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Resolving Resettlement-induced Social Unrest in African Cities: A Gendered Approach

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Abstract

As Africa continues to urbanize, social unrest that arises out of involuntary and or voluntary resettlement due to infrastructural development projects is likely to escalate. Such unrest is usually manifested through rioting by city residents, stealing of construction materials, arson at project sites, tear-gas strikes against unruly civilians, antagonizing media talk shows and massive hate-campaigns, which distort the social image of the state, city authorities and contractors. The underlying cause is the displacement of low-income groups without due consideration to the gendered material and symbolic meanings that natives attach to their surrounding environments. In response to this challenge, Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) –the administrative seat for Uganda's capital, with support from the central government and the World Bank opted for resettlement strategies that mainly entailed dialogue meetings with relevant stakeholders, cash resettlement packages and community-based sensitization through local resettlement agents. But unless these strategies equitably involve and effectively respond to the differing needs of female relative to male residents in the city, this paper argues that there is a risk of failing to succeed in improving infrastructure without destruction of livelihoods. For this reason, the paper offers suggestions on gender responsive livelihood restoration strategies, based on data about the drivers of involuntary displacement, vulnerable persons, their resettlement perceptions, and gender gaps in the preferred policy options by authorities in Kampala city, Uganda's capital. Background According to Lwasa and Kadilo (2010), half of the African population will be urban by 2025. But as the continent continues to experience such fast-paced urbanization, social unrest caused by voluntary or involuntary resettlement of households is likely to intensify and further compromise the desired benefits of infrastructural development. The underlying cause for this detrimental phenomenon is involuntarily and or voluntarily displacing low-income groups without adequate consideration of the material and symbolic meanings that they attach to the surrounding environment. The issue of involuntary displacement that has previously engaged government agencies, development partners and sociologists into action-research, with the aim at generating options that can minimize the resultant socio-economic losses. For instance, Cernea (1999) emphasized the use of impoverishment risk analysis in resettlement programs in order to address homelessness, landlessness, joblessness, food insecurity, morbidity and social disarticulation that usually accrue from involuntary displacement. In 1996, the World Bank also presented its experiences on involuntary resettlement within bank-financed projects, upon which a resource handbook for consultants was developed, to advise governments in the developing world on how to deal with economic costs that arise out of involuntary displacement. Evaluation
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Resolving Resettlement-induced Social Unrest in African Cities: A Gendered Approach
Buyana Kareem
Cavendish University Uganda Department of Social-Economic Sciences
Abstract
As Africa continues to urbanize, social unrest that arises out of involuntary and or voluntary
resettlement due to infrastructural development projects is likely to escalate. Such unrest is
usually manifested through rioting by city residents, stealing of construction materials, arson at
project sites, tear-gas strikes against unruly civilians, antagonizing media talk shows and massive
hate-campaigns, which distort the social image of the state, city authorities and contractors. The
underlying cause is the displacement of low-income groups without due consideration to the
gendered material and symbolic meanings that natives attach to their surrounding environments.
In response to this challenge, Kampala Capital City Authority (KCCA) the administrative seat
for Ugandas capital, with support from the central government and the World Bank opted for
resettlement strategies that mainly entailed dialogue meetings with relevant stakeholders, cash
resettlement packages and community-based sensitization through local resettlement agents. But
unless these strategies equitably involve and effectively respond to the differing needs of female
relative to male residents in the city, this paper argues that there is a risk of failing to succeed in
improving infrastructure without destruction of livelihoods. For this reason, the paper offers
suggestions on gender responsive livelihood restoration strategies, based on data about the
drivers of involuntary displacement, vulnerable persons, their resettlement perceptions, and
gender gaps in the preferred policy options by authorities in Kampala city, Uganda’s capital.
Key Words: Involuntary Displacement, Gender, Livelihood Restoration, African Cities,
Resettlement, Social Unrest
Background
According to Lwasa and Kadilo (2010), half of the African population will be urban by 2025.
But as the continent continues to experience such fast-paced urbanization, social unrest caused
by voluntary or involuntary resettlement of households is likely to intensify and further
compromise the desired benefits of infrastructural development. The underlying cause for this
detrimental phenomenon is involuntarily and or voluntarily displacing low-income groups
without adequate consideration of the material and symbolic meanings that they attach to the
surrounding environment. The issue of involuntary displacement that has previously engaged
government agencies, development partners and sociologists into action-research, with the aim at
generating options that can minimize the resultant socio-economic losses. For instance, Cernea
(1999) emphasized the use of impoverishment risk analysis in resettlement programs in order to
address homelessness, landlessness, joblessness, food insecurity, morbidity and social
disarticulation that usually accrue from involuntary displacement. In 1996, the World Bank also
presented its experiences on involuntary resettlement within bank-financed projects, upon which
a resource handbook for consultants was developed, to advise governments in the developing
world on how to deal with economic costs that arise out of involuntary displacement. Evaluation
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research scientists, such as Fernandez (2000), have also recommended frameworks on how the
benefits of reconstruction projects can be shared with the marginalized groups of society.
However, the suggestions made seem not to have solutions that are customized to the livelihood
restoration needs of low-income groups in the developing world. This is because recent evidence
by several sociologists indicates that resettlement has had harsher impacts on not only the local
people but also their surrounding environment. To illustrate the point, a review of literature by
Paige et al. (2006) revealed that displacement of residents from protected areas, such as national
parks, has resulted into new land development controls that cause fortunes for the rich and
misfortunes for the poor. In a related case, protected areas have produced new sorts of lands that
are owned by the state but used by local people for only subsistence means, there by failing to
adequately regain the pre-resettlement socio-economic standards (Sato, 2000). Furthermore,
Chatty (2002) demonstrated that an Oryx-reintroduction project on the Arabian Peninsula, which
was widely publicized as a conservation success story, altered land use rights, in that the Harasiis
people who shared space with the Oryx for centuries were later denied grazing rights and
resorted to poaching as a financial and subsistence option. Seeland (2000) also documented that
land-management techniques in Nepal and Bhutan, were responsible for distorting local
agriculture and creating resentment for conservation programs.
Similarly, planning for involuntary displacement in Africa has remained a challenge because
reconstruction programs often distort the gendered material and symbolic meanings that natives
attach to their surrounding environments. Sundberg (2003) found out that resettlement projects
disrupt local power structures and gender relations, and these are socio-ecological factors in
African societies. To further reinforce the point, Tanzanian women were economically
constrained in their bride-price stocks due to a fall in cattle numbers after displacement argues
Brockington (2001). These studies, however, are largely based on the analysis of gendered
consequences pertaining to involuntary displacement amongst rural populations in Africa. As
such, little has remained known about the gendered nature of involuntary displacement and its
consequences within African cities. And yet observable phenomenon shows that the
establishment and or improvement of infrastructure in African cities, for example roads and
surface water drains, have resulted into social unrest between city authorities and the affected
communities.
Such unrest is usually manifested in form of riots by city residents, stealing of construction
materials, arson at project sites, tear-gas strikes against unruly civilians, antagonizing media talk
shows and massive hate-campaigns, ultimately tarnishing the image of the state, city authorities
and contractors. In response to this challenge, KCCA with support from central governments and
the World Bank opted for resettlement strategies that entailed dialogue meetings with relevant
stakeholders, cash resettlement packages and community-based sensitization through local
resettlement agents. But unless these strategies equitably involve and effectively respond to the
differing needs of female relative to male city residents, this paper argues that there is a risk of
failing to respond sustainably. For this reason, the paper offers suggestions on gender responsive
livelihood restoration strategies, based on data about the drivers of involuntary displacement,
vulnerable persons, their resettlement perceptions and gender gaps in the preferred policy options
by authorities in Kampala city, Uganda’s capital.
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Materials and Methods
Kampala city is the administrative, economic and cultural hub of Uganda, divided into five
administrative divisions that include; Nakawa, Makindye, Rubaga, Kawempe and Central
division. The city was chosen for the study because it is increasingly reconstructing
infrastructure, mainly roads and surface water drainage channels, for purposes of matching the
width and accessibility to such public utilities, with the high population growth rate, which
currently stands at 3.9% per annum (Kampala City Development Plan, 2010). Such
infrastructural development is mainly undertaken through a project by project strategy. The
current infrastructural support projects in Kampala include; the Kampala Institutional and
Infrastructure Development Project (KIIDP) and the Kampala Environmental Management
Project. The former is funded by the World Bank and aims at improving service delivery through
better urban governance and institutional set-up within KCCA, the central governing arm of the
city. The latter is funded by the Belgian Technical Cooperation and it aims at improving the
living and sanitary conditions of poor communities in Kampala city.
As such, the data presented was obtained through a case study review of secondary information
from KIIDP, since the project directly deals with infrastructure and resettlement action planning
in Kampala city. The reports reviewed include; the Resettlement Action Plan (RAP, 2006) and
Final Report on the Implementation of the Resettlement Action Plan (RAP, 2010). This was
further complimented by a desk-review of academic journal articles, which have especially
interrogated the concept involuntary displacement. These data were also enriched by a series of
observations by the author (from 2006 to 2011) about social unrest associated with city
development projects, while working as a gender mainstreaming consultant for KCCA. Themes
and sub-themes, derived from the study objectives, were then used to guide the analysis and
presentation of the data.
Results
The Drivers of Involuntary Displacement in Kampala
The key drivers of involuntary displacement in Kampala are past and on-going infrastructural
activities that involve: strengthening of bituminous pavement roads, upgrading of roads from
gravel to bituminous pavement, traffic improvement measures at junctions and circulation areas,
reconstruction of surface water drains, reconstruction of markets and expansion of solid waste
landfill sites. These infrastructural activities are spread out in the five administrative divisions of
the city. For instance, a review of the RAP (2006) indicated that the roads targeted for
improvement in Makindye division include; St. Barnabas road, Kisugu road, Namuwongo road,
Mbogo road and Kabuli road, and these cover a total length of 6.3 Kilometers. In Kawempe, road
improvement plans to cover a total length of 6.8 Kilometers, focusing on Kalerwe and
Kawempe-Mpererwe Road. In Rubaga division, Kimera Road that runs from Apollo Kagwa road
at Makerere to Kawaala road is targeted for reconstruction and will cover 2.8 kilometers. Central
division, where the city council headquarters are located, had the highest number of
reconstruction projects, covering Mukwano road, Lugogo by-pass, Bombo Road, Nakasero road,
Kiira road, Namirembe raod, Kibuye, Kintu, Kagwa and Mengo Hill road. These make a total of
15.69 kilometers, in terms of length. All the road construction projects, according to RAP
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(2006), ought to maintain a reserve of not less than 15 meters in each case. Based on the
observations made, this has and will further lead to the relocation of bill boards, kiosks, water
taps, barricades, garbage disposal sites, wall fences, commercial and residential properties, a
process that resulted into land disputes with the residents.
On the issue of reconstructing water surface drains, data from RAP (2006) indicated that in
Makindye division, the redesigning of Nakivubo and Katwe drainage channel covered a total
length of 4.2 kilometers (km). In Kawempe, the re-alignment of Lubigi Primary Channel covered
a total length of 3.6 km, whereas in Rubaga division, Nalukolongo Channel covered 0.7 km. So
far, drainage reconstruction in Central division has covered 0.9 km in length, and more is
expected as construction continues to take place. Like roads, the reconstruction of water surface
drains resulted into the relocation of utility installations, destruction of commercial buildings and
attraction of high compensation costs. The traffic junctions that were targeted for widening
include; Bwaise junction in Kawempe division, Nankulabye junction in Rubaga, Pioneer mall
and Pride theater junctions in Central division. On the other hand, market expansion will focus
on Kawempe market, and none in the other divisions of Kampala city. Similarly, not so many
landfill sites are planned for reconstruction, apart from Kiteezi, located in a neighboring district
called Wakiso, covering more than six acres of buildable land. This landfill led to the
displacement of homes due to fear of the resultant health risks, which usually arise out of landfill
solutions for urban waste management. The most common one being an increase in the emission
of methane gas that reduces air and water quality, although if used sustainably, can provide
energy to households and business units in the area.
Categories of Vulnerable Persons
Based on a review of data from a socio-economic census, that was undertaken by KIIDP in 2006
and 2009; many infrastructure development projects ran and will run through densely populated
areas and informal settlements. The affected households and entities were found to be totaling
684 as provided for in Table 1.
Table 1: Affected households or entities per infrastructure
Affected Entities
Lubigi Drainage Channel
156
Makerere Hill Road
42
Kimera Road
27
Kawempe-Mpererwe Road
79
Kalerwe Ttula Raod
195
Bukoto-Kisasi Road
49
Soweto Road
54
Salaama Road
23
Bwaise Junction
15
Pride Theater Junction
0
Pioneer Mall Junction
0
Equatorial Junction
0
Station Area Gyratory
0
Kiteezi landfill extension
8
Total
648
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The data in table 1 proves that infrastructural development is a key driver of involuntary
displacement in Kampala city, with roads and drainage channels being the most dominant. From
the socio-economic census, the main categories of entities that were involuntarily displaced
include; physically displaced persons, economically displaced persons, poor households and
displaced households.
Physically displaced persons are people or businesses whose residence or building had to be
displaced because of its location within the permanent land acquisition area for the projects,
within the Right-Of-Way or within the Reserve. The structures destroyed included boundary
walls, verandahs and completed buildings. It was estimated that about 286 households and
entities with 2002 persons will have to be physically displaced as a results of projects undertaken
in Phase 1 of the KIIDP. Of these, 201 with 1,407 persons will have to relocate off the plot,
because, the remaining part of the land next to the affected area will neither be physically nor
economically viable. Physical displacement was mainly attributed to the planned Lubigi drainage
channel improvements, Makerere Hill Road and Kalerwe-Ttula Road.
The economically displaced persons were defined as people, whose livelihoods are affected by
the land acquisition for the proposed projects, to an extent that even if they were not physically
displaced, they would have to move to regain similar economic opportunities. This was predicted
to be the case for many households after Kawaala Road that will be affected by the Lubigi
drainage channel improvements. Businesses (formal and informal) will also be impaired by the
improvements along Makerere Hill Road, Kimera Road, Soweto Road and some potions of
Kawempe Ttula and Kawempe-Mpererwe Roads. The census also revealed that about 289
entities and households or 46% of the affected entities earn a living directly from the affected
land or developments. Activities on the land include; small scale industries such as furniture
making and metal workshops, and small scale agriculture. Structure on the land include; shops,
residential rental units, kiosks and others.
A number of households categorized as poor and vulnerable to economic shocks, were also said
to be affected. Some of the families prone to displacement were headed by widows where the
main bread winner died, or were headed by the elderly, whose source of livelihood is of low
income in nature. However, according to the census, poor households stand to benefit from
infrastructural development, if they are not physically or economically displaced by the projects,
through the increased value of their land, or increased visibility of their businesses. Conversely,
this does not negate the fact that poverty makes people more prone to involuntary displacement.
From the census findings, the most vulnerable persons to displacement are those that will be
economically and physically affected, and therefore known as displaced households. This is
because the remaining plots of land, after reconstruction, will not be economically viable, and
these households will have to move. The RAP (2010) also argued that cash compensation will
not be enough to ensure that such households are better off, or are at least no worse off as a result
of the projects that will displace them. This kind of vulnerability will be more severe amongst
poor households, which totaled up to 200.
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The patterns of social interaction amongst displacement-prone populations were also discovered,
based on where persons normally seek advice, from whom and where they live, whether the
respondents had relatives within the division and belonging to any community organization. The
census established that majority of the displacement-prone persons were natives of the area,
belonging to mainly the Baganda ethnic group. The pattern of social interaction was an
assortment of friends, brothers and sisters, and in-laws most of whom they live with. A modest
number (22%) belonged to community organizations in the same division. These findings
indicate that affected population, like in other studies done on involuntary displacement, risks
social disarticulation.
The Resettlement Perceptions of Vulnerable Persons
Information on the resettlement perceptions of vulnerable persons was gathered through
community consultations between KCCA and local leaders in the five administrative divisions of
the city. Initially, consultations were held in 2006 and the resettlement options perceived by the
community were mainly four (4). These include; ‘compensate me-I will find where to go’ (94%),
‘buy a house for my family’ (3%), ‘provide a housing loan’ (2%) and uncertain (1%). This
implies that compensation pre-dominates the resettlement perceptions of affected populations.
Still in 2006, the respondents were asked to indicate the challenges faced in using the
infrastructure in the areas where they live. With regard to roads, 50% indicated poor maintenance
and 27% indicated blocked access. Poor management by KCCA was also mentioned in cases of
solid waste disposal and drainage systems. On the issue of market facilities, poor planning,
wrong locations, crowding and poor management were cited. This means that although the
affected population faces the risk of involuntary displacement, they are also aware of the
challenges that ought to be addressed in infrastructural improvement.
In 2009, consultation of the affected communities was again held by KCCA and the following
issues were raised:
a) What assurances are there this time round that the works will actually take place considering
that this has been the plan since 2006 but has never actually taken off?
b) What safeguards are there to ensure that utility services such as water and electricity supply
are not disrupted during construction works?
c) The need for fairness in acquiring land from both sides of the road, as opposed to acquiring
more land from the undeveloped side of the road, to avoid escalation of compensation costs.
d) The community also raised the need for accurate and timely information about the impending
activities, to enable adequate preparation by the affected households and businesses.
e) The issue of providing construction jobs to the youth was also raised, especially during the
execution of civil works.
f) Concerns about the likelihood of flooding, dust and accidents were raised. The community
argued that these should be controlled as part of the trade-offs to giving up land for the road
improvements.
g) The community further argued that the quality of improvements should be adequate, if service
access is to be sustainable.
h) Local leaders also said that they should be involved in the monitoring of improvement work
carried out by the contractors.
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Although these resettlement perceptions were not generated in a gender-disaggregated manner,
the findings reveal that the community had mixed feelings about the reconstruction projects, and
therefore it was not sure whether they would optimally benefit from the process of displacement.
In addition, the community expressed the desire to have greater ownership and participation into
the projects, through their local leaders and provision of employment opportunities to the youth
and women on a piece-rate system as casual laborers. This implies that the affected persons in
Kampala would like to see equitable involvement and sharing of benefits from the reconstruction
of infrastructure in the city.
The Preferred Policy Options for Mitigating Resettlement-induced Grievances in Kampala
The preferred resettlement policy options are presented based on data that was reviewed in RAP
(2010). Presentation of the data has been structured around sub-themes that include; the legal
framework and approach to resettlement; compensation methods; the cost of compensation; basis
of eligibility criterion; procedures for resolving grievances and institutional arrangements; and
monitoring and evaluation of the resettlement program.
Legal Framework and Approach to Resettlement It should be noted that Uganda does not have
a specific legal framework on human resettlement or standardized livelihood restoration strategy.
But according to RAP (2010), the general approach to resettlement in Kampala has been
designed to comply with the World Bank Operational Directive (OP) 4.12 and with the laws and
regulations of Uganda. These laws include; the Ugandan Constitution (1995), the Land Act
(2004), the Land Acquisition Act (1965), the Roads Act (1964) and the Town and Country
Planning Act (1964). The RAP has been applying these laws in the determination of eligibility,
compensation and resettlement procedures and the identification of grievance redress
mechanisms.
Compensation Methods All physically and economically displaced people, though the number
of women as compared to men in this category was not established, will be offered options
including reconstruction of peripheral developments, a full resettlement package including
replacement of a house or cash compensation. In addition, KCCA will provide resettlement
assistance during construction works including counseling, assistance in obtaining construction
jobs for the affected youth, provision of key project information to assist affected persons and
businesses make key decisions and grievance redress as part of the resettlement activities
implemented alongside the infrastructure projects. Since the majority of the affected persons
derive their livelihoods from trade and small business activities on the affected land or buildings,
KCCA will provide advisory services through capable providers in consultation with the affected
persons who will continue to be informed and consulted throughout the implementation of
projects. Kampala Capital City Authority further intends to apply a number of measures to an
estimated 200 vulnerable households that will be economically and physically displaced by the
projects. Such measures include; continued consultation with communities to gain a much deeper
understanding of their resettlement plans, discuss the pitfalls and mitigation measures; develop a
plan and specific budget for implementation of agreed-upon strategies; and implement the
strategies alongside construction works and other RAP activities.
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Costs of Compensation Although the gender dimensions of the compensation costs were not
analyzed, it is clear that KCCA’s compensation methods are largely based on the economics of
cost-effectiveness. The cost of compensation, as stated in RAP (2010), shows that in the ideal
infrastructure design, if all compensation were to paid, the cost would be seven million, eight
hundred fourteen thousand, seven hundred and sixty one united states dollars (USD 7, 814, 761).
In a related scenario, if the ideal designs are maintained, but affected persons are allowed more
than six months after payment to leave the affected plot or land (thereby applying a 15%
disturbance allowance instead of 30% to all affected property), the compensation cost was said to
reduce to six million, nine hundred and thirteen thousand, fifty eight united states dollars
(6,913,058). The most minimal cost scenario requires that road widths are reduced. For instance,
Makerere Hill Road (30-20m), Kalerwe Ttula (15-12m), Kawempe-Mpererwe (15-12m), Soweto
(15-12m), Salaama (15-12m) or only the existing road is improved, the value of land in existing
road and value of additional land are provided at no cost by those affected who will not be
physically or economically displaced as a result of giving up their land; boundary walls, gate
houses, drive ways extra are reconstructed by the contractor during road construction and
displaced persons are allowed more than six months period after payment to move, the
compensation cost is expected to reduce significantly to one million, six hundred eighty three
thousand, nine hundred twenty two united states dollars.
Basis of Eligibility Criterion Eligibility for payment of compensation was based on the Land Act
(1998) and the World Bank OP 4.12. The categories of stakeholders therefore include; registered
land owners with either leasehold or private mailo land titles; bonafide occupants (persons sitting
on registered land, having been settled by government or its agents and those having settled on
the land twelve years or more, without interference from the registered owner); lawful occupants
(persons who came onto the registered land with the permission of the registered owner);
licensees (those without legal claim on the land but with permission from the land owner to carry
out activities on the land); and squatters (those using the land without permission of the
landowner, regardless of duration of stay, and have no legal nor traditionally recognized claim to
the land). Kampala Capital City Authority also intends to declare a Cut-off-Date after which no
further development within the land area to be acquired will be compensated. This date,
according to RAP (2010), will be appropriately communicated to affected communities through
Community Development Officers at division level and through the respective Local Council
Leaders.
Procedures for Resolving Grievances and the Institutional Arrangements KCCA’s desire to
redress grievances, are a manifestation that resettlement-induced hostilities are part of the risks
associated with infrastructural development in urbanizing Africa. The data reviewed indicated
that once the RAP (2010) has been approved, a disclosure exercise will follow, where affected
persons, land parcels and developments will be displayed at the division headquarters. It was also
noted that nationally, there is no resettlement policy that relates to land acquisition which should
have set out the procedures for addressing grievances. For this reason, KCCA selected a number
of agencies that will play the role of grievance settlement. These agencies include; resettlement
officers (RO) at headquarter and division levels; the KCCA Principal Valuer (PV); the Chief
Government Valuer; and the Courts of Law.
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Kampala Capital City Authority also intends to establish Resettlement Desks staffed by division
Community Development Officers. These officers have been part of reviewing and preparing the
RAP, assisting in community mobilization, and dealing with community inquiries. The RAP
(2010) further states that these officers will continue to engage directly with the issues raised by
the affected persons. The resettlement desks will act upon a complaint within a fourteen day
period, after which or on failure to resolve the complaint will forward it to KCCA headquarters.
The stages for managing complaints, according to RAP (2010), are such that:
1) The division is the first point of call where the complaint is recorded, and dealt with by the
RO-for example explaining the basis of valuation and compensation, and forward complaints
that cannot be resolved at the division to KCCA headquarters. In both cases, the complaint will
be recorded on an appropriately designed standard form filled with the assistance of the RO and
will be signed by the complainant.
2) At this stage, KCCA headquarters will receive complaints from the division, and these shall
be dealt with in a similar manner by the RO and the Principal Valuer, to provide more
professional explanation about the basis of valuation and compensation in consultation with
KCCA. At this stage, complaints will be clustered into major categories to be responded to by
KCCA, within a period not exceeding fourteen days from the receipt of the complaints by the
division. Response by KCCA is preferred to be in form of written letters to affected individuals,
and public announcements. KCCA will also dialogue with complainants who are still dissatisfied
and offer options that include; to choose from a list of certified valuation surveyors a Valuer to
re-assess their property and these services will paid for by KCCA; and to propose independent
valuers that will be paid for by the complainant. Estimates from the valuation exercises will be
presented and justified by the respective valuers (KCCA’s and the Complainant’s) in a Court of
Law. On the one hand, the Chief Government Valuer will defend the initial value-on behalf of
KCCA and government, while on the other; the complainant’s valuer will justify their estimates.
The Court will make arrangements for further payment to the complainant. KCCA will meet the
costs of the Court activities.
3) If the complainant is not satisfied with the decision of the Court, which most times is a
magistrate court, they can appeal to the High Court.
Monitoring and Evaluation of the Resettlement Program though the indicators to be used are
not gender-inclusive, KCC has expressed commitment to monitor and evaluate its compensation
and resettlement activities. For instance, the indicators for monitoring progress, as stated in RAP
(2010) include; number of public consultations carried out with affected persons and local
authorities; number of affected entities effectively compensated as a percentage of total entities;
number of infrastructure for which compensation is completed; number grievance opened and
closed satisfactorily; completion of repayment process in time; and clearance of the Right of
Way (RoW) within stipulated demolition time. Evaluation on the other hand will consider the
results and outcomes of the resettlement program, through assessing the impact of resettlement
on affected households, their incomes, standards of living, environmental issues extra. The
suggested indicators for evaluation include; total nature and level of all complaints received and
resolved; completion of payment within stipulated time period; revival of affected businesses
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within 4-months after the compensation payment; and timely submission of RAP implementation
monitoring reports.
Gender Gaps in the Policy Options for Resettlement
Based on the assessment made, the RAP (2010) is silent about the gender dimensions of
involuntary displacement and resettlement in urban areas. The main gender gaps and their
implications are therefore presented in this section.
The absence of Gender Disaggregated Data on Vulnerable Persons The two RAPs, that is 2006
and 2010, were not prepared basing on gender disaggregated information about women as
compared to men, that are vulnerable or will be physically and economically affected by
infrastructural developments in the five divisions of Kampala. And yet a gender-impact analysis,
commissioned by the Department of Gender and Community Services (KCCA) in 2009, revealed
that women’s as compared to men’s travel needs, are disproportionately affected by changes in
road and drain width, in terms of time and labor spent on preparing for evictions at household
level. This implies that there are inconsistencies between the studies previously undertaken by
KCCA and the outcomes of planning for resettlement in 2010, despite the involvement of the
Department of Gender and Community Services in the RAP exercise.
Gender-insensitive Legal Approach to Resettlement Packaging KCCA did not consider the
gender mainstreaming mandate given to it by the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda
and the Local Governments Act (1997). The two legal frameworks provide for mainstreaming of
gender concerns in all national and local government development programs, through guidance
from the Technical Planning Committees and Local Councilors at local government level, in
which women should be a third of the representation. This means that the legal approach to RAP
is characterized by gender omissions in application of the relevant policy frameworks.
Gender-neutral Compensation Methods Since the socio-economic effects and resettlement
perceptions of women as compared to men were not established by KCCA, the decisions taken
with regard to compensation are gender-neutral meaning that compensation methods are guided
by the assumption that when the disturbance needs of a household head are met, usually a male,
the other household members are automatically catered for. But as noted earlier, and due to the
disproportionate division of gender roles in urban households, women are likely to face a higher
level of time and labor burden during times of displacement. This arises out of women’s
traditional gender roles, especially domestic chores and child rearing. Displacement at an intra-
household level, may also involve altering the power relations in making decisions about how
the gains from compensation should be used in the relocation process. If these gender
dimensions are not adequately considered, there is a risk of not responding effectively to the
relocation needs of women, something that may give rise to deeply-seated grievances that
escalate the cost of redress or at worst, can cause social unrest.
Absence of Gender Responsive Procedures in Grievance Redress the procedures and
institutional set-up of grievance redress did not consider the differing needs and constraints faced
by female as compared to male complainants in access to justice. For instance, the majority of
low-income and informal business owners in urban areas are women, concentrated in road-side
11
and less-value adding ventures that are prone to malicious damage during civil works.
Unfortunately the affected women may not afford the financial cost of grievance redress, thereby
failing to restore their fragile livelihoods. In addition, women’s access to courts of law and the
environment therein, has always been unfriendly to them as victims of violence within and
outside the household. This means that even in cases of using the laws and procedures of
grievance redress, they may not be able to have access to legal aid services or even hire
independent valuers that are professional enough to justify their complaints. This makes women
even more vulnerable to loss after displacement. Therefore KCCA’s strategies on grievance
redress may not work well for women in low-income groups, who cannot afford private lawyers
and independent valuers.
Gender Deficiencies in Monitoring and Evaluation of Resettlement Impacts The RAP (2010) is
likely to worsen the exiting gender inequalities in resettlement-induced displacement, because it
is characterized by gender-silent indicators for monitoring progress and evaluating the impacts of
resettlement in Kampala. For example, data about the number of consultations held with affected
women as compared to men, or household heads for that matter, will not be known and yet such
information is critical in establishing the gender differences in resettlement perceptions and
levels of stakeholder satisfaction with the resettlement program. Additionally, gender-based
constraints in repayment completion and grievance resettlement, such as violence from an
intimate partner during grievance reporting, will remain unknown to KCCA, and yet these
greatly affect continuous improvement of the resettlement program, since it is usually based on
lessons learnt from previous efforts.
Suggestions on a Gender Responsive Livelihood Restoration Framework
For purposes of mitigating social unrest in a sustainable way, this paper suggests gender
responsive livelihood strategies that entail the following:
a) Gendered Vulnerability Assessment: Instead of using aggregate terms such physical and
economic displacement, there is need adopt gendered vulnerability measures and indicators that
provide for a deeper understanding of the livelihood disruption risks that may arise out of
resettling women as compared to men in affected areas. For this reason, the paper proposes that
resettlement programming should be jump-started by a Gendered Vulnerability Assessment
(GVA), which focuses on the likelihood for women as compared to men to become landless,
jobless, food insecure, morbidity-prone, homelessness, inaccessibility to common properties and
social decapitalization. The gender disaggregated information gathered from such an assessment
can provide a holistic view on setting priorities for compensation, because the gender
differentials in levels and costs of vulnerability will become known to resettlement planners of a
given city.
b) Develop an equitable project-benefit-sharing program that is based on gender differences in
the capabilities of affected persons: Although an ideal situation would necessitate an income
restoration program, where affected women and men equally re-gain their pre-resettlement levels
of income with support from urban authorities, my suggestion is that in a resource limited setting
like Africa, the ideal can be preceded by a program design where the project benefits, such as
jobs at the construction site, are equally shared between contractors and local communities,
12
based on the analysis of gender differences in the capabilities of women as compared to men in
the affected communities. From an eco-efficiency perspective, the civil works should be
undertaken whilst effective measure to control flooding, dust, and improper disposal of waste
that negatively impact on the gendered material and symbolic meanings that affected persons
attach to the surrounding environment. To enforce such eco-efficient measures, civil work
regulations and community-based policing ought to be in place. If this suggestion is taken up,
there will be continuity in preserving community structures and creation of cohesiveness to avoid
coalitions that organize hostilities against contractors and urban authorities.
c) Gender Training and Capacity Building of Resettlement Officers Gender training should be
part of the preparatory program for all officers that will play key roles in the resettlement
program. Such training should focus on: skills for conducting a gendered vulnerability
assessment; preparation of an equitable project-benefit-sharing program; victim-friendly
grievance documentation, reporting and redress; and gender-inclusive monitoring and evaluation
of resettlement programs. These skills can minimize the possibilities of not only omitting gender
in enforcing resettlement programs but also reduce on client-patron relationships that usually
characterize compensation undertakings between the local elites and vulnerable low-income
persons, majority of which are usually women, with less formal education and ignorance about
compensation and land acquisition laws.
d) Maintenance of Communication Linkages based on Gender Differences in Information
Sharing needs and timelines Resettlement planners should recognize that affected women as
well as men at local level, many times depend on informal communication systems such as
word-of-mouth, that may distort the information relayed to the public by resettlement officers.
To minimize this risk, there is need to assess the listenership, viewership and readership needs of
women as compared to men, before rolling out to share the resettlement package with the
affected community. Such an assessment can act as a basis for designing information sharing
platforms that meet the differing audience needs of women as compared to men, and further
avoid a disconnect between the resettlement perceptions of relevant stakeholders. The timelines
for disseminating information should also be well-thought-out to reduce on the possibilities of
either having fewer men or women at community gatherings, due to preferred commitments
elsewhere.
e) A Gender-inclusive Monitoring and Evaluation Strategy for Resettlement the indicators for
monitoring progress and evaluating the short-term, medium-term and long-term impacts of
resettlement should be able to guide information gathering about women’s in comparison with
men’s views. Such indicators can for example include; level of physical disruption for women-
owned compared to men-owned businesses; number of male landowners compared to female
landowners that were compensated; number of gender-based grievances redressed; number of
resettlement officers trained in gender mainstreaming; levels of female and male satisfaction
with jobs gained at the construction site; women’s compared to men’s level of knowledge about
resettlement policies and legal frameworks, extra. These indicators can provide a much deeper
understanding community welfare and cohesiveness impacts, during and after implementing
resettlement programs, for purposes of learning to respond sustainably.
13
Discussion
The significance of adopting a gendered approach to resettling communities affected by
involuntary displacement has to be emphasized. This is supported by the findings of other
sociologists, for example Sundberg (2003 p. 733), who revealed that in the Maya Biosphere
Reserve in Guatemala, project planners targeted men as the primary change agents, thereby
ignoring the vital roles of women initially. The project worked for some time, but later it
disrupted local power structures and gender relations, which resulted into new forms of
resistance including women-based alliances, targeted at regaining their pre-resettlement social
networks. Another case in point is Costa Rica, where women’s participation in handicraft
production projects aimed at tourist markets increased their economic power, in post-
resettlement period (Vivanco, 2001). This implies that human settlement is inseparable from the
gendered nature of people’s livelihoods, and if an external force seeks to alter this nature-nurture
relationship, then social unrest is likely to occur, which in the case of Africa cities can
compromise the desired targets of infrastructural development projects. As such, there is need to
build African cities that preserve the gendered material and symbolic meaning that communities
attach to the surrounding environment.
Conclusion
If the suggestions on a gender responsive framework for livelihood restoration, are adapted to
local circumstances in resettlement programs, infrastructural development in urbanizing Africa is
likely continue without a disruption of the gendered material and symbolic meanings that
affected communities attached to their surrounding environment. As such, progress towards the
resolving of human-induced hostilities is likely to be realized.
Acknowledgements
I would like to appreciate the assistance rendered to me by the staff of KIIDP, in availing
information about the RAPs of Kampala city, upon which the production of this paper is based.
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The Need for Economic Analysis of Resettlement: A Sociologist's View
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Cernea M. 1999. The Need for Economic Analysis of Resettlement: A Sociologist's View. In Cernea M (ed.) The Economics of Involuntary Displacements: Questions and Challenges. Washington DC: The World Bank
Animal Reintroduction Projects in the Middle East: Conservation without a Human Face. See Chatty & Colchester
  • D Chatty
Chatty D. 2002. Animal Reintroduction Projects in the Middle East: Conservation without a Human Face. See Chatty & Colchester 2002, pp. 227-43
From Marginalization to Sharing the Project Benefits (eds) Risk and Reconstructing Livelihoods. Washington DC: The World Bank Gender-impact Analysis Report
  • W Fernandez
Fernandez W. 2000. From Marginalization to Sharing the Project Benefits. In Cernea M. and McDowell C. (eds) Risk and Reconstructing Livelihoods. Washington DC: The World Bank Gender-impact Analysis Report. 2009. Kampala City Council of the Republic Of Uganda.