ArticlePDF Available

Foreign policy analysis, globalisation and non-state actors: State-centric after all?

Authors:

Abstract and Figures

This paper is concerned with Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and non-state actors. Globalisation has brought non-state actors back on the agenda of International Relations. As a result of globalisation, we witness at least some shift of authority from the state to non-state actors (the extent of which remains debated). Although most of the empirical studies focus on ‘domestic’ issues, there are good reasons to assume that foreign policy is equally affected by this trend. Not only are non-state actors autonomous actors in world politics, they are also increasingly involved in the making of states’ foreign policies. Following a discussion of the role of non-state actors in foreign policy, we ask to what extent FPA, IR’s actor-centric sub-field, has taken into account this growing importance of non-state actors. Given FPA’s criticism of seeing the state as a unitary actor, one would expect FPA scholars to be among the first within IR to analyse decision making involving non-state actors. A closer look however reveals that FPA remains focused mainly on state actors, while ignoring private, transnational and international ones. Thus, FPA remains in some way state-centric. We close with an outline of possible directions for further FPA research. Contents: - Multiple Actors in World Politics: An Attempt at Systematisation - NSAs, ‘Rival Actorness’ and Hybrid Foreign Policymaking - Non-state Actors and the FPA ‘Toolkit’ - The Methods of FPA — Suited for NSAs? - NSAs and FPA Research: Centre Stage or on the Fringes? - FPA 2.0: Studying Complex Foreign Policymaking in a Globalised World
Content may be subject to copyright.
A preview of the PDF is not available
... While traditionally the most difficult aspect of sovereignty for non-state armed actors to achieve and sustain, each of the four case studies also illustrates some form of foreign policy engagement. As such, it is possible to compare their approach to that of established states within the international system by looking at issues such as cognitive processes, personality traits and other commonplace elements of foreign policy analysis (Baumann and Stengel, 2014). As such, non-state diplomacy might pursue similar objectives like recognition, legitimacy and survival (Öğür and Baykal, 2018). ...
... Although pharmaceutical companies that developed the vaccines are mentioned in some literature, they are not considered as separate entities from the state that have their own agencies. This is partly because most analyses of Chinese vaccines are essentially foreign policy analysis, which tends to adopt a state-centric approach, despite a growing tendency to include non-state actors in recent years (Baumann & Stengel, 2014). The potential agencies of non-state actors, especially pharmaceutical companies, are therefore missing from the discussion. ...
Thesis
Full-text available
Until May 2022, China has provided more than 2 billion doses of COVID-19 vaccines to 118 countries worldwide. Although a distribution pattern gradually emerges as more data becomes available, the mechanism behind Chinese vaccine distribution remains unclear. What are the factors that influence the global distribution of Chinese vaccines? What determines whether a country receives Chinese vaccines or not, and how many doses to receive? The findings of this study suggest that political and commercial interests collectively decide the distribution pattern of Chinese vaccines. Given the complexity of the issue, the study adopts both quantitative and qualitative methods. Statistical analyses reveal that four factors are significantly associated with the distribution results: whether a country participates in the Belt and Road Initiative, whether a country acknowledges the One China Policy, the income level of the country, and the region of the country. A further investigation with qualitative data shows that while political interests are crucial determinants of the distribution results, Chinese pharmaceutical companies’ roles and their respective interests need to be considered to explain the whole picture.
... To establish this new concept more thoroughly and to make it compatible with existing foreign policy research, the paper is divided into three parts: in a first step actorness and in particular transnational actorness in Foreign Policy Analysis is re-visited in order to identify points of departure. While transnationalism and transnational actors (TNA) have become established concepts in IR and FPA literature, only little has been done to specifically link this transnational realm with state foreign policy, with Baumann and Stengel (2014) being some of the few to do so. Another caveat is necessary hereample research has been conducted on transnationalism, particularly on the public-private nexus. ...
Thesis
Religion can unite and divide, it can lead to a strengthening or a weakening of identity and legitimacy. Religion can stoke conflicts but it can also pacify them – within societies and in international politics. Religion endures and it can exist independently of states, it can constitute them, and it can provide new forms of states, societies, and empires. Arguably, religion shapes or even constitutes the international society of states, an aspect so far neglected in the field of International Relations. The dissertation provides a new definition of religion for International Relations and the English School in particular. Based upon this understanding of religion, the five publications presented in the dissertation provide new analytical and theoretical concepts and approaches to fill the research gap. Religion is integrated into the theoretical framework of the English School in the form of a “prime institution” and with the help of the “quilt model”. While the former expands the theoretical framework, the latter adds an analytical layer. Based upon this definition religion is also introduced as a concept (“hybrid actorness”) in Foreign Policy Analysis, opening it up to become less state-centrist and more transnational-oriented, thereby boosting its relevance considering the evolving international (global) society. In another step, the Securitization framework of analysis is expanded to include (freedom) of religion. By revisiting the publications, the dissertation is able to identify next steps in terms of avenues of research. Finally, the dissertation reveals areas of study which contribute to increasing the pertinence of IR, particularly of the English School.
... However, even through this move from a state-centric to a public-centric perspective, the public remains either the agent or the target of citizen diplomacy, being seen as the source of public diplomacy only as an exception (Castells, 2008). The power gained by non-state actors through democratisation (Langhorne, 2007), globalisation (Baumann and Stengel, 2014), and digitalisation (Bjola, 2017;Manor, 2019) pushes towards a paradigm shift where (citizen) diplomacy is defined not only through the perspective of the state, but also through that of civil society (Fulda, 2019). This brings forward the necessity to examine and define civil society diplomacy as a look at diplomacy from the perspective of different actors than the state, as well as the terminology used: civil society diplomatic actors as opposed to non-state actors or civil society diplomats as a counterpart to traditional, Vienna Conventiondefined diplomats (United Nations, 1961). ...
Article
Full-text available
Purpose The purpose of this study is to define the communicational profile of unattached diplomats and explore the viability of state-centric concepts such as citizen diplomacy when discussing non-state actors emerging from civil society. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses a comparative, multiple case design focusing on descriptive case studies (Yin, 2018) that explore the diplomatic endeavours and social biographies of “citizens of the world” acting at a global or local level, not explicitly attached to or explicitly against an official, state agenda: Malala Yousafzai, Greta Thunberg and Bill Gates. Findings The unattached diplomats have organisational mobility but are attached to the cause they promote, a configuration that fundamentally opposes that of the traditional or organisational diplomat. Looking at individuals from a diplomatic perspective, not as instruments or as targets, but rather as agents with their own agenda, issues and diplomatic capital, the unattached diplomats define their lack of attachment through organisational mobility, adversarial positioning or personal financial autonomy with regard to state diplomatic institutions or for-profit/not-for-profit organisations. Research limitations/implications A higher number and diversity of case studies can enable the identification of patterns and standards. Originality/value This study introduces and operationalises the concept of unattached diplomats. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study is the first to discuss it in the context of another emerging concept, currently insufficiently researched: civil society diplomacy.
... Instead, many actors within these structures are contributing to the eventual outcome of policies. In that sense, FPA is a reaction to the dominance of state-centric approaches in IR such as realism that would not accredit other actors than the state (Baumann and Stengel 2014;Hudson 2005). One of the additions that came with FPA is the increased attention for other intellectual disciplines. ...
Article
The aim of this paper is to undertake a systematic comparative analysis of how regional economic organizations (REOs) in the wider Eurasian region have strategically responded to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. The theoretical framework is based on the external actorness literature, comparative regionalism, and foreign policy analysis. The analysis links the distinctive features of the REOs to the shape and impact of their strategic responses to the Belt and Road Initiative. At the same time, it shows the extent to which REOs play a functional role vis-à-vis their member states and large firms in a macro-regional strategic context.
... Die politische Relevanz transnationaler Akteure wurde zwar gelegentlich hervorgehobenetwa in Bezug auf multinationale Unternehmen in den 1970er-und auf Nichtregierungsorganisationen in den 1990er-Jahrenaber erst seit den Terroranschlägen des Jahres 2001 ist jene zum Allgemeingut geworden. Auch wenn es in den letzten Jahren wieder etwas ruhiger um dieses Thema geworden ist und Teildisziplinen wie die Außenpolitikforschung weitestgehend nicht staatliche Akteure ignorieren (Baumann und Stengel 2013;Stengel und Baumann 2017), können wir doch inzwischen auf eine beeindruckende Vielfalt von Beiträgen zu dieser Kategorie von Akteuren zurück blicken, mit einem besonderen Fokus auf Nichtregierungsorganisationen (Davies 2019;Hale 2020;Mitchell et al. 2020). Dieser Beitrag liefert eine knappe Bestandsaufnahme der bisherigen Forschung zu transnationalen Akteuren und illustriert deren Wirken an ausgewählten Beiträgen. ...
... The first blind spot concerns the actors participating in FPCs. IR and FPA have a longstanding preoccupation with NSA (Josselin and Wallace 2001;Lee 2004;Stoddard 2006;Baumann and Stengel 2014;Haynes 2014). However, the FPA literature on FPCs focuses almost exclusively on interstate FPCs. ...
Article
Full-text available
The study of foreign policy crises (FPC) is integral to foreign policy analysis (FPA). However, since the end of the Cold War, debate on FPC has stalled. The present article seeks to update the existing FPA literature on FPCs. It uses a deductively driven approach to identify gaps in the current FPC literature and demonstrates their relevance for a real-world case of FPC, namely, the Mavi Marmara flotilla. The latter is identified as a “least likely” case study which is representative of a broader set of what we refer to as asymmetrical FPCs. Maximizing the inferential leverage entailed by this research design, we advocate for an updated FPA approach to study asymmetrical FPCs that includes actor hybridity, performativity, and social media.
Article
Full-text available
Desde hace algunas décadas, las relaciones internacionales han experimentado desafíos provenientes de actores no estatales (organizaciones no gubernamentales, organismos internacionales, empresas multinacionales o grupos terroristas), los cuales han logrado mermar el dominio tradicional de los Estados en los asuntos internacionales. A diferencia de los Estados-nación, estos nuevos actores no están sujetos a los mismos parámetros ni limitaciones que los Estados, lo cual los ha dotado de un margen más amplio para desenvolverse y promover sus intereses en el ámbito internacional e incluso al interior de las sociedades de los Estados. La ausencia de estas restricciones, sumado a sus crecientes capacidades y recursos, ha permitido que muchos de estos actores no estatales adquieran un importante grado de poder para influir en la política interna de los Estados. Esto, a su vez, los ha convertido en herramientas de otros Estados, que han logrado eludir el concepto de la no-intervención a través de estos actores.
Article
The European Union (EU) has increasingly become a foreign policy actor in its own right, sparking the emergence of EU External Action Studies (EU EAS). Although this thriving field at the intersection of EU Studies and International Relations has gradually matured, the interaction of EU EAS with Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) has so far remained limited. This contribution discusses whether concepts and approaches from EU EAS hold valuable theoretical insights for FPA, and how these could be exploited. It argues that there is a largely untapped potential for cross-fertilization between the two fields. This claim is illustrated with several examples as well as two short instructive cases that show how the approach to studying the EU's “external effectiveness” helps addressing FPA's blind spot regarding foreign policy impacts, and how the critical agenda on “decentering” EU external action directs much-needed attention to the “foreign” in FPA.
Article
Numerous studies have examined the decades-old Saudi-Iranian rivalry, which has played out in various regional arenas, notably Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Lebanon, and the Gulf. This article explores the place that Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq occupies within this rivalry. As the KRG’s foreign relations have attracted scholarly attention since the late 1990s, the article examines the Saudi Arabia–KRG relations in the post-2003 Iraq War, with a special focus on growing Iranian influence in Iraq. The end of Saddam Hussein’s rule and the subsequent rise of Shiite-dominated governments in Baghdad has shaken the regional balance, bringing out Iran as an influential actor in the Middle East. This laid the foundation for new understandings in the Saudi regional policy as Riyadh emphasized its relations with Iraq and the KRG, which became a crucial factor that can balance and imbalance power in the Middle East. It argues that common concerns for security and relative gains paved the way for a closer relationship between Riyadh and Erbil to counter threats emanating from both Iran and ISIS. Through case-specific information to those interested in Kurdish politics and the Middle East, it not only delves into the driving forces behind Riyadh-Erbil relations but also aims to present the Saudi interpretation of the 2017 Kurdish referendum.
Book
The 2010 WikiLeaks release of 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables has made it eminently clear that there is a vast gulf between the public face of diplomacy and the opinions and actions that take place behind embassy doors. This book offers unprecedented access to the inner workings of a foreign ministry, and shows us how diplomacy is conducted on a day-to-day basis. Approaching contemporary diplomacy from an anthropological perspective, the book examines the various aspects of diplomatic work and practice, including immunity, permanent representation, diplomatic sociability, accreditation, and issues of gender equality. It shows that the diplomat working abroad and the diplomat at home are engaged in two different modes of knowledge production. Diplomats in the field focus primarily on gathering and processing information. In contrast, the diplomat based in his or her home capital is caught up in the seemingly endless production of texts: reports, speeches, position papers, and the like. The book leaves the reader with a keen sense of the practices of diplomacy: relations with foreign ministries, mediating between other people's positions while integrating personal and professional into a cohesive whole, adherence to compulsory routines and agendas, and, above all, the generation of knowledge. Yet even as they come to master such quotidian tasks, diplomats are regularly called upon to do exceptional things, such as negotiating peace.
Chapter
This book provides a major review of the state of international theory. It is focused around the issue of whether the positivist phase of international theory is now over, or whether the subject remains mainly positivistic. Leading scholars analyse the traditional theoretical approaches in the discipline, then examine the issues and groups which are marginalised by mainstream theory, before turning to four important new developments in international theory (historical sociology, post-structuralism, feminism, and critical theory). The book concludes with five chapters which look at the future of the subject and the practice of international relations. This survey brings together key figures who have made leading contributions to the development of mainstream and alternative theory, and will be a valuable text for both students and scholars of international relations.
Chapter
Taking a fresh look at the impact of non-state actors on world politics and on the foreign policies of states, this book revives the debate on transnational relations which started in the 1970s. This debate withered away in the face of state-centered approaches, but this book's new approach emphasizes the interaction of states and transnational actors, arguing that domestic structures of the state as well as international institutions mediate the policy influence of transnational actors. Empirical chapters examine the European Economic and Monetary Union, US-Japanese transnational relations, multinational corporations in East Asia, Soviet and Russian security policy, democratization in Eastern Europe, and ivory management in Africa. The book concludes with chapters discussing the theoretical implications of the findings in the empirical studies.
Book
Political Analysis provides an accessible and engaging yet original introduction and distinctive contribution, to the analysis of political structures, institutions, ideas and behaviours, and above all, to the political processes through which they are constantly made and remade. Following an innovative introduction to the main approaches and concepts in political analysis, the text focuses thematically on the key issues which currently concern and divide political analysts, including the boundaries of the political; the question of structure, agency and power; the dynamics of political change; the relative significance of ideas and material factors; and the challenge posed by postmodernism which the author argues the discipline can strengthen itself by addressing without allowing it to become a recipe for paralysis.
Book
Recent years have seen a range of theoretical challenges to traditional notions of state sovereignty and a burgeoning debate about the power of the state in the face of globalization and new forms of governance. In this important new text, Georg Sørensen provides a systematic assessment of the contemporary state, steering a middle course between those who argue the state is in retreat and their critics. In so doing he sheds new light on just what is actually changing in the nature of sovereign statehood, on changes in the relative power of different states and on the changing relationship between the domestic and external aspects of state power.
Book
There are two dominant approaches to political decision making in general and foreign policy decision making in particular: rational choice and cognitive psychology. The essays here introduce and test the poliheuristic theory of decision making that integrates elements of both schools. The poliheuristic theory is able to account for the outcome and the process of decisions, and integrates across levels of analysis (individual, dyad, and group). The collection focuses on both elements of the theory itself and also looks at how the theory can be used to better understand political decisions that were made in the past.