dispersion. This pattern holds for several specifications of assortments at the local level: the number of category Universal Product Codes (UPCs), number of brands, number of products per brand, and horizontal and vertical dimensions of assortments. The results suggest that increased income dispersion (holding other factors constant) reduces both horizontal and vertical differentiation. The effect sizes are similar for private labels and branded products, but large brands lose proportionally more UPCs than small brands when income dispersion rises. Potential mechanisms underlying the results are also explored, with evidence that a hollowing out of the middle class along with Engel’s law of expenditure explain a significant portion of this effect. The findings also offer insights for consumer packaged goods manufacturers that might help them allocate resources to expand shelf presence or defend current positions. This paper was accepted by Matthew Shum, marketing.
Full-text available
Despite the central role of social class or socioeconomic status on consumer behavior and the fact that this construct has been utilized in marketing research for more than seven decades, the marketing literature is surprisingly short on the conceptualization and measurement of this important construct. In this study, we address these issues and propose a flexible and robust theory-based framework for socioeconomic stratification, which we apply to identify socio-economic strata during a period (2003 and 2009) of substantial economic and social development in one emerging economy (Brazil). We then use this stratification to examine the relationship between socioeconomic status and consumption. Our socioeconomic stratification framework shows how the recent economic development observed in Brazil benefited the lower strata, leading to the emergence of the country’s “new middle class”. We also find that despite the high income concentration still prevailing in Brazil, consumption in many product categories is more evenly distributed, so that firms that follow a premium market positioning targeted mostly to the upper classes are ill-advised, because they leave a substantial portion of the market to the competition.
Full-text available
All types of consumer expenditures ultimately vie for the same pool of limited resources—the consumer's discretionary income. Consequently, consumers' spending in a particular industry can be better understood in relation to their expenditures in others. Although marketers may believe that they are operating in distinct and unrelated industries, it is important to understand how consumers, with a given budget, make trade-offs between meeting different consumption needs. For example, how much would escalating gas prices affect consumer spending on food and apparel? Which industries would gain most in terms of extra consumer spending as a result of a tax rebate? Answers to these questions are also important from a public policy standpoint because they provide insights into how consumer welfare would be affected as consumers reallocate their consumption budget in response to environmental changes. This study proposes a structural demand model to approximate the household budget allocation decision, in which consumers are assumed to allocate a given budget across a full spectrum of consumption categories to maximize an underlying utility function. The authors illustrate the model using Consumer Expenditure Survey data from the United States, covering 31 consumption categories over 22 years. The calibrated model makes it possible to draw direct inferences about the trade-offs individual households make when they face budget constraints and how their relative preferences for different consumption categories vary across life stages and income levels. The study also demonstrates how the proposed model can be used in policy simulations to quantify the potential impacts on consumption patterns due to shifts in prices or discretionary income.
Full-text available
In this paper we present an International Socio-Economic Index of occupational status (ISEI), derived from the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO), using comparably coded data on education, occupation, and income for 73,901 full-time employed men from 16 countries. We use an optimal scaling procedure, assigning scores to each of 271 distinct occupation categories in such a way as to maximize the role of occupation as an intervening variable between education and income (in contrast to taking prestige as the criterion for weighting education and income, as in the Duncan scale). We compare the resulting scale to two existing internationally standardized measures of occupational status, Treiman's international prestige scale (SIOPS) and Goldthorpe's class categories (EGP), and also with several locally developed SEI scales. The performance of the new ISEI scale compares favorably with these alternatives, both for the data sets used to construct the scale and for five additional data sets.
Full-text available
The concept of class has greater explanatory ambitions within the Marxist tradition than in any other tradition of social theory and this, in turn, places greater burdens on its theoretical foundations. In its most ambitious form, Marxists have argued that class – or very closely linked concepts like mode of production or the economic base was at the center of a general theory of history, usually referred to as historical materialism.1 This theory attempted to explain within a unified framework a very wide range of social phenomena: the epochal trajectory of social change aswell as social conflicts located in specific times and places, the macro-level institutional form of the state along with the micro-level subjective beliefs of individuals, large-scale revolutions as well as sit-down strikes. Expressions like class struggle is the motor of history and the executive of the modern state is but a committee of the bourgeoisie captured this ambitious claim of explanatory centrality for the concept of class. Most Marxist scholars today have pulled back from the grandiose explanatory claims of historical materialism (if not necessarily from all of its explanatory aspirations). Few today defend stark versions of class primacy. Nevertheless, it remains the case that class retains a distinctive centrality within the Marxist tradition and is called upon to do much more arduous explanatory work than in other theoretical traditions. © Cambridge University Press 2005 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Full-text available
We develop a general approach to factor analysis that involves observed and latent variables that are assumed to be distributed in the exponential family. This gives rise to a number of factor models not considered previously and enables the study of latent variables in an integrated methodological framework, rather than as a collection of seemingly unrelated special cases. The framework accommodates a great variety of different measurement scales and accommodates cases where different latent variables have different distributions. The models are estimated with the method of simulated likelihood, which allows for higher dimensional factor solutions to be estimated than heretofore. The models are illustrated on synthetic data. We investigate their performance when the distribution of the latent variables is mis-specified and when part of the observations are missing. We study the properties of the simulation estimators relative to maximum likelihood estimation with numerical integration. We provide an empirical application to the analysis of attitudes.
Full-text available
In this study we examined the relationship between indicators of socioeconomic status (SES) and mortality for a representative sample of individuals. The sample included 3734 individuals aged 45 and older interviewed in 1984 in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. In the current study, mortality was tracked between 1984 and 1994 and is related to SES indicators of education, occupation, income, and wealth. Wealth and recent family income were the indicators that were most strongly associated with subsequent mortality. These associations persisted after we controlled for the other SES indicators and were stronger for women than for men and for non-elderly than for elderly individuals. We found that the economic indicators of SES were usually as strongly associated with mortality as, if not more strongly associated with mortality than, the more conventional indicators of completed schooling and occupation.
Full-text available
This paper examines how permanent income and other components of socio-economic status (SES) are related to fertility in less developed countries. Because permanent income cannot be measured directly, we employ a latent-variable method. We compare our results with those of the more common proxy-variable method and investigate the consequences of not accounting for measurement error. Using data from Ghana and Peru, we find that permanent income has a large, negative influence on fertility and that research must take the latent nature of permanent income into account to uncover its influence. Controlling for measurement error in the proxies for permanent income can also lead to substantial changes in the estimated effects of control variables. Finally, we examine which of the common proxies for permanent income most closely capture the concept. The results have implications beyond this specific dependent variable, providing evidence on the sensitivity of microanalyses to the treatment of long-term economic status.
Full-text available
In this paper we examine the relative importance of rural versus urban areas in terms of monetary poverty and seven other related living standards indicators. We present the levels of urban--rural differences for several African countries for which we have data and find that living standards in rural areas lag far behind those in urban areas. Then we examine the relative and absolute rates of change for urban and rural areas, and find no overall evidence of declining differences in the gaps between urban and rural living standards. Finally, we conduct urban--rural decompositions of inequality, examining the within versus between (urban and rural) group inequality for asset inequality, education inequality, and health (height) inequality. Copyright 2003, Oxford University Press.
Although middle-income families don't earn much more than they did several decades ago, they are buying bigger cars, houses, and appliances. To pay for them, they spend more than they earn and carry record levels of debt. In a book that explores the very meaning of happiness and prosperity in America today, Robert Frank explains how increased concentrations of income and wealth at the top of the economic pyramid have set off "expenditure cascades" that raise the cost of achieving many basic goals for the middle class. Writing in lively prose for a general audience, Frank employs up-to-date economic data and examples drawn from everyday life to shed light on reigning models of consumer behavior. He also suggests reforms that could mitigate the costs of inequality. Falling Behind compels us to rethink how and why we live our economic lives the way we do.
This study compares the ability of the multiple indicators, multiple causes (MIMIC) confirmatory factor analysis model to correctly identify cases of differential item functioning (DIF) with more established methods. Although the MIMIC model might have application in identifying DIF for multiple grouping variables, there has been little examination of how well the technique works in terms of correct and incorrect identification of DIF. A Monte Carlo methodology is used in this study, with manipulation of the number of items, number of examinees, differences between the mean abilities of the reference and focal groups, level of DIF contamination of the anchor items, and amount of DIF in the target item. Results indicate that the MIMIC model is effective for DIF identification for 50 items or when the two-parameter logistic model underlies the data but has a very high rate of incorrect DIF identification for 20 items with three-parameter logistic data.
While the American Dream remains a unifying cultural tenet for an increasingly diverse society, it may be showing signs of wear. Growing income inequality and slower growth suggest that now is an important moment to review the facts about opportunity and mobility in America and to attempt to answer the basic question: Is the American Dream alive and well? This report summarizes research and provides new evidence on both the extent of intergenerational mobility in the United States and the factors that influence it. In sum, the research reviewed herein leads us to the view that the glass is half empty and half full. The American Dream is alive if somewhat frayed. Chapter I of this report provides new data on how today's families are faring relative to their parents. Most of the historical analysis, detailed in Chapter II, reveals that there has been no strong trend in relative mobility since about 1970, although a few studies suggest that relative mobility may have declined. The international comparisons analyzed in Chapter III reveal that there is less relative mobility in the United States than in many other rich countries. Chapter IV, which reviews the current data on wealth and its effects on intergenerational mobility, concludes that parent-child wealth correlations are similar to parent-child income correlations but that each generation does have a reasonable shot at accumulating assets. Finally, chapters V, VI, and VII look beyond the story for all families to examine how mobility may have varied for men and women, for blacks and whites, and for immigrants and native-born Americans. Appended are: (1) The PSID Sample and Family Income; (2) Non-Cash Contributions to Family Economic Well-Being; (3) Four-Part Typology of Economic Mobility of Sons and Daughters; (4) Four-Part Typology: Economic Mobility of White and Black Families; and (5) Research Literature on Black-White Differences in Intergenerational Income Mobility. (Each chapter contains tables, figures, notes, and resources.)
Introduction: In the broad project of “class analysis” a great deal of effort goes into defining class and delineating the boundaries of classes. This is necessarily so, because class analysis is “the empirical investigation of the consequences and corollaries of the existence of a class structure defined ex-ante” (Breen and Rottman 1995b, p. 453). By starting from a particular definition, sociologists can assess the extent to which such things as inequality in life chances among individuals and families are structured on the basis of class. This approach stands in contrast to one that discovers a class structure from the empirical distribution of inequality in society (Sørensen 2000 labels this the “nominal classifications” approach). In class analysis the theoretical underpinnings of the version of class that is being used have to be made clear at the outset, and the concept of class has to be operationalized so as to allow claims about class to be tested empirically. If we examine the two main varieties of contemporary class analysis – namely Marxist class analysis, particularly associated with the work of Erik Olin Wright and his associates, and the neo-Weberian class analysis linked to the use of the class schema devised by John Goldthorpe – we find that these two tasks are central to both. In this chapter I will discuss some of the issues involved in seeking to pursue class analysis within a broadly Weberian perspective. © Cambridge University Press 2005 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
I: Change1. Mao in Moscow2. The Politburo Tours China3. The Chengtu Conference4. The Leap is Launched5. The Coming of the Communes6. High TideII: Retreat7. Withdrawal at Wuhan8. Mao Veers Right9. Chairman LiuIII: Clash10. High Noon at LushanIV: Defeat11. The Sino-Soviet Split Emerges12. The End of the Leap
Bibliogr. s. 222-233
There is no consensus definition of "middle class," neither is there an official government definition. What constitutes the middle class is relative, subjective, and not easily defined. The mid-point in the distribution is the median, and in 2007 the median household income was $50,233. How far above and below that amount the middle stretches remains an open question. The U.S. Census Bureau has published figures for 2007 breaking the income distribution into quintiles, or fifths. The narrowest view of who might be considered middle class based on that presentation would include those in the middle quintile, which includes households with income between $39,100 and $62,000. A more generous definition might be based on the three middle quintiles, those households with income between $20,291 and $100,000. Surveys suggest that from 1% to just over 3% of the population consider themselves to be upper class. Comparing those figures with the income distribution would put the dividing line between middle and upper class close to, if not above, $250,000. Similarly, survey responses suggest that the lower end of the middle class might be close to $40,000.
El presente documento examina como los componentes de la Situación Socieconómica (SES), en los que se incluyen los ingresos permanentes, están relacionados con la fertilidad en los países en desarrollo. El documento está dividido en: resumen, introducción, variable de medida para el ingreso permanente, datos y resultados Agencia de Estados Unidos para el Desarrollo Internacional - USAID
The last several years have seen a growth in the number of publications in economics that use principal component analysis (PCA) in the area of welfare studies. This paper explores the ways discrete data can be incorporated into PCA. The effects of discreteness of the observed variables on the PCA are reviewed. The statistical properties of the popular Filmer and Pritchett) procedure are analyzed. The concepts of polychoric and polyserial correlations are introduced with appropriate references to the existing literature demonstrating their statistical properties. A large simulation study is carried out to compare various implementations of discrete data PCA. The simulation results show that the currently used method of running PCA on a set of dummy variables as proposed by Filmer and Pritchett (2001) can be improved upon by using procedures appropriate for discrete data, such as retaining the ordinal variables without breaking them into a set of dummy variables or using polychoric correlations. An empirical example using Bangladesh 2000 Demographic and Health Survey data helps in explaining the differences between procedures. Copyright 2009 The Authors. Journal compilation 2009 International Association for Research in Income and Wealth Published by Blackwell Publishing.
This paper has an empirical and overtly methodological goal. The authors propose and defend a method for estimating the effect of household economic status on educational outcomes without direct survey information on income or expenditures. They construct an index based on indicators of household assets, solving the vexing problem of choosing the appropriate weights by allowing them to be determined by the statistical procedure of principal components. While the data for India cannot be used to compare alternative approaches they use data from Indonesia, Nepal, and Pakistan which have both expenditures and asset variables for the same households. With these data the authors show that not only is there a correspondence between a classification of households based on the asset index and consumption expenditures but also that the evidence is consistent with the asset index being a better proxy for predicting enrollments--apparently less subject to measurement error for this purpose--than consumption expenditures. The relationship between household wealth and educational enrollment of children can be estimated without expenditure data. A method for doing so - which uses an index based on household asset ownership indicators- is proposed and defended in this paper. In India, children from the wealthiest households are over 30 percentage points more likely to be in school than those from the poorest households.
Using data from India, we estimate the relationship between household wealth and children's school enrollment. We proxy wealth by constructing a linear index from asset ownership indicators, using principal-components analysis to derive weights. In Indian data this index is robust to the assets included, and produces internally coherent results. State-level results correspond well to independent data on per capita output and poverty. To validate the method and to show that the asset index predicts enrollments as accurately as expenditures, or more so, we use data sets from Indonesia, Pakistan, and Nepal that contain information on both expenditures and assets. The results show large, variable wealth gaps in children's enrollment across Indian states. On average a "rich" child is 31 percentage points more likely to be enrolled than a "poor" child, but this gap varies from only 4.6 percentage points in Kerala to 38.2 in Uttar Pradesh and 42.6 in Bihar.
In recent years, a large body of empirical work has focused on measuring and explaining socio-economic inequalities in health outcomes and health service use. In any effort to address these questions, analysts must confront the issue of how to measure socioeconomic status. In developing countries, socioeconomic status has typically been measured by per capita consumption or an asset index. Currently, there is only limited information on how the choice of welfare indicators affect the analysis of health inequalities and the incidence of public spending. The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the potential sensitivity of the analysis of health related inequalities to how socioeconomic status is measured. Using data from Mozambique, the paper focuses on five key health service indicators, and tests whether measured inequality (concentration index) in health service utilization differs depending on the choice of welfare indicator. The paper shows that, at least in some contexts, the choice of welfare indicator can have a large and significant impact on measured inequality in utilization of health services. In consequence, we can reach very different conclusions about the 'same' issue depending on how we define socioeconomic status. The paper also provides some tentative conclusions about why and in what contexts health inequalities can be sensitive to the choice of living standards measure. The results call for more clarity and care in the analysis of health related inequalities, and for explicit recognition of the potential sensitivity of findings to the choice of welfare measure. The results also point at the need for more careful research on how different dimensions of SES are related, and on the pathways by which the respective different dimensions impact on health related variables.
In this short paper we take a first look at the question of whether the increasing income inequality that the US has witnessed in the past 25 years has generated increasing unhappiness in those who have been falling behind, despite their real income has risen markedly. If an individual's utility depends not only on the level of her own consumption but also on how that level compares with the consumption of others, then the observed widening of the income distribution may have implications for the happiness of different groups that go beyond those associated with the changes in their respective incomes. We find that people's happiness appears to depend positively on how well their socio-economic group is doing relative to the average in their geographic area, even after controlling for the level of their own income. In addition, we find some evidence that the relationship is much stronger for people whose group has above-average income than for people whose group has below-average income; it would thus appear that relative concerns do not become an issue until a person has attained a certain place within the income distribution.
: 128 Text: 3665 References 4Tables Please direct correspondence to Duncan at the Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University, 2040 Sheridan Road, Evanston, IL 60208. Telephone: 847-467-1503. E-mail: gregduncan We are grateful for financial support from the Robert Woods Johnson Foundation, Investigator Awards in Health Policy Research (David Williams, PI, grant 026422) and the National Institute on Aging (Benjamin Amick, PI, grant R01AG13036-01A1) and to helpful comments from Benjamin Amick. Excellent research assistance was provided by Louise Tench. OPTIMAL INDICATORS OF SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS FOR HEALTH RESEARCH CSES Measures and Mortality 3 OPTIMAL INDICATORS OF SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS FOR HEALTH RESEARCH ABSTRACT Objectives: This paper examines the relationship between various measures of SES and mortality for a representative sample of individuals. Methods: Data are from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. Sample includes 3,734 individuals aged 45 and above ...
Middle-Class Income Doesn't Buy Middle-Class Lifestyle
  • Beth Potier
Potier, Beth (2003), "Middle-Class Income Doesn't Buy Middle-Class Lifestyle," Harvard University Gazzette, October 30, 2003.
Middle class in America
  • Timothy M Smeeding
Smeeding, Timothy M. (2010), "Middle class in America," Focus, University of Wisconsin-Madison Institute for Research on Poverty, 1 (27), 1-8.
Hitting the Sweet Spot: The Growth of the Middle Class in Emerging Markets
  • Alexis Karklins-Marchay
  • Sandra Sasson
Karklins-Marchay, Alexis, and Sandra Sasson (2013), "Hitting the Sweet Spot: The Growth of the Middle Class in Emerging Markets," Skolkovo -Ernst & Young Institute for Emerging Market Studies, 1-9.
Social Class and Employment Relations: Comparisons Between the ESeC and EGP Class Schemas Using European Data
  • E Bihagen
  • M Nermo
  • R Erikson
Bihagen, E., M. Nermo, and R. Erikson (2010), "Social Class and Employment Relations: Comparisons Between the ESeC and EGP Class Schemas Using European Data" in Rose, D. & E. Harrison (eds): Social Class in Europe: An introduction to the European Socio-economic Classification. London & New York: Routledge.
Politics Counts: Who is Middle Class, Anyway?
  • Chinni Dante
Dante, Chinni (2013), "Politics Counts: Who is Middle Class, Anyway?" Wall Street Journal, February 15.
  • Mauricio Avendaño
  • Anton E Kunst
  • Frank J Van Lenthe
  • V Bos
  • G Costa
  • T Valkonen
  • M Cardano
  • S Harding
  • J K Brogan
  • M Glickman
  • A Reid
  • Johan P Macenback
Avendaño, Mauricio, Anton.E. Kunst, Frank J. van Lenthe, V. Bos, V., G. Costa, T. Valkonen, M. Cardano, S. Harding, J. K. Brogan, M. Glickman, A. Reid, and Johan P. Macenback (2005), "Trends in Socioeconomic Disparities in Stroke Mortality in Six European Countries between 1981-1985 and 1991-1995," American Journal of Epidemiology, 161 (1), 52-61.
How Solid are the BRICs? " Global Economic Papers n
  • O ' Neil
  • Dominic Wilson
  • Roopa Purushothaman
  • Anna Stupnytska
O'Neil, Jim, Dominic Wilson, Roopa Purushothaman, and Anna Stupnytska (2005), " How Solid are the BRICs? " Global Economic Papers n.134, New York: Goldman Sachs, December.
Latin American Profile, Demographics and Socioecojnomic Strata
  • Barbara Corrales
  • Manuel Barberena
  • Norma Schmeichel
Corrales, Barbara, Manuel Barberena and Norma Schmeichel (2006), "Latin American Profile, Demographics and Socioecojnomic Strata," Research Paper, European Society for Opinion and Market Research.
The American Class Structure in an Age of Growing Inequality
  • Dennis Gilbert
Gilbert, Dennis (2010), The American Class Structure in an Age of Growing Inequality, 8th edition, Sage.
By the Numbers: The Incredibly Shrinking American Middle Class
  • Karin Kamp
Kamp, Karin (2013), "By the Numbers: The Incredibly Shrinking American Middle Class," (accessed November 11, 2013) [available at].
Consumer Expenditure Survey: Family-Level Extracts
  • Ed Harris
  • John Sabelhaus
Harris, Ed, and John Sabelhaus (2000), " Consumer Expenditure Survey: Family-Level Extracts, 1980:1 -1998:2 ", National Bureau of Economic Research.
Socioeconomic Levels: Differences vs. Similarities, Research Paper
  • Jimena Urquijo
  • Roberto Lobl
Urquijo, Jimena, and Roberto Lobl (2003), Socioeconomic Levels: Differences vs. Similarities, Research Paper, ESOMAR – European Society for Opinion and Market Research.
Lost Decade for Shrinking Middle Class
  • Conor Dougherty
Dougherty, Conor (2012) "Lost Decade for Shrinking Middle Class," Wall Street Journal, August 22.
America's Sinking Middle Class
  • Eduardo Porter
Porter, Eduardo (2013) "America's Sinking Middle Class," (accessed November 21, 2013), [available at].
Census: Middle Class Shrinks to an All-Time Low
  • Carol Morello
Morello, Carol (2012) "Census: Middle Class Shrinks to an All-Time Low," (accessed November 21, 2013), [available at].
The Shrinking Middle Class, the Shrinking American Dream
  • Tess Vigeland
Vigeland, Tess (2012) "The Shrinking Middle Class, the Shrinking American Dream," (accessed November 21, 2013), [available at].
Measure Inequality with Asset Indicators BREAD Working Paper n. 042. Cambridge: Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development
  • David J Mckenzie
McKenzie, David J. (2003), " Measure Inequality with Asset Indicators, " BREAD Working Paper n. 042. Cambridge: Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development, Center for International Development, Harvard University.
Middle Class in America
  • Rebecca M Blank
Blank, Rebecca M. (2010), Middle Class in America, US Department of Commerce Economics and Statistics Division.
Cambridge: Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development
  • David J Mckenzie
McKenzie, David J. (2003), "Measure Inequality with Asset Indicators," BREAD Working Paper n. 042. Cambridge: Bureau for Research and Economic Analysis of Development, Center for International Development, Harvard University.
How Solid are the BRICs?
  • Jim O'neil
  • Dominic Wilson
  • Roopa Purushothaman
  • Anna Stupnytska
O'Neil, Jim, Dominic Wilson, Roopa Purushothaman, and Anna Stupnytska (2005), "How Solid are the BRICs?" Global Economic Papers n.134, New York: Goldman Sachs, December.
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life
  • Paul Taylor
  • Rich Morin
  • D'vera Cohn
  • Richard Fry
  • Rakesh Kochhar
  • April Clark
Taylor, Paul, Rich Morin, D'Vera Cohn, Richard Fry, Rakesh Kochhar, and April Clark (2008), Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life. Pew Research Center.