Article

Rise and Demise of the Territorial State

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Abstract

Students and practitioners of international politics are at present in a strange predicament. Complex though their problems have been in the past, there was then at least some certainty about the “givens,” the basic structure and the basic phenomena of international relations. Today one is neither here nor there. On the one hand, for instance, one is assured—or at least tempted to accept assurance—that for all practical purposes a nuclear stalemate rules out major war as a major means of policy today and in the foreseeable future. On the other hand, one has an uncanny sense of the practicability of the unabated arms race, and a doubt whether reliance can be placed solely on the deterrent purpose of all this preparation. We are no longer sure about the functions of war and peace, nor do we know how to define the national interest and what its defense requires under present conditions. As a matter of fact, the meaning and function of the basic protective unit, the “sovereign” nation-state itself, have become doubtful.

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... Political borders have long been the focal point of academic research dominated by Realist approaches in International Relations (Laine 2015). In Realist ontologies, the State is taken to be the reference point-considering political borders only in their geographical capacity for state (Herz 1957;Gilpin 1981). ...
... In realist ontology, the territoriality of state is defined as "in that substratum of statehood where the state unit confronts us, as it were, in its physical, corporeal capacity: as an expanse of territory encircled for its identification and its defense by a "hard shell" of fortifications. In this lies what will be here referred to as the "impermeability," or "impenetrability," or simply the territoriality of the modem state" (Herz 1957). Therefore, the bounded territoriality of the state works as a hard shell of political community is central to Realist ideas of borders. ...
... State borders are to not only limit the sovereignty of the state, but also its subjects, in order to emphasize a binary difference between 'us' and 'them'. Keeping in line with the state-centrism in the discipline of International Relations, territory has primarily been understood not only as one of the central defining traits of the modern nation state but also a self-evident category, leading to noticeable gaps in conceptual clarity (Herz 1957). ...
Article
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This article (part of a special section on South Asian border studies) is an ethnographic study of the daily lives and narratives of borderlands communities in the border districts of Cooch Behar and South Dinajpur along the West-Bengal–Bangladesh border. In order to emphasise the significance of borderland communities’ narratives and experiences to our understanding of borders, this paper explores the idea of borders as social spaces that are inherently dynamic. In attempting to understand the idea of borders through everyday lives of people living in borderland communities, this paper highlights tensions and contradictions between hard borders manifested through securitization practices, and the inherently dynamic social spaces that manifest themselves in people’s daily lives. Conceptually and thematically, this paper is situated within and seeks to contribute to the discipline of borderland studies. Key Words: Borders, Social Spaces, Security, Bengal Borderlands, South Asia
... However, a combination of factors could erode the stability of nuclear deterrence, including the changing balance of power (e.g., US hegemonic decline, the resurgence of Russia, and the rise of China); deterioration of nuclear arms control (e.g., the demise of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty and Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, and uncertain future of the New START Agreement); the shift in military doctrines towards lower nuclear thresholds against conventional military force (e.g., Russia's "escalate-to-de-escalate" doctrine, and the US 2018 Nuclear Posture Review); the sanguine rhetoric by some political leaders about nuclear weapons that 8 For the first generation IR scholarship on the "nuclear revolution," see Brodie (1946Brodie ( , 1959, Morgenthau (1956Morgenthau ( , 1964, Herz (1957Herz ( , 1959, Wohlstetter (1959), Schelling (1960), Bull (1961), and Niebuhr (1963). For later contributions, see Jervis (1989), Mueller (1989), Waltz (1990), Craig (2003), Deudney (2007) . ...
... Third, the security viability of the political superstructure of international politics is undermined by anthropogenic existential threats. John Herz (1957Herz ( , 1959 argued that nuclear weapons challenged the security viability of nation-states by undermining their capacity to ensure a "protective shell" of military control over territory, leaving nation-states "permeable" to military force and nuclear destruction. The theoretical logic of national "permeability" applies equally, if not more strongly to the threats of climate change, bioengineered pathogens, and superintelligence, which do not respect the political sovereignty or territorial integrity of nation-states. ...
Article
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Humans in the twenty-first century live under the specter of anthropogenic existential threats to human civilization and survival. What is the significance of humanity’s capacity for self-destruction to the meaning of “security” and “survival” in international politics? The argument is that it constitutes a material “revolution” in international politics—that is, the growing spectrum of anthropogenic existential threats represents a radical transformation in the material context of international politics that turns established truths about security and survival on their heads. The paper develops a theoretical framework based in historical security materialism, especially the theoretical proposition that the material circumstances of the “forces of destruction” determine the security viability of different “modes of protection”, political “units” and “structures”, and “security ideologies” in international politics. The argument seeks to demonstrate the growing disjuncture (or “contradiction”) between the material context of anthropogenic existential threats (“forces of destruction”); and the security practices of war, the use of military force, and the balance-of-power (“modes of protection”); the political units of nation-states and structure of international anarchy (“political superstructure”); and the primacy of “national security” and doctrines of “self-help” and “power politics” in international politics (“security ideologies”). Specifically, humanityapos;s survival interdependence with respect to anthropogenic existential threats calls into question the centrality of national security and survival in international politics. In an age of existential threats, “security” is better understood as about the survival of humanity.
... These antinomies replicate long-standing IR debates about the future of the territorial state (see for example Herz, 1957;1968;cf. Connolly, 1991). ...
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IPE is in need of critical self-reflection. A large proportion of scholars have rejected the Open Economy Politics framework, which has dominated American IPE since the late 1990s. While new, unconventional research, both in the US and especially elsewhere, often tackles crucial questions in imaginative ways, we argue that critical IPE is yet to address fully the two key deficiencies from which it has arguably suffered from its very beginning. These deficiencies are the paucity of economic theorisation and the lack of philosophical depth. In this paper, we seek to strengthen the case for the following four claims: (1) there is a limit to how far IPE can go without addressing explicitly the problems of economic theory; (2) mainstream economics remains largely insulated from the concerns of social scientific IPE, but there are several economic theoretical traditions from which such IPE can draw explanatory insights and hypotheses; (3) systematic engagement across research traditions requires an explicit metatheoretical framework such as critical social scientific realism or pragmatism; and (4) IPE should illuminate structures, mechanisms and processes that are not confined by state borders or limited to nation-state interactions. A well-known corollary of (4) is that the field should be called World or Global PE rather than IPE.
... A theory of international security should define the great powers in terms of their capabilities for destruction, and the structure of the international system on the basis of the distribution of the capabilities of destruction (Herz 1957;. In this sense, security materialism offers an alternative theory, which, like neorealism, is "materialist," but that emphasizes the material capabilities of destruction rather than power. ...
Conference Paper
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Which states possess the material capacity to destroy humanity? This paper develops a new framework for analysis of the “great powers” and the “structure” (or “polarity”) of the system of international security, based on the distribution of the material capabilities that threaten humankind—or the “forces of total destruction.” It argues that a state is a great power if it possesses national capabilities that constitute an existential threat to humanity. The empirical analysis measures the leading states in the international system—China, France, Germany, India, Japan, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States—against this standard for great power status with respect to three anthropogenic existential threats to humanity: nuclear war, climate change, and artificial intelligence. It finds that three states—China, Russia, and the United States—are great powers, and therefore the system is multipolar. It concludes with a discussion of the theoretical and practical implications of the analysis for our understanding of great power status, including the unequal power and differential responsibility of the great powers and the possibilities for “great power management” of existential threats in the twenty-first century.
... 3 Although no author has approached this issue in precisely the way I have in this book, I should mention several suggestive and forceful presentations of relevant informa tion and interpretations, including Kratochwil 1986; Ruggie 1993; Herz 1957Herz , 1969and Falk 1985. 4While writing this book on which this article is based I was startled to discover two other scholars (Kratochwil 1986 and Ruggie 1993) who have used the concept of "unbundling" in ways very similar to my usage. ...
Article
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Territorial states have evolved over several centuries into all-purpose political units, sharing sovereignty only with other states. Non-territorial forms o f political, economic, or religious organizations are increasingly performing state functions, leading to "government a la carte" and thereby to a wider sharing o f sovereignty than at any time since the medieval period. Nation-states will not disappear, indeed they will continue to increase in number; but they will be forced to share the world stage with supple and adaptable non-territorial, transnational organizations. The rise o f the territorial nation-state to become the universal standard o f political organization brought some well-known benefits (including individualism, personal rights, and economic development) and curses (including totalitarian regimes, colonialism, and destruction or assimilation o f other political forms). Technological developments, especially in electronics and telecommunications, have shifted the balance away from purely territorial political forms towards a greater role for non-territorial organizations and their associated identities and loyalties. These new forms and forces constitute a new "logic" which opens up possibilities unknown or unimagined or unattainable until now.
... Discussions about space and spatiality within IR focused on the inexhaustible debate between the persistence versus the disappearance of the territorial state as the principal form of political organization in the Westphalian system. 3 In the 1940s, the political desirability and adequacy of the post-1919 system of nation-states was challenged by a new political outlook emphasizing the importance of the global domain of political order. 4 While these debates date to the mid-twentieth century, they clearly resonate with more recent arguments that the processes of globalization supposedly dealt the final blow to the nation-state's political and economic sovereign power. ...
Article
This article examines the evolution of international thought through the notion of ‘political space’. It focuses on two important domains of international politics, the nation-state and the global, to reflect on spatial categories in the discipline of International Relations (IR). Since its inception, the concept of the nation-state has dominated mainstream IR theory. Yet an investigation of how international order has been theorized over IR’s first century shows that this era has also been defined by globalist visions of political order. Nowadays, globalization is sometimes seen as the apex of the historical interplay of particularity and universality. The progression towards global political and economic order, however, is today undermined by the resurgence of state-centric political nationalism which seeks to challenge the legitimacy of the global political space. By examining how past international thinkers including Alfred Zimmern, Barbara Ward, Hans Morgenthau, E. H. Carr and John Herz, imagined and interpreted the relations of space and politics in the national and global spheres, this article suggests that spatial thinking offers an insightful approach for theorizing international relations. The article argues that the global and national spaces attain their political meanings through divisions as well as interactions and connections. The focus on divisions, exemplified in the writings of Barbara Ward, helps to make sense of the modus operandi of power in the national and global political spaces by investigating differences, tensions and instability.
... Apareciendo así, el primer mosaico de Estados soberanos, los cuales fueron un resultado de las disputas religiosas en Europa ocurridas después de la Reforma y Contrareforma (Taylor & Flint, 2002). Así que estas entidades territoriales surgen como una solución al problema de seguridad y de ahí la importancia del límite (Herz, 1957). ...
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This article reflects on the cooperation between the border communities of the dyad Costa Rica - Panama, in order to group them thematically and represent them in a geography space. This study is based on economic, trade, environmental and social and institutional cross-border relations. The results show how localities in this dyad develop alliances and informal cooperation schemes that help them to face the challenges of local border development.
... "Container" approaches to space have been the target of sustained critiques from critical geographers for decades (e.g., Taylor 1995). They argue that the notion of the hard-shelled state is outdated in an age of globalization, transnational flows, and global governance-if this ever was an appropriate concept (see Herz 1957 for an early critique). Instead, we should think about territories as social processes in which social space and social action are inseparable. ...
Article
There are widespread worries about the impending fragmentation of the internet. Reviewing the IR literature on cyberspace and internet governance, this paper demonstrates that these debates rest on very traditional understandings of territory and the state, focusing on ways that hard-shelled “power containers” are recreated in cyberspace. Using a practice-oriented conceptual framework drawing on insights from critical geography, the paper highlights how state, corporate, and private actors deterritorialize and reterritorialize cyberspace. Results indicate that there are multiple ways to territorialize cyberspace beyond the reconstruction of the “national territory” and that a multitude of actors engage in territorializing practices. This allows for a more nuanced reevaluation of the “internet fragmentation” discourse.
... Following the pioneering but isolated works of writers like Herz (1957), Kratochwil (1986) and Ruggie (1993), IR began to take an interest in the spatial dimensions of globalization and state reconfiguration. ...
Preprint
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Much of contemporary global politics has spatial dimensions but International Relations (IR) as a discipline has been remarkably reluctant to properly theorize space. This is due to a historical rejection of geopolitics, even though critical approaches from Political Geography have long broken with the geo-determinism of classical geopolitics, instead highlighting the dynamic nature of space. This article argues that IR has much to gain by taking up critical geographic writings on space, scale and territory. A spatial turn in IR would allow for a more systematic theorization how the natural and the built environment, and their respective changes, and the spatial conduct of politics affect each other. It would also make us more attentive to the spatial dimensions of governance. This article outlines a practice-oriented approach drawing on structuration theory to show how spaces are produced and illustrates the potential of this approach by showing how territory is enacted through territorial practices.
... One powerful strand in these debates was the view that national borders were declining in relevance in North America and indeed across the developed world, particularly in Europe. The advent of the nuclear age made many question the relevance of borders to state security given their permeability to nuclear weapons (Herz, 1957). In addition, in parts of the post-Second World War world it was seen that there was a reduced need for borders as security. ...
Book
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Borders are critical to the development and survival of modern states, offer security against external threats, and mark public policy and identity difference. At the same time, borders, and borderlands, are places where people, ideas, and economic goods meet and intermingle. The United States-Canada border demonstrates all of the characteristics of modern borders, and epitomises the debates that surround them. This book examines the development of the US-Canada border, provides a detailed analysis of its current operation, and concludes with an evaluation of the border’s future. The central objective is to examine how the border functions in practice, presenting a series of case studies on its operation. This book will be of interest to scholars of North American integration and border studies, and to policy practitioners, who will be particularly interested in the case studies and what they say about the impact of border reform.
... The territorial trap's reification and naturalization of the state scale was intensified by the mobi- lization of mass nationalism during the World Wars and the Cold War, ultimately leading to a broad-based consensus that local communities and ethnic groups would eventually be subsumed within national identities and state-based societies. Such a process may be termed 'modernization erasure' and speaks to an assumption of 'development' eliding historical and cultural patterns of identity and territoriality (Herz 1957;Deutsch 1966). Evidence from the latter half of the twentieth century and first decades of the twenty-first century belie its success and highlight the significance of international boundaries for nationalism (Adamson 2016). ...
Chapter
Once fashionable predictions of an imminent borderless world have been questioned by recent headlines that suggest an international system very much rooted in the ideal of nation-states and their efforts to constitute distinct sovereign territories. State borders remain among the most visible features of geopolitics and useful political modalities for managing trans-border dynamics of environmental change, migration, and trade, among other issues. Rather than eliding their role, the growing interaction and interdependence between different places around the world emphasizes their significance and the way they shape, divide, and unite the world’s societies, economies, and ecosystems. Borders have never constituted absolute demarcations of group identities or unambiguously reflected spatialities of power. Their material and cartographic production nevertheless afforded them an idealized gravitas among many theorists and the general public. This chapter joins a growing literature challenging this idealization by contending that borders are, and have always been, far more than lines on a map or locations of demarcation. Their variability of porousness and the breadth of the borderlands they engender constitute not only central themes of geopolitical research but also active forces affecting people around the world. This chapter examines current international crises to explore specific lines of inquiry, research, and theory within this growing, multidisciplinary field of border studies.
... As noted by Wolfram Hanrieder, even though Herz later changed his mind about the demise of the territorial state, 'his argument on the changed meaning and importance of territoriality was clearly valid'. 18 It not only forces us to change our conception of powershifting attention from the military-strategic to the economic -but should also change our understanding of threat. As the boundaries between the state and the external environment have become increasingly blurred, it leaves open the possibility that the new security threats may operate along channels dissimilar to the traditional threats posed to the territorial state. ...
Chapter
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... The sociospatial nexus in IR theory IR vs. political geography: a trailing discipline For most of the 20th century, the discussion of space and spatiality within IR was restricted almost exclusively to the inexhaustible debate over the persistence vs. the disappearance of the territorial state as the principle form of political organization in the Westphalian system, a debate that dates back to Herz's (1957) classical text on the subject. While the spatial dimension remained undertheorized in IR during this period (Banai et al. 2014, 99), the neighboring field of political geography has adeptly advanced geopolitics as a comprehensive framework for analyzing space and foreign policy. ...
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... Pero es necesario ir más allá y poner en cuestión incluso una de las ideas clásicas que son inherentes al Estado-nación: el territorio (Herz, 1957). En este sentido, resulta necesario prestar especial atención a las capacidades del Estado tanto para implementar sus políticas en dicho territorio como, sobre todo, para controlar el mismo. ...
Chapter
The academic literature on the use of cartography in state practice is extensive. From the first half of the modern era, Euclidean geometry and its translation into cartographic production helped forge a social imaginary of space that made possible new forms of objectification and subjectivation the heart of the modern project and its appropriation by the political and economic elites of that time. Colonial cartography aimed, almost exclusively, to differentiate and locate Indigenous populations, in order to optimize their management or control. The model that was aimed for was that of “scientific boundaries”, in the words of British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli; in other words, one that consisted of identifying, through the science of military strategy and meticulous cartography, the boundaries deemed most likely to guarantee control of the margins of the Empire, even if it meant combining imported and local know‐how.
Thesis
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This collection of essays seeks to theorize the politics of the COVID-19 pandemic in international relations (IR). The contributions are driven by questions such as: How can theorizing help us understand these unsettled times? What kind of crisis is this? What shapes its politics? What remains the same and what has been unsettled or unsettling? In addressing such questions, each of the participants considers what we may already know about the pandemic as well as what might be ignored or missed. Collectively, the forum pushes at the interdisciplinary boundaries of IR theorizing itself and, in so doing, the participants hope to engender meaningful understandings of a world in crisis and encourage expansive ways of thinking about the times that lie beyond.
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Does the technological capability for “self-destruction” grow faster than the political capacity to control and restraint it? If so, then the uneven growth rates between technology and politics could provide a theoretical explanation for the “Fermi Paradox”—or the contradiction between the high probability of the existence of intelligent life, and the absence of empirical evidence for it “out there” in the universe. This paper postulates the anarchy-technology dilemma as a solution to the Fermi Paradox: in essence, intelligent civilizations develop the technological capability to destroy themselves before establishing the political structures to prevent their self-destruction.
Chapter
This chapter discusses the global transformations at the interrelated levels of polity, policy, and politics by following three views of globalization as (1) a “re-” process or the continuation of an old system in disguise, (2) a “de-” process underlying the dismantling of old borders and systems, and (3) a “post-” process that focuses on the emerging phenomena and new, hybrid structures. The first section explores the changing nature of the international system with a special focus on global, national, and European polities, respectively. It covers the debates about world order, national sovereignty, and self-determination and looks at the complex relationship between European integration and globalization. Secondly, at the policy level, the chapter focuses on changing security policies with a special emphasis on new wars, new terrorism, human security, and securitization. After discussing the polity and policy dimensions of globalization, the chapter focuses on politics in terms of ideologies, including the political stances toward globalization. Overall, the study suggests looking at political globalization as a complex and multidimensional phenomenon that involves not only “re-” and “de-” processes but also “post-” processes that transform and go beyond the taken-for-granted understandings about polity, policy, and politics at global, regional, and national levels.
Preprint
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Often unconsciously, strategists and statesmen all rely upon various geopolitical assumptions about the world when developing theories or making long range plans. Though few today bother to investigate its intellectual roots, the field of modern geopolitical study can be traced back almost a full century, Before exploring the history of geopolitical thought it will be useful to briefly explain a few of the tools and objectives of geopolitical theory. When used properly, geopolitical theory does not assign geography a strictly causal role in determining international. political change, Instead, geopolitical theorists seek to understand how relatively permanent geographical features of the globe condition or constrain the impact of ever changing technological factors and political configurations on relations of power among states.1 The affect of geography on international politics can be conceptualized in terms of three primary factors: resource distribution, location, and movement or mobility,2, The resources available to a given state will affect its relative power potential. Factors such as climate, terrain, soil fertility, and extent of natural resources, etc. help determine whether a nation can sustain the sinews of modern industrial and military power, Location largely determines a state 9 s vulnerability to invasion and, conversely, its ability to project power outward. Location encompasses factors such as defensibility of borders, geographical relationship to surrounding states, and accessibility to rivers and oceans, These geographical limitations will bear on crucial strategic decisions including choice of allies, the size and character of a nation's armed forces, etc, On a global scale, the impact of geography on strategic interaction can largely be conceptualized in terms of movement or mobility. Geo
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Chapter
The chapter considers whether a State can exist without territory. It argues that if the functional theory of territory is accepted, then the concept of a deterritorialized State may indeed be conceivable. The chapter however cautions against embracing this concept hastily, drawing attention to four caveats. First, the functional theory requires solid justification that is so far lacking. It is not so evident that territory is nothing more than a special tool people use and would be ready to abandon. Secondly, even if the theory is accepted, doubts arise as to whether all the traditional functions of territory can, in the current state of affairs, be assumed by a substitute and what this substitute would be. Thirdly, there are no historical ‘precedents’ of deterritorialized States to demonstrate the viability of the concept. Fourthly, other options are available to respond to the problems that the concept of deterritorialized State is supposed to resolve, especially the problem of disappearing States. As long as the concept remains insufficiently developed, these other options may seem preferable.
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My contribution to the volume "Navigating the Frontiers of Normative Orders: Interdisciplinary Perspectives" (Frankfurt: Campus-Verlag), edited by Matthias Kettemann, forthcoming im 2020.
Chapter
This chapter interrogates the fantasy of nation/state congruency in twentieth-century thought, focusing on traditional post–WWII IR (International Relations) theory, showing how congruency is now intertwined with the knowledge of the ‘international’. The chapter has three main arguments: first, traditional IR theory construes the fantasy of nation/state congruency around the ‘nation-state’ couplet and as constitutive of the ‘international’. Second, however, traditional IR discourse does not see the ‘nation-state’ or nationalism as fait-accompli, neither historically nor normatively. Traditional IR theory, therefore, does not take the ‘nation-state’ as ontologically given. Third, the fantasy of congruency is now transposed onto the ‘international’, clearly seen through the theorisation of the anarchical international, the danger of (nuclear) war and/or the need for collaboration and institution building in order to prevent conflict and/or achieve peace.
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In this chapter, Casper Sylvest explores the role of nuclear weapons in intellectual history during the early decades of the Cold War, predominantly in the US and Europe. The chapter opens with a discussion of the role of nuclear weapons technology in transforming both scientific knowledge about the planet and the landscape of intellectual debate. Sylvest then turns to the conceptions of this technology among policymakers, military figures, scientists and public intellectuals. Four sites of contestation are singled out: the question of morality, the question of use, the question of stability and a more amorphous set of questions associated with the human condition in the nuclear age. In conclusion, Sylvest reflects on the nature of nuclear weapons and our historical understanding of them.
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Tracing the lineage of territorial theorization, from legal container through dialectical, strategic and rhizomatic interpretations, this paper contends that more-than-human aspects of territory have been routinely circumvented by scholars seeking to avoid its realist, imperialist intellectual past. However, with the crisis of representation in political theory precipitated by the planetary ecological crisis, territory as a material entity has sprung alive again. This paper proposes that a reinvigorated materialist approach, informed by Deleuze and Guattari’s writings on territorial assemblages as machinic, nomadic and affective, can offer a way out of the territorial trap, reclaiming nomos from its conservative, masculine heritage.
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The process of nationalization in the five medium-sized German states required a specific attention to the capital city and the state borders, the ‘heart’ and ‘skin’ of the emerging Geo-Body. The strengthening of the capital city was an inseparable part of the symbolic unification of the population around the center of power and territory, yet it encountered strong opposition from rival centers. Capital cities competed against both inner state and outer state centers. Similarly, states were required to define their borders and distinguish between their state territory and ‘outside world.’ Nonetheless, nineteenth-century borders did not only consist of external state borders, but also inner borders between districts. The new post-1815 German states had to deal with new inner as well as outer borders, and the stabilization of the states depended on the naturalization of those borders. This chapter demonstrates that from the late 1830s, and especially the 1840s, states became the focus of spatial identification and inner divisions lost their importance. This was reflected cartographically in the gradual disappearance of inner boundaries and the highlighting of capital cities. However, this was not uniformly exhibited since some states, such as Hanover, remained visually depicted as fragmented, and others, such as Baden, were never drawn with an accentuated capital city.
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Identity and territory are inseparably linked. Indeed, in a topologist’s puzzle, they can be said to underlie each other. We are where we came from, recently or originally, and we were there in the first place because of who we are. Who and where we are in turn determine our place in the world, and our ability to maintain or to challenge that place. Space and self are thus the basic ingredients of international (and many other) relations, with ideological relations providing the fourth dimension to the standard three geographic dimensions, both types of relations subsuming the time dimension through which they derive and project their meaning.
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International political borders have historically performed one overriding function: the delimitation of a state's territorial jurisdiction, but today they are sites of intense security scrutiny and law enforcement. Traditionally, they were created to secure peace through the territorial independence of political units. Today borders face new pressures from heightened human mobility, economic interdependence (legal and illicit), and perceived challenges from a host of nonstate threats. Research has only begun to reveal what some of these changes mean for the governance of interstate borders. The problems surrounding international borders today go well beyond traditional delineation and delimitation. These problems call for active forms of governance to manage human mobility and interdependence. However, human rights norms sometimes rest uneasily alongside unilateral border governance. A research agenda that documents and explains new border developments, and critically assesses emerging rules and practices in light of international human rights, is an essential direction for international studies research.
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Wenn man die Nennungen der Begriffe von Krieg und Frieden im Internet oder in einschlägigen politikwissenschaftlichen und ideengeschichtlichen Handbüchern und Lexika verfolgt, genießt der Krieg im Gegensatz zum Frieden deutlich mehr Aufmerksamkeit als sein Gegenpart – 2.230 Mio. Einträge bei Google (30.06.2018, 01.15) für „war“ gegen 890 Mio. für „peace“ bzw. 62 Mio. für „Krieg“ gegen 37,4 Mio. für „Frieden“; 32 Ausdruckseiten für „war“ gegen 3,5 für „peace“ (die zudem nicht unter einem selbständigen Eintrag, sondern unter „pacifism“ auftauchen) in der Internet-Ausgabe der Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Stand 2018); nur 9 Artikel zum Begriffsfeld „peace“ gegen 32 zum Begriffsfeld „war“ in der immerhin von der ISA verantworteten International Studies Encyclopedia Online (2018); 25 Registereintragungen für „war“ gegen eine für „peace“ im Oxford Handbook of International Relations (2010); 64 Spalten für das Begriffsfeld „Krieg“ gegen 48 Spalten für das Begriffsfeld „Friede“ in den einschlägigen Bänden von Friedrich Jaegers Enzyklopädie der Neuzeit (2006 bzw. 2008) – das zeigt schon deutliche Tendenzen! Und: Kriege und kriegerische Konflikte stellen nach den Untersuchungen der Hamburger Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Kriegsursachenforschung nicht nur im letzten Jahrzehnt (AKUF 2008ff) gleichsam eine kontinuierliche Grund(be)last(ung) des internationalen Systems dar, die zwischen 30 und 35 oder 36 Fällen pro Jahr schwankt.
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Cambridge Core - Military History - Return of the Barbarians - by Jakub J. Grygiel
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(Neo-)realist and (liberal-)intergovernmentalist theories explain cooperation among states as a result of the international distribution of power among states seeking security or of states’ desire to coordinate international (economic) interdependence on the basis of a set of principles, norms, rules, and procedures at the behest of domestic actors. Application of these theories to the issue of European disintegration is problematic, however, as they assume that the EU will simply fall apart into its constituent states. They should, instead, explain why actors would necessarily opt for the template of the territorial state again after being enmeshed in the EU’s governance network. With their exclusive focus on Security or economic factors, these theories also fail to account for the multicausal nature of process of (dis)integration.
Die Wiederherstellung der Gleichgewichtsordnung in Europa durch den Wiener Kongress
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