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The Angry Black Woman: The Impact of Pejorative Stereotypes on Psychotherapy with Black Women
Abstract
In the aftermath of slavery and the resulting social, economic, and political effects, Black women have become the victims of negative stereotyping in mainstream American culture. Such stereotypes include the myth of the angry Black woman that characterizes these women as aggressive, ill tempered, illogical, overbearing, hostile, and ignorant without provocation. Symptoms presented by Black women during mental health treatment may reinforce this myth. However, many of the negative characteristics of the angry Black woman developed in response to external stressors and historical factors. Black women also have a unique experience with and expressions of anger that shape the presenting symptoms interpreted by the mental health clinician. This myth and corresponding negative stereotypes significantly affect Black women intrapsychically, interpersonally, and are likely to influence the efficacy of mental health treatment. Understanding and treatment of Black women in a mental health context should be influenced by the cultural norms and sociopolitical dynamics affecting these clients. Successful mental health treatment requires cultural competence and clinicians who are well prepared to navigate the inherent complexities of culture with clients. Awareness of the angry Black woman mythology, including its genesis, manifestations, and the unique experiences of Black women, may raise the standards of cultural competence for clinicians and provide more successful treatment outcomes in working with this population. A case example illustrates the assiduity essential to practicing in a culturally competent manner. A client is presented from a traditional psychotherapeutic perspective and then viewed through a lens that integrates psychotherapeutic practice with conscious awareness of the mythology and stereotypes impacting Black women. Implications for culturally relevant practice are discussed.
... In addition to having to make these considerations, Black women are also impacted by negative stereotypes by service providers (Kelly et al., 2020). Unrealistic perceptions of strength, false ideas of the ability to endure anything, and stigma associated with the notions of being overly aggressive or confrontational change how systems support Black women (Ashley, 2014;Collins, 2015;Kelly et al., 2020;T. B. Bent-Goodley, 2001). ...
... B. Bent-Goodley, 2001). Despite these stereotypes, Black women are also expected to maintain the image and connectedness of the family and larger community (Ashley, 2014;T. B. Bent-Goodley, 2001;Kelly et al., 2020). ...
... Y. Waller, Joyce, et al., 2023). Stereotypes, such as feeling that the survivor is too loud, confrontational, big enough in size to handle the violence herself, not emotional, not presenting as a victim, or that she provoked the violence, often present survivors from getting the help they need (Ashley, 2014;Barrett et al., 2020;Duhaney, 2022;Guadalupe-Diaz & Jasinski, 2017;Hall et al., 2021;Harper, 2022;N. M. St. Vil et al., 2017;B. ...
Objective: This article focuses on present concerns related to intimate partner violence as experienced by Black women. Using an intersectional framework, the article highlights the importance of addressing societal and systemic issues and disproportionate rates of intimate partner violence and intimate partner homicide that impact this group. Method: The article is a literature review examining past and current research in the subject area. Results: The article highlights the necessity of using cultural context in research and practice, as well as a trauma-informed approach connected to adapted help-seeking and use of community engagement strategies. Conclusions: In conclusion, addressing the needs of Black women and intimate partner violence requires a systemic approach that is antiracist and survivor-centered.
... For example, in episode 9 "Immigration Numbers," Thorpe is shown wielding a flamethrower and laughing maniacally as she burns the building down (01:04-01:10)-a play on a since-deleted tweet where Thorpe stated in reference to a fire at Old Parliament House that "the colonial system is burning down" (Latimore 2022). Such characterizations lean heavily on the racist "angry Black woman" trope (Ashley 2014). ...
... The four are referred to only as "soccer mums," who exclaim that they are busy "going for charcuterie boards" after the election and depicted drinking wine while driving ("The Aftermath," 01:13-01:24). Thorpe is, as discussed above, depicted as an "angry Black woman" (Ashley 2014), though on occasion the series also depicts her as submissive to Bandt, going as far as to call him "master" in one episode ("Australia Day Celebrations," 00:48-00:51). ...
... For example, the First Nations Senator Lidia Thorpe was racially caricatured throughout the series as violent, dangerous, and destructive. Here we observe the racist "angry Black woman" trope (Ashley 2014) used to discipline and mock Thorpe, and undermine her anti-colonial political agenda. Also present in the episodes were references to the Donald Trump inspired "China virus" rhetoric. ...
This paper critically examines the use of online humor and ridicule to promote and normalize far-right exclusionary discourses. Through a critical qualitative study of the Please Explain miniseries, a series of thirty-four short web cartoons produced by Australian far-right populist party, Pauline Hanson's One Nation, we explore the strategic use of humor in the communicative arsenal of the contemporary far-right. Drawing on critical discourse analysis and thematic analysis, we examine how humor is used to soften articulations of exclusionary and supremacist ideas, including racism, misogyny, and queerphobia. Our findings suggest that the frivolity and irony of the online animated genre works to stretch the boundaries of the sayable, potentially making the content more palatable to non-far-right audiences. We argue that the strategic use of exclusionary humor forms part of a wider project of far-right discursive mainstreaming that simultaneously (re)legitimizes everyday expressions of exclusion.
... But these stereotypes were not just reserved for civil rights protesters. Black women were often portrayed in media as irrationally hostile, loud, masculine, and aggressive-contrasting with the passive, dependent, and reserved femininity of White women (Ashley, 2014;Grayman, 2005;Morgan & Bennett, 2006;Reynolds-Dobbs et al., 2008;West, 1995). Media and government depicted Black men as militant, threatening, and dangerous (Jackson & Harvey Wingfield, 2013). ...
... For example, U.S. participants were more likely to perceive an employee's anger to be a result of her general nature-hurting perceptions of her leadership capability and performance ratings-when she was a Black woman, relative to a White woman (Motro et al., 2022). The pressure of these stereotypes can lead Black Americans to feel that they must suppress their emotions (Ashley, 2014;Jones et al., 2021;Mitchell & Herring, 1998;Thomas et al., 2004;West, 1995). Black women and men report concerns about confirming stereotypes that they are angry, hostile, or threatening, resulting in constant monitoring and muting of emotional expression (Adams, 2000;Bell, 1992;Jones & Norwood, 2017;Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003;Thomas et al., 2004;Wingfield, 2007). ...
... Black women and men report concerns about confirming stereotypes that they are angry, hostile, or threatening, resulting in constant monitoring and muting of emotional expression (Adams, 2000;Bell, 1992;Jones & Norwood, 2017;Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003;Thomas et al., 2004;Wingfield, 2007). This emotional suppression can negatively impact mental health, but also deters Black Americans from challenging or confronting racism, especially in professional contexts (Ashley, 2014;Leath & Mims, 2021;Wingfield, 2007). ...
In social psychology, stereotypes have generally been viewed as overgeneralized beliefs about social groups in society. Although stereotypes—especially those that are negative—tend to be recognized as contributing to prejudice and discrimination of marginalized communities, they are often conceptualized as containing a “kernel of truth.” Meanwhile, there has been relatively little consideration of the historical and cultural origins of racial stereotypes. This is an important oversight given that stereotypes have and continue to be used as a means to excuse and reinforce the systemic oppression of communities of color. Thus, the current paper uses a historical framework to review major stereotypes that have targeted communities of color throughout U.S. history, with a focus on stereotypes of Black people. In doing so, we conceptualize racial stereotypes as propaganda that have historically functioned to support oppressive societal systems in the U.S. by both (a) shaping public perceptions and expectations and (b) by influencing the thoughts and behavior of members of stereotyped groups. By situating stereotypes within their historical and cultural frames, readers can recognize the way stereotypes reinforce systems of oppression. We conclude with research implications and encourage stereotyping scholars to foreground the social construction of stereotypes and the function that they serve by contextualizing their work in the social and historical context in which stereotypes emerged.
... Although not all counselors underestimate the impact of racism on clients, research indicates that a number of practitioners do underrate the influence of discrimination (Vereen, Hill, & Butler, 2013). For instance, some counselors routinely misdiagnose Black clients due to implicit stereotypical misconceptions they have (Ashley, 2014;Williamson, 2014). An additional difficulty of this action is that it biases Black clients towards therapy and further clouds their idea on what exactly counseling entails (Williamson, 2014). ...
... The counselor serves as a guide, and the client directs where to go in their universe (Gerig, 2014). Although this seems pedestrian in the field of counseling, research indicates a number of Black clients do not perceive counselors as empathetic to their situations (Ashley, 2014;Carter & Walker, 2014;Dowden et al., 2014). Due to these issues, the client feels unheard, neglected, and perceives that their plights are unseen to the counselor, resulting in invisibility (Dowden, et al., 2014;Ellison, 1947Ellison, /1990). ...
Overlooking critical aspects of a client such as race, culture, and perception of societal treatment is harmful and emotionally devastating to clients of color (Butler & Shillingford-Butler, 2014). For Black clients specifically, this type of treatment can lead to feelings of invisibility and isolation, resulting in what Ellison (1947/1990) defined as "The Invisible Man." This article examines this idea of invisibility in the Black client and proposes suggestions and framework for counselors working with this population.
... Once hired, they may be assigned "dirty work" tasks more than others or have their vulnerabilities or emotional concerns overlooked (Reynolds-Dobbs et al., 2008). These assumptions likely overshadow their individual talents and competencies (Reynolds-Dobbs et al., 2008), and lead to critical misinterpretations of their emotional experiences (Ashley, 2014). ...
... Internalizing the Jezebel stereotype may lead Black girls and women to centralize sexuality in their self-concept, to enact behaviors perpetuated by this stereotype (e.g., engaging in casual sex or manipulating men; Brown et al., 2013), or to act in ways that distance themselves from this stereotype (e.g., repressing sexual feelings or overt sexual expression; West, 1995). Awareness of the Sapphire image may similarly affect the behavior of Black women and girls by causing them to struggle with assertiveness, competition, or expressing anger, or to self-censor themselves and take on additional tasks at work to avoid validating the stereotype (Ashley, 2014;Thomas et al., 2004;Walley-Jean, 2009;West, 1995). ...
Although African Americans are increasingly featured on TV, persistent stereotypes of Black women remain that frame them as hypersexual Jezebels or verbally aggressive Sapphires. Priming participants with these stereotypes negatively affects White emerging adults’ perceptions of Black women; however, parallel findings among Black participants have yet to emerge. We investigated this dynamic via two studies, testing mechanisms proposed by cultivation, social cognitive, and social identity theories. In Study 1, 204 Black emerging adults reported their exposure to 6 reality programs and 17 dramas that prominently feature Black women, their perceptions of the realism of TV, and their endorsement of Jezebel and Sapphire stereotypes. As expected, viewing of TV dramas that prominently feature Black women predicted notably greater support of the Jezebel stereotype among women and statistically greater support among men. Attributing greater realism to TV portrayals was associated with stronger support of the Sapphire stereotype among women. In Study 2, we exposed 438 Black and White emerging adults to depictions of the Sapphire stereotype and examined whether evaluations of women, Black women, and a Black woman job applicant varied by race or condition. Participants who had viewed Sapphire depictions perceived women, in general, to be less “feminine,” and White participants viewed Black women to be less warm. Our results offer support for multiple mechanisms and highlight implications for workplace and romantic relationships.
... Such expectations underpin derogatory representations of Black womanhood that permeate through societal structures contributing to social rejection and unacceptance (Brown, 2006;Fleming et al., 2012;Nuru-Jeter et al., 2009). These representations are disseminated through interpersonal interactions, mass media, and policies (Ashley, 2014;Carew, 2016;Harris-Perry, 2011;Jean et al., 2022;Steinbugler et al., 2006). These representations provide ideological justifications for devaluation based on race, gender, and class (Collins, 1990, p. 66). ...
Objectives: Black women may be particularly vulnerable to negative shame experiences, shaped by racism and sexism. Yet, the breadth of research that examines shame experiences from Black women’s perspective is limited. This study sought to describe the sociocultural context in which Black women experience shame in America. Method: Forty Black women (Mage = 41 years) across the United States participated in a narrative study. A thematic analysis focused on understanding shame cues in participant narratives. Results: One major theme of racialized shame experience was revealed. Sociocultural contexts of these experiences were identified including Black women’s state of invisibility; experiences in the workplace and academia; treatment related to skin color, hair, and body; and romantic relationship expectations. Conclusions: These findings warrant further attention to the consequence of Black women’s shame experiences. Implications for addressing shame and well-being for Black women are discussed.
... medical and nonmedical contexts when their concerns are dismissed and their pain is minimized due to the erroneous assumption that they should be stronger, more resilient, or insensitive to pain (e.g., Ashley, 2014;Rosenthal & Lobel, 2016;Sacks, 2018). Such biased perceptions result in Black women's inadequate health care access and quality (Chinn et al., 2021;Prather et al., 2018) and understandable cultural mistrust of the health care system (Abel & Efird, 2013;Prather et al., 2018). ...
Perceptions of the healthiness of Black women shape the way that they are treated and may differ by characteristics of the person and the perceiver. We examined perceptions of Black women’s physical healthiness by skin tone and rater race. In a within-subjects design, adults (N = 280; 45.7% Black, 54.3% White) rated the physical healthiness of the person in photos of Black women. We found a significant interaction between target skin tone and rater race, F(1.88, 519.05) = 3.27, p = .038. In line with a skin tone bias, both White and Black raters evaluated lighter skin toned targets as most physically healthy. However, White raters evaluated dark skin toned targets as significantly more healthy than medium skin toned targets, whereas Black raters viewed these two groups similarly. Inaccurate perceptions of Black women by skin tone may have implications for the stigmatization and mistreatment of Black women in both medical and nonmedical settings.
... Under the premises of the "Angry Black Woman Stereotype," Black women are perceived to lack emotional intelligence, be prone to hostility and aggression, ill tempered, and uneducated. 31 Thus, Black women are increasingly subjected to gendered racial microaggressions which negatively impact their mental health and professional viability in academia. 32 In addition, Black women have historically been subjected to negative stereotypes of their physical appearance. ...
Black women in the United States are disproportionately affected by human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and are less likely to be represented among HIV clinical research participants relative to their cumulative HIV burden. Likewise, Black women are underrepresented in large federally funded HIV research portfolios. Extensive research has demonstrated that Black applicants and women applicants are less likely to receive R01 level funding from the National Institutes of Health, among all applicants. Support for a diverse biomedical research workforce, particularly researcher–participant concordance, has been widely accepted as a much-needed strategy to advance health outcomes among racial and ethnic and sex and gender minority communities. The benefits of employing a diverse research workforce include building trust among historically marginalized populations and support for diverse perspectives among investigative teams. In this paper, we explore intersectional challenges specific to Black women researchers in the development and implementation of HIV research, intervention, and programming efforts which include perceptions of Blackness, HIV research “turf,” inequitable funding, institutional difficulties hiring Black women with lived experiences, and limitations in participant connectedness following study completion. We emphasize proposed solutions to support equitable, ethical, and culturally appropriate advancements in ending the HIV epidemic which are contextualized within Black women’s unique intersectional identities and experiences.
... For Black women, their improper diagnoses have historical roots in racialized patriarchy. To elaborate, Ashley (2014) explained that in the aftermath of slavery, Black women became the victims of negative stereotyping in mainstream American culture. This includes the "angry" stereotype that characterizes them as aggressive, ill tempered, illogical, overbearing, and hostile without provocation. ...
The homicide rate of Black Americans continues to soar despite increasing awareness of their overrepresentation. Given this overrepresentation, Black Americans are especially vulnerable to secondary or co-victimization. Following a homicide in the Black community, loved ones are inconsolable with grief; however, it is frequently the victim’s mother, daughter, sister, aunt, female romantic partner, and grandmother who carry the social, cultural, and legal weight. Black women’s invisibility and hypervisibility as secondary victims of homicide adds to their marginalization and puts them at risk for additional harms. In response to this issue, using a Critical Race Feminism and Intersectionality theoretical lens, this paper explores three distinct types of homicide and their impacts on Black women: firearm homicide; police brutality; and intimate partner homicide (IPH). Furthermore, focusing on the often-overlooked racialized and gendered trauma following a violent death in the Black community, research, policy, and practice measures to support Black women are introduced. Overall, this paper presents a cumulative review and a springboard agenda for advancing and elevating knowledge on Black women’s experiences in the aftermath of homicide.
... It is telling that in describing While existential psychotherapy certainly acknowledges anger as having constructive potential (Strasser & Strasser, 1997;van Deurzen & Arnold-Baker, 2005), anger needs first to be recognised as possible and permissible. This recognition and the follow-up of action is not readily available to all, particularly not to Black women (Ashley, 2014), disabled (Milbrodt, 2018) and queer people (Chiaro & Balirano, 2016), all of whom have long been subject to accusations of lacking perspective or a 'sense of humour' around our oppression. The elements of regret/loss, shame, and dread/fear, while less prevalent throughout the interviews, were pervasive. ...
What is it like to be being postmenopausal? Menopause is a signifier of ageing, a wake-up call to mortality. Given the physical elements of the transition, including the reversion to infertility, postmenopause is a dynamic, embodied experience that is harder to ignore than many signs of ageing.
While contemporary research largely focuses on perimenopausal and menopausal symptomology, postmenopause receives less attention, despite lasting around a third of our lives for most women and some gender-expansive people. The menopause transition is a bio-psycho-socio-cultural phenomenon, yet the prevailing narrative follows a biomedical model which understands the ageing body as a failing organism.
Using the definition of standard menopause as a common ground, this qualitative study explores the embodied experience of postmenopause among diverse UK-based participants aged 55-69. Unstructured interviews allowed the participants to lead the conversation, revealing what mattered to them in postmenopause. The findings report personal and social difficulties, problematic symptomology, external and internalized ageism and misogyny. Simultaneously, they also experienced postmenopause as the beginning of a release from socio-cultural strictures, a clearing space from which to move forward on their own terms. This thesis shares their postmenopausal experience in both formal analysis and found poetry, consistent with hermeneutic phenomenological methodology. Three overall themes are explored: the shock of change, living with change, making meaning in ongoing change. These themes highlight the existential elements of involuntary transition, embodied experience, loss of control, groundlessness – and the possibility of making meaning within what is.
This study confirms our embodiment as the site where experience and understanding connect. It delves into postmenopause as emergence – a physically and emotionally experienced dynamic transition in which living-towards-death is highlighted in embodied experience. Whatever our gender or age, there is existential awareness, untapped knowledge, and possibility in exploring the holistic experience of postmenopause as it is lived.
... When anger is morally unacceptable based on cultural or religious norms, clients are prone to repress or deny this part of their emotional lives, which can compound distress by evoking guilt and shame. Women and persons of color are particularly socialized to shut down anger (Ashley, 2014). ...
In addition to psychological distress, trauma survivors often grapple with religious/spiritual (R/S) struggles, which can compromise well-being and limit possibilities for flourishing. This practice-based clinical study of psychotherapy clients (N = 349) in a community mental health clinic compares clients reporting histories of trauma (n = 149) with a general clinical subsample (n = 200), exploring the interplay between R/S struggles and anger with symptom distress and well-being outcomes. Trauma survivors reported significantly higher levels of anger and both interpersonal and moral R/S struggles than other clients, reinforcing the need for careful attention to these domains in trauma-focused psychotherapy. Regression analyses revealed that anger accounted for unique variance in predicting R/S struggles with meaning, even after controlling for posttraumatic stress and depression, indicating the importance of understanding the complex functions of trauma-related affects (e.g., anger, shame) and formulating working through such emotion as closely linked with R/S struggles. Regressions also found evidence that—over and above mental health symptomology—R/S struggles accounted for unique variance in predicting survivors’ sense of compromised well-being and limited flourishing, orienting therapists to the centrality of R/S struggles as a driving, but oft-neglected, force that may impede recovery. Limitations, future directions, and best practices for integrating R/S in trauma-focused psychotherapies are discussed.
... This harmful racialisation mirrors the racist and sexist discourse on the 'uncontrollable Black female body'. By portraying the women as 'annoying', 'ill-tempered', 'illogical' and even 'aggressive', the guards invoked the 'myth of the angry Black woman' and stereotyped them in injurious ways (Ashley 2013). Furthermore, such labelling completely erases historical conditions, political injustice and psychological stress. ...
What does it mean when the future of one’s life is exposed to the
inscrutable will of an intangible other? And what are the
possibilities of still asserting oneself when pushed to the limit?
Nuancing the feelings of different actors in a detention centre
and analysing how everyday moods, affects and violence
intertwine, I explore how the randomly cruel and often-
inexplicable logic of the contemporary deportation regime
pushes migrants to their limits. Taking as my starting point the
argument that deportation practices are effective because they
operate on an affective level, I show how affective experiences
manifest themselves bodily and how violent practices and
discourses reverberate in bodies. I argue that ‘bodies under
pressure’ are testimonies of racialised histories of exclusion, and I
show how they become calls for social recognition. Exploring
small, often-unintended acts of rebellion against exhausting
deportation practices, I stress the existential necessity and social
importance of including oneself in the realm of meaning.
... Thus, the literature has commonly focused on anger as a maladaptive response (Szasz et al., 2011). While more recent studies have bolstered the notion of healthy, normative anger, such as that experienced by victims of injustice (Ashley, 2014;Lorde, 1997), most work has focused on maladaptive anger. Thus, the existing framework in psychology does not pinpoint anger itself as deleterious. ...
The empirical study of emotion is a comparatively young endeavor, long left to the wayside in favor of more tangible psychological phenomena. In the past few decades, however, several theories have emerged, examining emotion in the context of reason or cognition, accelerating a cultural shift in how we view the phenomenon. This development, partly facilitated by technological advances in neuroscience, has nudged emotions from their empirical rut. But emotions have been with us all along, embedded in our makeup, molding our consciousness and interactions with people and the world. While research on emotions is relatively new in empirical domains, affective experiences have long been studied elsewhere, notably in the Buddhist Abhidhamma. The Buddhist study of mental phenomena encapsulated in the Abhidhamma is not merely descriptive but a systematic, hierarchical classification of the experiential, including emotion, grounded in theory. These mental factors bear a likeness to components of modern, process theories of emotion. In this article, the similarities between the Buddhist theory of mental factors and the component process model of emotion will be highlighted as an example of the likeness between Buddhist and modern Western psychologies. This comparative exercise serves a broader aim to identify the Abhidhamma as a potential repository of theories from which modern-day empirical hypotheses can be derived.
... Similarly, Black women caregivers were labelled as being complicated and problematic when advocating and supporting their loved ones compared to White caregivers. This can be recognized as the trope of the angry Black woman stereotype which casts Black women as aggressive, ill-tempered, illogical, overbearing, hostile, and attitudinal [95,96]. This reinforces the importance of considering race and gender in addressing these racist outcomes in rehabilitation practice. ...
Background
Over two decades of research about traumatic brain injury (TBI) rehabilitation emphasized the persistence of racial health disparities in functional outcomes that disproportionately impact Black populations without naming or addressing racism as the root problem. Further, the experiences of Black people with TBI have yet to be documented and accounted for in scientific scholarship from the perspectives of Black persons in Canada.
Purpose
This study intended to examine the rehabilitation narratives of Black TBI survivors, family caregivers, and rehabilitation providers and use critical race theory as a conceptual framework to understand how anti-Black racism manifests in those experiences.
Methods
Through critical narrative inquiry informed by a critical constructivist paradigm and a critical race theory lens, in-depth narrative interviewing were conducted with seven survivors, three family caregivers, and four rehabilitation providers. Data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis within and across groups of participants to conceptualize themes and sub-themes.
Findings
Themes captured how racism becomes institutionalized in TBI rehabilitation: (1) the institutional construction of deficient Black bodies, (2) the institutional construction of rehabilitation access, (3) the institutional investment in resisting and approximating whiteness in rehabilitation practice, and (4) the institutional construction of deficient Black futures.
Conclusion
Study findings point to the dire need to ensure rehabilitation programs, services, and the delivery of care are not determined based on inequitable practices, racial biases and assumptions about Black people, which determine who deserves to get into rehabilitation and have opportunities to be supported in working towards living a full and meaningful life.
... Particularly for Black Americans, research has supported that Black women are three times more likely to have higher rates of mortality due to IPV as compared to White, Hispanic, and Native American women-making IPV a leading cause of mortality among Black women ages 15-35 (Pittman et al., 2022). Systemic inequality (e.g., systemic racism) and racism-based stress (e.g., racial discrimination) are the leading causes of IPV within Black communities (Al'Uqdah et al., 2016;Ashley, 2013;Gillum, 2021), suggesting the need to dismantle oppressive systems to reduce experiences of IPV in Black communities. ...
Background
Suicidal ideation and behavior and non‐suicidal self‐injury (NSSI) among Black emerging adults is a major public health concern. Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a significant risk factor for suicidal ideation and behavior and NSSI, but there is little work examining the buffering effect of psychological well‐being (PWB). The purpose of this study was to examine the associations between IPV, suicide ideation and behavior, and NSSI, and the moderating role of PWB on these associations.
Method
Secondary data analyses were conducted using a subsample of Black American emerging adults ( N = 4694) from the National College Health Assessment.
Results
IPV was associated with greater odds of suicide ideation, past‐year suicide attempt, and NSSI. PWB was associated with lower odds of suicide ideation, past‐year suicide attempt, and NSSI. PWB did not moderate the relationships between IPV and the outcomes.
Conclusions
IPV was a risk factor for suicidal ideation, suicide attempt, and NSSI among Black American emerging adults. PWB was associated with lower suicidal ideation and behavior and NSSI engagement, suggesting it can be a protective factor. Bolstering PWB in Black communities may be beneficial in intervention and prevention efforts.
... (PHON, 2022c [01:12-01:21])-the "joke" being that as a staunchly anti-colonial and anti-racist Aboriginal woman, Thorpe allegedly hates everything white. These characterizations lean heavily on the racist "angry Black woman" trope (Ashley, 2014). ...
This chapter examines the use of political humor in the communicative and discursive repertoire of the Australian far right. Specifically, this chapter critically analyzes the co-constitutive and mutually informing relationship between far right political humor and Australian culture. Existing research has demonstrated the effective use of humor and comedy in mainstreaming the far right and softening the exclusionary and ideological content of their messages. The purpose of this chapter then is to understand how far-right humor is articulated, shaped, and transformed by the cultural context in which it takes place. Australian culture is shaped by several factors, including its settler colonial reality, its strong multicultural legacy, its proximity to Asia, and cultural, social, and political ties to the United States and United Kingdom. Through a Critical Discourse Analysis and Thematic Analysis of far-right political humor, including memes and animations, this chapter will demonstrate how Australian far-right humor maintains a distinctly “Australian” lens. At the same time, this chapter will argue that far-right political humor works to shape culture by stretching the boundaries of socially acceptable behavior by cueing participants that it is acceptable to express contempt and hostility towards ridiculed out-groups.
... In general, Video 4 stood out from the others across subscales of the MCO-PT. This is significant given the prevalence of stereotypes regarding expressions of emotion, especially anger, by Black women (Ashley, 2014;Walley-Jean, 2009). Indeed, a recent study found empirical support for the notion that expressions of anger by Black women tend to elicit more negative responses from others in comparison to white women and men (Motro et al., 2022). ...
In the field of counseling and clinical psychology, the last several decades have been characterized by a strengthened recognition of the importance of cultural factors in psychotherapy. While this has been impactful, there is evidence that racial/ethnic disparities in psychotherapy outcomes persist. Cultural ruptures, defined as subtle misattunements impacting the therapeutic alliance, may play a role in maintaining these outcome disparities. The present study sought to pilot a practice-oriented method for defining and measuring cultural ruptures, specifically related to race and racism. Four mock counseling videos were created depicting different types of cultural ruptures related to race. In total, 88 white counseling trainees were recruited. Participants recorded themselves responding to cultural rupture videos, and they were asked to self-rate their level of understanding and effectiveness. Coders were trained to rate participants’ levels of cultural comfort, cultural humility (CH), cultural opportunities, and overall effectiveness. Results revealed that cultural ruptures could be reliably coded and measured in this practice-oriented way. Secondly, results suggested that white therapists tend to overestimate their effectiveness in responding to cultural ruptures in comparison to coders. Implications, limitations, and future directions are discussed.
... Just as the term hysterical is recognized as a gendered reflection of sexism used to discredit a woman's complaints, so too are many stereotypes at the intersection of race, gender, and socioeconomic position (eg, the irrational "angry Black woman," the Black single mother, the "welfare queen," and the sexually promiscuous "Jezebel ") used repeatedly to discredit Black women's knowledge and experiences. 22,23,24 As a result, Black women patients are often omitted from participation in their own treatment, an injustice that results in misdiagnosis, dismissal of serious concerns, and disregard for the clinical warning signs that precede severe adverse outcomes, including death. Regrettably, the state of Black maternal health in the United States is a stark example of the repercussions of testimonial injustice. ...
Racism is responsible for the maldistribution of power in society and manifests as persistent disparities in maternal health among Black women in the United States. Testimonial injustice is an expression of prejudice that uses identity to undermine individuals' credibility as authoritative "knowers" of their own bodies, selves, and experiences. Among Black women, experiences of testimonial injustice in health care encounters are common and likely contribute to disparities in Black maternal health. To promote more equitable power distribution and prioritize testimonial justice in clinical encounters, this article proposes a conceptual framework for fostering critical-racial consciousness among health professions students and trainees. The goal is for critical-racial consciousness development and refinement to stimulate antiracist actions in medical decision making and, ultimately, lead to a more equitable health care system in which Black women can thrive.
... The strong Black woman, a cultural discourse, evolved from the historical experiences of African American women as they assumed different roles (wives, mothers, breadwinners, activists;Parks, 2010;Woods-Giscombé, 2010) during the era of slavery, and was developed as a coping discourse to upend the notion of promiscuity or "baby mamas" ascribed to African American women (Parks, 2010). This discourse has been found to work to the disadvantage of African American women especially in the healthcare setting (Ashley, 2014;Woods-Giscombé, 2010). Perceived for their supernatural strength, African American women have continued to experience a disenfranchised form of healthcare, one that undermines or dismisses their concerns as patients within the healthcare setting. ...
... The interviews included a standardized set of questions on the race and gender socialization messages that participants received during childhood and adolescence from peers, family members, teachers, and social media related to their identity as a Black girl and woman. To develop the interview protocol, the PI reviewed literature on race and gender socialization processes (Carter Andrews et al., 2019;Wilder, 2010) and common stereotypes of Black women (Ashley, 2014;Townsend et al., 2010) to compile a list of questions. These questions were then pilot tested with a group of Black female graduate students (n = 5) whose research focused on race and gender identity development and Black girlhood. ...
In the current qualitative study, we draw upon the colorist-historical trauma framework and misogynoir theory to explore Black college women’s peer-based messages of skin tone bias in school settings. We analyzed individual interview data from 26 ethnically diverse Black women (18–22 years) with consensual qualitative research methods to explore their beliefs and perspectives on their peers’ colorist messages in K-16 education. We focused on three main themes from the women’s narratives, including the critical role of school racial context, the harmful nature of colorist comments from Black men and boys, and the affirming nature of counternarratives from Black girlfriends. Consistent with past studies, peers’ colorist messages reinforced racialized social hierarchies and Eurocentric notions of beauty by privileging lighter-toned women compared to darker-toned women. The young women described how colorist messages from peers contributed to body surveillance and physical insecurities during childhood, and how they cultivated personal and collective counternarratives on beauty and self-worth in adulthood. Authors discuss colorism as a form of trauma among Black women and girls, with particular attention to identity development.
... All stemming from historical events of slavery, the American culture circulates certain discourses peculiar to African American women, as well as other Black women. Examples of these discourses include "the strong Black woman" (Abrams et al., 2014, Davis, 2015, Watson-Singleton, 2017, the welfare mother, the mammy mother (Hutchins & Nelson, 2021), and "the angry Black woman" (Ashley, 2014). For instance, the strong Black woman discourse is a popular discourse associated with African American women, as well other women of African descent in American society. ...
... 2009). Though Blacks were legally freed in 1863, Black women have become victims of negative stereotypes in mainstream American culture as a remnant of slavery (Ashley, 2014). Black women are being left out of managing and leading more often (Giddings, 1996) because of the stereotypes of appearing angry, loud, and incompetent. ...
Women make up at least 50.8% of the United States population, and 46.8% are in the professional workforce per Census Quick Facts from 2016. United States Department of Labor, n.d.). Despite making up half of the United States population, women only represent 26% of managing roles in the workforce. In the 2019 study, “Women in the Workplace 2019”, McKinsey & Company found women to still lag in corporate America in areas of salary gaps, promotions due to the broken rung, glass ceilings, lack of training and development, among other gender and racial barriers. Workplace Fairness”, a broken rung is a missing step in the “corporate ladder”, which prevents women in entry-level roles from being promoted into management. The broken rung is the more significant barrier for Black women navigating the workplace. To successfully navigate the workplace and ascend into management roles, Black women saw the need to use perseverance strategies due to underrepresentation and the influence of race and traditional privileged gendered roles. The study’s outcome addresses the challenges, barriers, and perseverance strategies Black women used to ascend into management roles. Mentorship and sponsorship are critical for helping Black women to advance within the workplace. The research study may be significant to Black women managers and future leaders. Without the critical influence of a mentor or sponsor, the Black woman will remain underrepresented in management positions. Further exploration of specific perseverance strategies and how they may have been demonstrated in their collegiate programs to prepare Black women for their professional careers.
... More specifically the Jezebel stereotype has been reinforced by racist policies (i.e., forced sterilization of Black women) made to control Black female sexual and reproductive health (Brown et al., 2013;Cheeseborough et al., 2020;Townsend et al., 2010). The Jezebel stereotype also leads to assumptions of Black female hypersexuality made by the health care system and larger society (Ashley, 2014;Sabin et al., 2008). A survey of 270 girls between the ages of 10-15 years old, suggests the endorsement of stereotypes and colorism increased risky sexual behaviors (i.e., early sex, unprotected sex, and multiple sexual partners) among Black girls (Townsend et al., 2010). ...
Black girls experience early physical maturation, stereotype messaging, and lack of protection which heightens their HIV and sexually transmitted infection risk. A previous grounded theory study investigated the process of Becoming a Sexual Black Woman, consisting of three phases of Black female sexual development: Girl, Grown, and Woman, and the sociocultural conditions of Protection and Stereotype messaging among Black women. The current study extends previous findings by examining the sexual development of 20 Black girls aged 11 to 18 years old using grounded theory. The analysis consisted of open, axial, selective coding, and constant comparison of interviews with Black girls to expand the conceptual framework. Black girls identified new dimensions of the Girl and Grown phases: learning lessons, looking grown, and acting grown. Black girls also described new conditions of Protection including school as an unprotected space and masking as a protective strategy. Stereotype messaging regarding the Strong Black woman, Black Girl Magic, and colorism influenced participants’ sexual developmental process. Findings led to a fully saturated conceptual framework to guide future sexual and reproductive health programing designed to better protect Black female sexual development throughout the life course.
... 2009). Though Blacks were legally freed in 1863, Black women have become victims of negative stereotypes in mainstream American culture as a remnant of slavery (Ashley, 2014). Black women are being left out of managing and leading more often (Giddings, 1996) because of the stereotypes of appearing angry, loud, and incompetent. ...
Women make up at least 50.8% of the United States population, and 46.8% are in the professional workforce per Census Quick Facts from 2016. United States Department of Labor, n.d.). Despite making up half of the United States population, women only represent 26% of managing roles in the workforce. In the 2019 study, "Women in the Workplace 2019", McKinsey & Company found women to still lag in corporate America in areas of salary gaps, promotions due to the broken rung, glass ceilings, lack of training and development, among other gender and racial barriers. Workplace Fairness", a broken rung is a missing step in the "corporate ladder", which prevents women in entry-level roles from being promoted into management. The broken rung is the more significant barrier for Black women navigating the workplace. To successfully navigate the workplace and ascend into management roles, Black women saw the need to use perseverance strategies due to underrepresentation and the influence of race and traditional privileged gendered roles. The study's outcome addresses the challenges, barriers, and perseverance strategies Black women used to ascend into management roles. Mentorship and sponsorship are critical for helping Black women to advance within the workplace. The research study may be significant to Black women managers and future leaders. Without the critical influence of a mentor or sponsor, the Black woman will remain underrepresented in management positions. Further exploration of specific perseverance strategies and how they may have been demonstrated in their collegiate programs to prepare Black women for their professional careers.
... 48 Some expect black women to express stoicism and if they do not, people label them as dangerous, irresponsible, and aggressive. 49 The treatment of these prisoners mirrors the historical oppression endured by black women during and following the era of slavery. ...
Photo by niu niu on Unsplash ABSTRACT Shackling prisoners has been implemented as standard procedure when transporting prisoners in labor and during childbirth. This procedure ensures the protection of both the public and healthcare workers. However, the act of shackling pregnant prisoners violates the principles of ethics that physicians are supposed to uphold. This paper will explore how shackling pregnant prisoners violates the principle of justice and beneficence, making the practice unethical. INTRODUCTION Some states allow shackling of incarcerated pregnant women during transport and while in the hospital for labor and delivery. Currently, only 22 states have legislation prohibiting the shackling of pregnant women.[1] Although many states have anti-shackling laws prohibiting restraints, these laws also contain an “extraordinary circumstances” loophole.[2] Under this exception, officers shackle prisoners if they pose a flight risk, have any history of violence, and are a threat to themselves or others.[3] Determining as to whether a prisoner is shackled is left solely to the correctional officer.[4] Yet even state restrictions on shackling are often disregarded. In shackling pregnant prisoners during childbirth, officers and institutions are interfering with the ability of incarcerated women to have safe childbirth experiences and fair treatment. Moreover, physicians cannot exercise various ethical duties as the law constrains them. In this article, I will discuss the physical and mental harms that result from the use of restraints under the backdrop of slavery and discrimination against women of color particularly. I argue that stereotypes feed into the phenomenon of shackling pregnant women, especially pregnant women of color. I further assert that shackling makes it difficult for medical professionals to be beneficent and promote justice. BACKGROUND Female incarceration rates in the United States have been fast growing since the 1980s.[5] With a 498 percent increase in the female incarceration population between 1981 and 2021, the rates of pregnancy and childbirth by incarcerated people have also climbed.[6],[7] In 2021, over 1.2 million women were incarcerated in the United States.[8] An estimated 55,000 pregnant women are admitted to jails each year.[9],[10] Many remain incarcerated throughout pregnancy and are transported to a hospital for labor and delivery. Although the exact number of restrained pregnant inmates is unclear, a study found that 83 percent of hospital prenatal nurses reported that their incarcerated patients were shackled.[11] I. Harms Caused by Shackling Shackling has caused many instances of physical and psychological harm. In the period before childbirth, shackled pregnant women are at high risk for falling.[12] The restraints shift pregnant women’s center of gravity, and wrist restraints prevent them from breaking a fall, increasing the risk of falling on their stomach and harming the fetus.[13] Another aspect inhibited by using restraints is testing and treating pregnancy complications. Delays in identifying and treating conditions such as hypertension, pre-eclampsia, appendicitis, kidney infection, preterm labor, and especially vaginal bleeding can threaten the lives of the mother and the fetus.[14] During labor and delivery, shackling prevents methods of alleviating severe labor pains and giving birth.[15] Usually, physicians recommend that women in labor walk or assume various positions to relieve labor pains and accelerate labor.[16] However, shackling prevents both solutions.[17] Shackling these women limits their mobility during labor, which may compromise the health of both the mother and the fetus.[18] Tracy Edwards, a former prisoner who filed a lawsuit for unlawful use of restraints during her pregnancy, was in labor for twelve hours. She was unable to move or adjust her position to lessen the pain and discomfort of labor.[19] The shackles also left the skin on her ankles red and bruised. Continued use of restraints also increases the risk of potentially life-threatening health issues associated with childbirth, such as blood clots.[20] It is imperative that pregnant women get treated rapidly, especially with the unpredictability of labor. Epidural administration can also become difficult, and in some cases, be denied due to the shackled woman’s inability to assume the proper position.[21] Time-sensitive medical care, including C-sections, could be delayed if permission from an officer is required, risking major health complications for both the fetus and the mother.[22] After childbirth, shackling impedes the recovery process. Shackling can result in post-delivery complications such as deep vein thrombosis.[23] Walking prevents such complications but is not an option for mothers shackled to their hospital beds.[24] Restraints also prevent bonding with the baby post-delivery and the safe handling of the baby while breast feeding.[25] The use of restraints can also result in psychological harm. Many prisoners feel as though care workers treat them like “animals,” with some women having multiple restraints at once— including ankles, wrists, and even waist restraints.[26] Benidalys Rivera describes the feeling of embarrassment as she was walking while handcuffed, with nurses and patients looking on, “Being in shackles, that make you be in stress…I about to have this baby, and I’m going to go back to jail. So it’s too much.”[27] Depression among pregnant prisoners is highly prevalent. The stress of imprisonment and the anticipation of being separated from their child is often overwhelming for these mothers.[28] The inhumane action has the potential to add more stress, anxiety, and sadness to the already emotionally demanding process of giving birth. Shackling pregnant prisoners displays indifference to the medical needs of the prisoner.[29] II. Safety as a Pretense While public safety is an argument for using shackles, several factors make escape or violence extremely unlikely and even impossible.[30] For example, administering epidural anesthesia causes numbness and eliminates flight risk.[31] Although cited as the main reason for using shackles, public safety is likely just an excuse and not the main motivator for shackling prisoners. I argue that underlying the shackling exemplifies the idea that these women should not have become pregnant. The shackling reflects a distinct discrimination: the lawmakers allowing it perhaps thought that people guilty of crimes would make bad mothers. Public safety is just a pretense. The language used to justify the use of restraint of Shawanna Nelson, the plaintiff in Nelson v. Correctional Medical Services, discussed below, included the word “aggressive.”[32] In her case, there was no evidence that she posed any danger or was objectively aggressive. Officer Turnesky, who supervised Nelson, testified that she never felt threatened by Nelson.[33] The lack of documented attempts of escape and violence from pregnant prisoners suggests that shackling for flight risk is a false pretense and perhaps merely based on stereotypes.[34] In 2011, an Amnesty International report noted that “Around the USA, it is common for restraints to be used on sick and pregnant incarcerated women when they are transported to and kept in hospital, regardless of whether they have a history of violence (which only a minority have) and regardless of whether they have ever absconded or attempted to escape (which few women have).”[35] In a 2020 survey of correctional officers in select midwestern prisons, 76 percent disagreed or strongly disagreed with restraining pregnant women during labor and delivery.[36] If a correctional officer shackles a pregnant prisoner, it is not because they pose a risk but because of a perception that they do. This mindset is attributed to select law enforcement, who have authority to use restraints.[37] In 2022, the Tennessee legislature passed a bill prohibiting the use of restraints on pregnant inmates. However, legislators amended the bill due to the Tennessee Sherriff Association’s belief that even pregnant inmates could pose a “threat.”[38] Subjecting all prisoners to the same “precautions” because a small percentage of individuals may pose such risks could reflect stereotyping or the assumption that all incarcerated people pose danger and flight risk. To quell the (unjustified) public safety concern, there are other options that do not cause physical or mental harm to pregnant women. For example, San Francisco General Hospital does not use shackles but has deputy sheriffs outside the pregnant women’s doors.[39] III. Historical Context and Race A. Slavery and Post-Civil War The treatment of female prisoners has striking similarities to that of enslaved women. Originally, shackling of female slaves was a mechanism of control and dehumanization.[40] This enabled physical and sexual abuses. During the process of intentionally dehumanizing slaves to facilitate subordination, slave owners stripped slave women of their feminine identity.[41] Slave women were unable to exhibit the Victorian model of “good mothering” and people thought they lacked maternal feelings for their children.[42] In turn, societal perception defeminized slave women, and barred them from utilizing the protections of womanhood and motherhood. During the post-Civil War era, black women were reversely depicted as sexually promiscuous and were arrested for prostitution more often than white women.[43] In turn, society excluded black women; they were seen as lacking what the “acceptable and good” women had.[44] Some argue that the historical act of labeling black women sexually deviant influences today’s perception of black women and may lead to labeling them bad mothers.[45] Over two-thirds of incarcerated women are women of color.[46] Many reports document sexual violence and misconduct against prisoners over the years.[47] Male guards have raped, sexually assaulted, and inappropriately touched female prisoners. Some attribute the physical abuse of black female prisoners to their being depicted or stereotyped as “aggressive, deviant, and domineering.”[48] Some expect black women to express stoicism and if they do not, people label them as dangerous, irresponsible, and aggressive.[49] The treatment of these prisoners mirrors the historical oppression endured by black women during and following the era of slavery. The act of shackling incarcerated pregnant women extends the inhumane treatment of these women from the prison setting into the hospital. One prisoner stated that during her thirty-hour labor, while being shackled, she “felt like a farm animal.”[50] Another pregnant prisoner describes her treatment by a guard stating: “a female guard grabbed me by the hair and was making me get up. She was screaming: ‘B***h, get up.’ Then she said, ‘That is what happens when you are a f***ing junkie. You shouldn’t be using drugs, or you wouldn’t be in here.”[51] Shackling goes beyond punishing by isolation from society – it is an additional punishment that is not justified. B. Reproductive Rights and “Bad Mothers” As with slaves not being seen as maternal, prisoners are not viewed as “real mothers.” A female prison guard said the following: “I’m a mother of two and I know what that impulse, that instinct, that mothering instinct feels like. It just takes over, you would never put your kids in harm’s way. . . . Women in here lack that. Something in their nature is not right, you know?”[52] This comment implies that incarcerated women lack maternal instinct. They are not in line with the standards of what society accepts as a “woman” and “mother” and are thought to have abandoned their roles as caretakers in pursuit of deviant behaviors. Without consideration of racial discrimination, poverty issues, trauma, and restricted access to the child right after delivery, these women are stereotyped as bad mothers simply because they are in prison. Reminiscent of the treatment of female black bodies post-civil war and the use of reproductive interventions (for example, Norplant and forced sterilization) in exchange for shorter sentences, I argue that shackles are a form of reproductive control. Justification for the use of shackles even includes their use as a “punitive instrument to remind the prisoner of their punishment.”[53] However, a prisoner’s pregnancy should have no relevance to their sentence.[54] Using shackles demonstrates to prisoners that society tolerates childbirth but does not support it.[55] The shackling is evidence that women are being punished “for bearing children, not for breaking the law.”[56] Physicians and healthcare workers, as a result, are responsible for providing care for the delivery and rectifying any physical problems associated with the restraints. The issues that arise from the use of restraints place physicians in a position more complex than they experience with regular healthy pregnancies. C. Discrimination In the case of Ferguson v. City of Charleston, a medical university subjected black woman to involuntary drug testing during pregnancy. In doing so, medical professionals collaborated with law enforcement to penalize black women for their use of drugs during pregnancy.[57] The Court held the drug tests were an unreasonable search and violated the Fourth Amendment. Ferguson v. City of Charleston further reveals an unjustified assumption: the medical and legal community seemed suspicious of black women and had perhaps predetermined them more likely to use drugs while pregnant. Their fitness to become mothers needed to be proven, while wealthy, white women were presumed fit.[58] The correctional community similarly denies pregnant prisoners’ medical attention. In the case of Staten v. Lackawanna County, an African American woman whose serious medical needs were treated indifferently by jail staff was forced to give birth in her cell.[59] This woman was punished for being pregnant in prison through the withholding of medical attention and empathy. IV. Failure to Follow Anti-Shackling Laws Despite 22 states having laws against shackling pregnant prisoners, officers do not always follow these laws. In 2015, the Correctional Association of New York reported that of the 27 women who gave birth under state custody, officers shackled 23 women in violation of the anti-shackling laws.[60] The lawyer of Tracy Edwards, an inmate who officers shackled unlawfully during her twelve-hour labor stated, “I don’t think we can assume that just because there’s a law passed, that’s automatically going to trickle down to the prison.”[61] Even with more restrictions on shackling, it may still occur, partly due to the stereotype that incarcerated women are aggressive and dangerous. V. Constitutionality The Eighth Amendment protects people from cruel and unusual punishment. In Brown vs. Plata, the court stated, “Prisoners retain the essence of human dignity inherent in all persons.”[62] In several cases, the legal community has held shackling to be unconstitutional as it violates the Eighth Amendment unless specifically justified. In the case of Nelson v. Correctional Medical Services, a pregnant woman was shackled for 12 hours of labor with a brief respite while she pushed, then re-shackled. The shackling caused her physical and emotional pain, including intense cramping that could not be relieved due to positioning and her inability to get up to use a toilet.[63] The court held that a clear security concern must justify shackling. The court cited a similar DC case and various precedents for using the Eighth Amendment to hold correctional facilities and hospitals accountable.[64] An Arkansas law similarly states that shackling must be justified by safety or risk of escape.[65] If the Thirteenth Amendment applied to those convicted of crimes, shackling pregnant incarcerated people would be unconstitutional under that amendment as well as the Eighth. In the Civil Rights Cases, Congress upheld the right “to enact all necessary and proper laws for the obliteration and prevention of slavery with all its badges and incidents.”[66] Section two of the Thirteenth Amendment condemns any trace or acts comparable to that of slavery. Shackling pregnant prisoners, stripping them of their dignity, and justification based on stereotypes all have origins in the treatment of black female slaves. Viewed through the lens of the Thirteenth Amendment, the act of shackling would be unconstitutional. Nonetheless, the Thirteenth Amendment explicitly excludes people convicted of a crime. VI. Justice As a result of the unconstitutional nature of shackling, physicians should have a legal obligation, in addition to their ethical duty, to protect their patients. The principle of justice requires physicians to take a stand against the discriminatory treatment of their patients, even under the eye of law enforcement.[67],[68] However, “badge and gun intimidation,” threats of noncompliance, and the fear of losing one’s license can impede a physician’s willingness to advocate for their patients. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) finds the use of physical restraints interferes with the ability of clinicians to practice medicine safely.[69] ACOG, The American Medical Association, the National Commission on Correctional Health Care, and other organizations oppose using restraints on pregnant incarcerated people.[70] Yet, legislators can adopt shackling laws without consultation with physicians. The ACOG argues that “State legislators are taking it upon themselves to define complex medical concepts without reference to medical evidence. Some of the penalties [faced by OBGYNs] for violating these vague, unscientific laws include criminal sentences.”[71] Legislation that does not consider medical implications or discourages physicians’ input altogether is unjust. In nullifying the voice of a physician in matters pertaining to the patient’s treatment, physicians are prevented from fulfilling the principle of justice, making the act of shackling patients unethical. VII. Principle of Beneficence The principle of beneficence requires the prevention of harm, the removal of harm, and the promotion of good.[72] Beneficence demands the physician not only avoid harm but benefit patients and promote their welfare.[73] The American Board of Internal Medicine Foundation states that physicians must work with other professionals to increase patient safety and improve the quality of care.[74] In doing so, physicians can adequately treat patients with the goal of prevention and healing. It is difficult to do good when law enforcement imposes on doctors to work around shackles during labor and delivery. Law enforcement leaves physicians and healthcare workers responsible not only to provide care for the delivery, but also rectify any ailments associated with the restraints. The issues arising from using restraints place physicians in a position more complex than they experience with other pregnancies. Doctors cannot prevent the application of the shackles and can only request officers to take them off the patient.[75] Physicians who simply go along with shackling are arguably violating the principle of beneficence. However, for most, rather than violating the principle of beneficence overtly, physicians may simply have to compromise. Given the intricate nature of the situation, physicians are tasked with minimizing potential harm to the best of their abilities while adhering to legal obligations.[76] It is difficult to pin an ethics violation on the ones who do not like the shackles but are powerless to remove them. Some do argue that this inability causes physicians to violate the principle of beneficence.[77] However, promoting the well-being of their patients within the boundaries of the law limits their ability to exercise beneficence. For physicians to fulfill the principle of beneficence to the fullest capacity, they must have an influence on law. Protocols and assessments on flight risks made solely by the officers and law enforcement currently undermine the physician’s expertise. These decisions do not consider the health and well-being of the pregnant woman. As a result, law supersedes the influence of medicine and health care. CONCLUSION People expect physicians to uphold the four major principles of bioethics. However, their inability to override restraints compromises their ability to exercise beneficence. Although pledging to enforce these ethical principles, physicians have little opportunity to influence anti-shackling legislation. Instead of being included in conversations regarding medical complexities, legislation silences their voices. Policies must include the physician's voice as they affect their ability to treat patients. Officers should not dismiss a physician's request to remove shackles from a woman if they are causing health complications. A woman's labor should not harm her or her fetus because the officer will not remove her shackles.[78] A federal law could end shackling pregnant incarcerated people. Because other options are available to ensure the safety of the public and the prisoner, there is no ethical justification for shackling pregnant prisoners. An incarcerated person is a human being and must be treated with dignity and respect. To safeguard the well-being of incarcerated women and the public, it is essential for advocates of individual rights to join forces with medical professionals to establish an all-encompassing solution. - [1] Ferszt, G. G., Palmer, M., & McGrane, C. (2018). Where does your state stand on shackling of Pregnant Incarcerated Women? Nursing for Women’s Health, 22(1), 17–23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nwh.2017.12.005 [2] S983A, 2015-2016 Regular Sessions (N.Y. 2015). https://legislation.nysenate.gov/pdf/bills/2015/S983A [3] Chris DiNardo, Pregnancy in Confinement, Anti-Shackling Laws and the “Extraordinary Circumstances” Loophole, 25 Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy 271-295 (2018) https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/djglp/vol25/iss2/5 [4] Chris DiNardo (2018) [5] U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. 1980. " Prisoners in 1980 – Statistical Tables”. Retrieved April 20, 2023 (https://bjs.ojp.gov/content/pub/pdf/p80.pdf). [6] U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. 2022. " Prisoners in 2021 – Statistical Tables”. Retrieved April 20, 2023 (https://bjs.ojp.gov/sites/g/files/xyckuh236/files/media/document/p21st.pdf). [7] U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1980) [8] Sufrin C, Jones RK, Mosher WD, Beal L. Pregnancy Prevalence and Outcomes in U.S. Jails. Obstet Gynecol. 2020;135(5):1177-1183. doi:10.1097/AOG.0000000000003834 [9] Kramer, C., Thomas, K., Patil, A., Hayes, C. M., & Sufrin, C. B. (2022). Shackling and pregnancy care policies in US prisons and jails. Maternal and Child Health Journal, 27(1), 186–196. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10995-022-03526-y [10] House, K. T., Kelley, S., Sontag, D. N., & King, L. P. (2021). Ending restraint of incarcerated individuals giving birth. AMA Journal of Ethics, 23(4). https://doi.org/10.1001/amajethics.2021.364 [11] Goshin, L. S., Sissoko, D. R., Neumann, G., Sufrin, C., & Byrnes, L. (2019). Perinatal nurses’ experiences with and knowledge of the care of incarcerated women during pregnancy and the postpartum period. Journal of Obstetric, Gynecologic & Neonatal Nursing, 48(1), 27–36. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jogn.2018.11.002 [12] Shackling and separation: Motherhood in prison. (2013). AMA Journal of Ethics, 15(9), 779–785. https://doi.org/10.1001/virtualmentor.2013.15.9.pfor2-1309 [13] King, L. (2018). Labor in chains: The shackling of pregnant inmates. Policy Perspectives, 25, 55–68. https://doi.org/10.4079/pp.v25i0.18348 [14] King, L. (2018). [15] AMA Journal of Ethics (2013) [16] Lawrence, A., Lewis, L., Hofmeyr, G. J., & Styles, C. (2013). Maternal positions and mobility during first stage labour. Cochrane database of systematic reviews, (8). [17] Association of Women’s Health, Obstetric and Neonatal Nurses. (2011). AWHONN position statement: Shackling incarcerated pregnant women. Journal of Obstetric, Gynecologic, & Neonatal Nursing, 40(6), 817–818. doi:10.1111/j.1552-6909.2011.01300.x [18] Ferszt, G. G., Palmer, M., & McGrane, C. (2018). Where does your state stand on shackling of Pregnant Incarcerated Women? Nursing for Women’s Health, 22(1), 17–23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nwh.2017.12.005 [19] Thompson, E. (2022, August 30). Woman sues NC state prison system for mistreatment while pregnant. North Carolina Health News. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.northcarolinahealthnews.org/2022/05/25/woman-sues-nc-state-prison-system-for-mistreatment-while-pregnant/ [20] CBS Interactive. (2019, March 13). Shackling pregnant inmates is still a practice in many states. CBS News. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.cbsnews.com/news/shackling-pregnant-inmates-is-still-a-practice-in-many-states/ [21] Griggs, Claire Louise. "Birthing Barbarism: The Unconstitutionality of Shackling Pregnant Prisoners." American University Journal of Gender Social Policy and Law 20, no. 1 (2011): 247-271. [22] American Civil Liberties Union. (2012, October 12). ACLU briefing paper: The shackling of pregnant women & girls in U.S ... American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). https://www.aclu.org/wp-content/uploads/legal-documents/anti-shackling_briefing_paper_stand_alone.pdf [23] King.L (2018) [24] Griggs, Claire Louise (2011) [25] American Civil Liberties Union. (2012) [26] Clarke, J. G., & Simon, R. E. (2013). Shackling and separation: Motherhood in prison. AMA Journal of Ethics, 15(9), 779–785. https://doi.org/10.1001/virtualmentor.2013.15.9.pfor2-1309 [27] Berg, M. D. (2014, April 18). Pregnant prisoners are losing their shackles - The Boston Globe. BostonGlobe.com. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.bostonglobe.com/magazine/2014/04/18/taking-shackles-off-pregnant-prisoners/7t7r8yNBcegB8eEy1GqJwN/story.html [28] Levi, R., Kinakemakorn, N., Zohrabi, A., Afanasieff, E., & Edwards-Masuda, N. (2010). Creating the bad mother: How the U.S. approach to pregnancy in prisons violates the right to be a mother. UCLA Women's Law Journal, 18(1). https://doi.org/10.5070/l3181017816 [29] Chris DiNardo (2018) [30] Griggs, Claire Louise (2011). [31] Allen, J. E. (2010, October 21). Shackled: Women Behind Bars Deliver in Chains. ABC News. https://abcnews.go.com/Health/WomensHealth/pregnant-shackled-women-bars-deliver-chains/story?id=11933376&page=1 [32] Nelson v. Correctional, 533 F.3d 958 (8th Cir. 2009) [33] Nelson v. Correctional(2009) [34] House, K. T., Kelley, S., Sontag, D. N., & King, L. P. (2021). Ending restraint of incarcerated individuals giving birth. AMA Journal of Ethics, 23(4). https://doi.org/10.1001/amajethics.2021.364 [35] Amnesty International USA. (1999, March). “Not part of my sentence” Violations of the Human Rights of Women in Custody. Amnesty International USA. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.amnestyusa.org/reports/usa-not-part-of-my-sentence-violations-of-the-human-rights-of-women-in-custody/ [36] Pendleton, V., Saunders, J. B., & Shlafer, R. (2020). Corrections officers' knowledge and perspectives of maternal and child health policies and programs for pregnant women in prison. Health & justice, 8(1), 1. https://doi.org/10.1186/s40352-019-0102-0 [37] Elizabeth Alexander, Unshackling Shawanna: The Battle Over Chaining Women Prisoners during Labor and Delivery, 32 U. ARK. LITTLE ROCK L. REV. 435 (2010). Available at: https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview/vol32/iss4/1 [38] Hernandez, J. (2022, April 22). More states are restricting the shackling of pregnant inmates, but it still occurs. NPR. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.npr.org/2022/04/22/1093836514/shackle-pregnant-inmates-tennessee [39] Sufrin, C. (2012, June 24). End practice of shackling pregnant inmates. SFGATE. Retrieved March 12, 2023, from https://www.sfgate.com/opinion/openforum/article/End-practice-of-shackling-pregnant-inmates-3176987.php [40] Mullings, L. (1997). On our own terms: Race, class, and gender in the lives of African American women. Routledge [41] Ocen, Priscilla A., (2011). [42] Ladd-Taylor, M. (1998). "Bad" mothers: The politics of blame in Twentieth-century America. New York Univ. Press. [43] Hine, D. C. (1998). Hine Sight: Black women and the re-construction of American history. Indiana University Press. [44] Baldwin, L. (2019). Excluded from good motherhood and the impact of prison: Motherhood and Social Exclusion, 129–144. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvk12qxr.13 [45] Ocen, Priscilla A., Punishing Pregnancy: Race, Incarceration, and the Shackling of Pregnant Prisoners (October 3, 2011). California Law Review, Vol. 100, 2012, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1937872 [46] Johnson, P. C. (2004). Inner lives: Voices of african american women in prison. New York University Press. [47] Thomas, D. Q. (1996). All too familiar: Sexual abuse of women in U.S. state prisons. Human Rights Watch. [48] Ocen, Priscilla A., (2011). [49] Ashley W. The angry black woman: the impact of pejorative stereotypes on psychotherapy with black women. Soc Work Public Health. 2014;29(1):27-34. doi: 10.1080/19371918.2011.619449. PMID: 24188294. [50] CBS Interactive. (2019, March 13). Shackling pregnant inmates is still a practice in many states. CBS News. 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Background
Discussions around racial disparities and injustice have gained increasing prominence in psychotherapy and counselling research. However, research in this area has been criticised for its omission of Black women's experiences, including as counsellors and psychotherapeutic practitioners.
Aims
This study explored and centred the experiences of Black women within therapeutic training and practice and particularly their navigation of gendered racism within training and clinical roles.
Materials & Methods
Informed by the frameworks of critical race theory and Black feminist thought, this qualitative study used interviews, focus groups, and qualitative surveys to capture the experiences of 15 Black women (11 trainee and 4 qualified therapeutic practitioners).
Results
We found that there is subtle racism in psychotherapeutic training and practice that hinders Black women's sense of belonging and professional development. The women's accounts highlighted how marginalised perspectives can be used to critique psychotherapeutic training and services, but participants faced silencing through victimisation after self‐advocating. The participants felt a sense of hypervisibility for their differences while also being excluded and overlooked for the same differences.
Discussion
The study provides insights for educational institutions and professional bodies to foster inclusive practice for Black women in the counselling and psychotherapy profession.
Conclusion
The data suggest that further research is needed that centres the experiences of Black women as therapeutic trainees and practitioners. Further research on white privilege in psychotherapeutic training and leadership, and examining resistance to changing current oppressive structures, is also needed.
In the current study, we analyzed data from a national sample of 501 Black women (18–35 years old, M = 27) to examine the associations between gendered racial identity beliefs, the Superwoman Schema, and positive health practices on women’s stress, anxiety, and depression. Gendered racial centrality and endorsement of the Superwoman Schema was associated with poorer mental health outcomes, while positive beliefs about being a Black woman were associated with lower levels of stress, anxiety, and depression. Black women with more supportive social relationships indicated less stress, anxiety, and depression. We also considered individual-level differences and found that younger and neurodiverse and disabled Black women reported more stress, anxiety, and depression. The results highlight the multidimensionality of gendered racial identity beliefs in relation to mental health outcomes, as well as the need for more research on individual-level differences and the role of self-compassion in Black women’s experiences.
This article examines personal narratives of reality TV stars and introduces the term reality memoir to describe their unique features and purposes. The reality memoir as discussed here in relation to four texts follows a trajectory different from traditional memoir, being, paradoxically, less about revealing new information than about managing that which is already out there. By doing so, reality memoir effectively becomes an extension of the reality persona. The four memoirs examined are Kris Jenner… and All Things Kardashian (2012) written by Kris Jenner in collaboration with Mark Seal, The Secrets of My Life (2018) by Caitlyn Jenner with Buzz Bissinger, Love Me as I Am (2022) by Garcelle Beauvais together with Nicole E. Smith and Make It Nice (2021) by Dorinda Medley. All four writers are famous for appearing on the reality shows Keeping Up with the Kardashians (2007–21) and the Real Housewives franchise (2006–present). The memoirs indicate that self-promotion remains a central part of the narrative and works to reinforce the image of the persona portrayed on TV. The memoirs also testify to the fact that reality memoir can hardly be defined as a ‘tell-all’, revealing little that is not known to an intended audience familiar with the TV shows.
This chapter explores the unique experiences of three Black Muslim women as they navigate the higher education landscape in the UK. The authors delve into their encounters with gendered Islamophobia within the ivory tower while also shedding light on the misogynoir they confront as Black women in academia. Employing a critical race theory lens, the chapter uses a creative interpretation of the authors’ counter-narratives through the medium of composite characters. This creative expression is a powerful tool, offering an unfiltered exploration of the authors’ experiences as Black Muslim women in higher education. Through this lens, the chapter explores themes such as anti-Blackness, belonging, intersectionality, microaggressions, and representation. In a collaborative effort, the authors aim to share their invaluable insights, seeking to speak to, rather than for, the unique lived experiences of Black Muslim women navigating higher education.
Implicit biases- the instantaneous, negative associations we hold about people belonging to marginalized or minoritized groups- form over a lifetime of repeated associations. As such, they are difficult to ameliorate with any single intervention. The biases held by reproductive healthcare providers impact the quality of the service that they provide to minoritized patients and patients’ satisfaction with treatment. Reducing the impact of provider implicit biases in reproductive healthcare requires a combination of individual provider efforts and systemic safeguards. There is also a need for a more diverse reproductive healthcare workforce, an aim that can be achieved through increasing efforts to recruit, retain, and mentor future providers from a wider variety of backgrounds.
Black women remain the target of gendered racism. The current chapter reviews stereotypes of Black women: the Mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire/Angry Black Woman, and Strong Black Woman. In doing so, we discuss how negative portrayals of Black women within the media contribute to workplace discrimination. In drawing from Black Feminist Thought (Collins, 2000) and identity shifting (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2004), we discuss the specific strategies Black women professionals report to adapt and navigate White-dominated spaces. Following this review, we discuss implications for public policy (e.g., CROWN Act). Further, with the rise of anti-Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion bills across the country, we conclude with a consideration of how such legislation is likely to stifle Black women professionals' voice, significantly leaving them vulnerable to discrimination. We challenge organizations to create inclusive practices that will lead to a more hospitable climate for Black women.
Este trabalho busca descrever o comportamento alimentar de mulheres negras puérperas com obesidade. Trata-se de um estudo transversal, em que foram incluídas 82 mulheres negras com obesidade no puerpério. Avaliou-se as características sociodemográficas, gestacionais, antropométricas e o comportamento alimentar das puérperas. O comportamento alimentar foi avaliado através do Questionário Holandês de Comportamento Alimentar. Empregou-se análise de componentes principais para evidenciar as três dimensões do Questionário Holandês de Comportamento Alimentar (i.e., emocional, restritivo e externo), considerando carga fatorial >0,4 e <-0,4. As análises formam realizadas no software SPSS 22.0. A média de idade das mulheres foi de 29 anos (±5,7) e o Índice de Massa Corporal atual diagnosticou Obesidade Grau 2 (33,8 ±3,85). Mais de 70% das voluntárias realizaram 7 consultas ou mais durante o pré-natal. O comportamento alimentar com maior pontuação média foi o comportamento alimentar externo (30 ±5,7), seguido do comportamento alimentar emocional (26 ± 6,8) e comportamento alimentar restritivo (22 ±3,1). Mulheres negras puérperas com obesidade apresentaram três dimensões de comportamento alimentar, em que o comportamento alimentar externo apresentou maior sobressalência entre as investigadas.
Objective: The study ascertained the effects of Black college women's experiences of gendered racism on worry. Psychosocial resources were examined as factors expected to reduce the impact of gendered racial microaggressions on worry. Participants: The sample comprised 197 Black-identified students enrolled at a southern Historically Black College or University. Methods: A cross-sectional research design was used. After adjusting for covariates, Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression models evaluated the associations between gendered racial microaggressions, psychosocial resources, and worry. Results: Frequent experiences of gendered racial microaggressions were associated with heightened worry. The Angry Black Woman stereotype had the most robust relationship with worry. Psychosocial resources, specifically mastery, self-esteem, and resilience, reduced the impact of gendered racial microaggressions on worry. Conclusion: Gendered racism contributes to increased worry, and thus, heightens the risk of experiencing anxiety. High levels of mastery, self-esteem, and resilience reduce the effects of gendered racism on worry.
The present research expands on impostor phenomenon (IP) literature by highlighting the role of susceptibility to group stereotype endorsement and IP on the mental health experiences of Black college women attending predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Specifically, the following study seeks to determine if there is an indirect effect between susceptibility to group stereotype endorsement and depression and anxiety via IP for these students. A sample of 414 Black college women attending PWIs completed an online survey including a demographic questionnaire, the Clance Impostor Phenomenon Scale (Clance, 1985), a modified version of Shapiro’s Multi-Threat Framework Scale (Shapiro, 2011), and the Mental Health Inventory-18 (Veit & Ware, 1983; Weinstein et al., 1989). The findings of the data analyses indicated that there is an indirect effect on susceptibility to group stereotype endorsement and depression and anxiety via IP. These findings highlight the need to examine contextual factors on IP and mental health outcomes for Black women students. The discussion section offers recommendations for preventing and responding to IP with this population.
In this article, we invite the reader to join us in developing a culturally situated understanding of mental health at work in the Global South. Basing our analysis within the context of Peru, we situate depression as a feminist‐inspired “Public Feelings project,” whereby embodied experiences such as depression are inseparable from historical, social, and political structures of oppression (Cvetkovich, 2007). Through methodologically engaging in a mode of Nguyen et al.’s (2016) epistemic friendship, we explore the experiences of 12 Peruvian working women who self‐identify as having depression. Using interviews and arts‐based methods; specifically, Peruvian‐inspired portraiture, as a potential well for hope, healing, and humanity, we consider the narratives, experiences, feelings, and other embodied forms of knowing around depression and work in Peru. Working with the in vivo concept of “being loco,” we develop two art‐works presenting in dialogue with findings that explore the potential of how a Public Feelings lens might open up theoretical and methodological vistas for exploring in situ health experiences as constituted in particular geohistorical and gendered landscapes.
Reforms to special education policy in England have emphasised the importance of parents being involved in decision-making about their child’s education and greater control over their child’s support. This study’s research questions investigated four Black African parents of children with special educational needs and disability (SEND) living in England and their experiences of working in partnership with education professionals to support their children, as well as exploring the barriers to effective partnership between Black African parents and education professionals. A critical approach was taken to understand how issues of power such as race and socio-economic status, combined with the parents own African culture, affected their interactions with education professionals who hold an entirely different contextual disposition. The parents took part in semi-structured interviews which were thematically analysed. Three overarching themes were identified: Communication (which focused on issues such as language, articulation and communication styles ); cultural barriers (which encompassed the cultural differences between the parents and the education professionals) ; and the parent-professional relationship (which was key for the parents to navigate the SEND system). Recommendations for practice such as professionals building more trust with parents, engaging more with cultural competency training and evaluating the accessibility of their current services are discussed.
In this exploratory study, I analyse women’s experiences in a pre-professional business leadership setting. I adopt a perspective of structural contraints and conceptually draw on the construction of the ‘ideal’ female subject in late modernity and ‘new’ femininities. I argue that, although they are shifting, femininities persist to be a structurally rooted burden for assuming leadership roles for the women in this study. I develop my argument based on four interviews with women from an entrepreneurship programme in the United Kingdom. These women experience a double-bind in being a woman and being a leader and, importantly, anticipate further experience of such double-bind in the future. This creates a tension between their constructions of self, in which the women draw on ‘post-feminist’ discourses, and their experiences of inequalities. This research, hence, improves our understanding of women’s experiences in busines leadership settings by looking at the early-career stage, a perspective which is currently underdeveloped in the literature. This research also links women’s experiences in business leadership settings to the construction of the ‘ideal’ female subject and ‘new’ femininities by drawing on empirical data. The essay builds a starting point for further research by providing initial insights into these topics.
A comparative reading of the representation of anger in poetry written by Ronelda Kamfer, Jolyn Phillips, Simone Atangana Bekono and Radna Fabias This article investigates the representation of affect and emotion, in four volumes of poetry by black women: the South African authors Ronelda Kamfer's Chinatown (2019) and Jolyn Phillips's bientang (2020) as well as the Dutch poets Simone Atangana Bekono's hoe de eerste vonken zichtbaar waren (2017) and Radna Fabias's Habitus (2018). The article makes use of the insights and terminology provided by affect theory as well as research on emotion, also the work by Sianne Ngai (Ugly feelings, 2005) and Sara Ahmed (The cultural politics of emotion, 2014). The discussion of the four volumes of poetry highlights and compares the four poets' representation of anger (in combination with fear and shame), relating these representations to the impact of discrimination on the basis of race, gender and class in the sociopolitical contexts in which these volumes were produced.
The prevalence and pervasive nature of emerging chemicals of concern has created widespread environmental injustice apprehensions in vulnerable communities. To alleviate and address these concerns, identifying, engaging, and training a diverse environmental health research workforce will be critical and necessary steps to combat and prevent the consequences of environmental injustice. While there is obvious need to enhance diversity in environmental health research, this process is hampered by facets of systemic racism that reduce access to educational resources needed to build interest and knowledge in students and teachers. We present here a historical perspective to offer a guide for building programs and relationships with underserved schools to help overcome limiting factors that have plagued certain public school systems. With the proper training and mentorship, the untapped workforce present within these schools will be empowered to understand and address current and emerging environmental health and safety threats. Through this transformative 8-week high school research program, we will develop well-prepared, ethical researchers committed to scientific inquiry, intensive fieldwork, and collaborative problem-solving to address environmental health challenges. Following the 4-step risk assessment process, students, teachers, and faculty mentors will work collaboratively to identify toxicants, potential hazards and risks, and environmental disparities in urban neighborhoods, which provides the necessary training to formulate critical thinking skills for use in academic or non-academic careers.
The upheavals caused by the COVID-19 pandemic continue to affect the lives of faculty across the globe. Inasmuch as the pandemic brought profound levels of anxiety, loss, and turmoil, it also created an opportunity to address ineffective and unjust policies in academia. For Black women academics, reflections on the pandemic do not linger on the realignment, reinvention, and reinvigoration of their professional lives because alignment, invention, and invigoration as fully accepted peers in the academy have never existed for them. Instead, the opportunity now is for Black women faculty to step into a space that has never been fully accessible to them as professionals. The pandemic provided an opportunity to recognize pervasive and systemic inequalities for minoritized individuals and communities that have always been reflected in the academy and to create an environment of inclusion and empowerment for everyone. Reimagining academia as an inclusive environment means intentionally challenging racial stereotypes and promoting spaces where Black women faculty feel included and connected.
Promoting Black Women's Mental Health celebrates the strengths and complexities of Black women in American life. Many misunderstand and mis-characterize Black women and underappreciate their important contributions to families, communities, and the nation. In this book, a team of Black women mental health practitioners and scholars discuss a range of conditions that impact Black women's self-concepts and mental health. Drawing on a study of Black women across the United States, authors explore the social determinants of Black women's mental health and wellness and Black women's girlhood experiences. The book also explores Black women's stereotypes, their traumas, how they shift in relationships, and images that affect their racial and gender identity development. The book draws on scholarly and popular sources to present Black women's strength and challenges. Authors include commentary, case examples, reflection questions, and resources to improve practitioners' capacities to help Black women clients to recover, heal, and thrive.
We consider the association between racial discrimination and depression in a relatively comprehensive assessment of general social stress. Data for this investigation come from a sample of Miami-Dade County young adults; the present analyses are limited to African American and white non-Hispanic respondents. Findings indicate that perceptions of discrimination are strongly related to psychological distress. Surprisingly, however, these perceptions contribute almost nothing to an understanding of the origins of racial differences in depression. It appears that differences in lifetime adversity and in exposure to recent and chronic stressors capture those variations in personal history and circumstance which are linked to and arise from social disadvantage and which are relevant to mental health. Variations in these more general forms of social stress account for observed racial differences in depressive symptomatology.
We consider the association between racial discrimination and depression in a relatively comprehensive assessment of general social stress. Data for this investigation come from a sample of Miami-Dade County young adults; the present analyses are limited to African American and white non-Hispanic respondents. Findings indicate that perceptions of discrimination are strongly related to psychological distress. Surprisingly, however, these perceptions contribute almost nothing to an understanding of the origins of racial differences in depression. It appears that differences in lifetime adversity and in exposure to recent and chronic stressors capture those variations in personal history and circumstance which are linked to and arise from social disadvantage and which are relevant to mental health. Variations in these more general forms of social stress account for observed racial differences in depressive symptomatology.
NWSA Journal 13.2 (2001) 87-97
The "outsider-within" position (Collins 1986) that is currently the norm for scholars of color in social work presents both opportunities and barriers to being fully realized, first, as academics, and then, as activists. Because social work scholarship has been dominated by white men and women, the presence of women of color in academia is itself a rupture of usual practice. At present, even in urban centers, there are few university professors from any discipline representing the so-called visible minorities in Canada (Rushowy 2000). For women of color, the energy required to pursue and secure academic opportunities requires vigorous commitment to political goals of representation and challenge to the status quo. At this point in history, however, this challenge comes from a position of extreme vulnerability. Moreover, the lack of representation of other women and racialized people who do not have access to opportunity and audience is a tremendous burden for the developing scholar. Despite a liberal discourse around increasing the representativeness of academia, scholars of color, often low-status players in university settings, are obliged to fit in, and are regularly disciplined to suppress the experiences that reveal barriers in place for those outside the mainstream academic culture (Blair, Brown, and Baxter 1994).
This article draws on my early experience as a scholar to develop some hypotheses about the meta-experience of academic women of color who attempt activism. The practice of autoethnography (Crawford 1996) is an opportunity to probe human experience by using personal life experience as a source of data. Engaging in autoethnography is a direct challenge to post-positivist assumptions about the nature of knowledge and how it can be advanced (Nicotera 1999). The post-positivist framework has postulated a sharp division between subject and object that is being challenged on several fronts. First, this subject-object division is based on essentialized assumptions about agency and passivity that are no longer accepted without question (Davies 1992; Fine 1994b). Second, it fails to recognize that the subject-object position shifts depending on context and the particular discourse in place (Nicotera 1999). Third, it evokes a modernist hierarchical categorization that would privilege expert knowledge over knowledge arising from lived experience or emotional response (Houle 1995). Finally, it does not account for the position of marginalized people who must negotiate the subject-object boundary on a daily basis, especially if they are engaged in anti-oppressive work that evokes issues of sexism, racism, heterosexism, and other forms of identity politics (Fernando 1996). Autoethnography reinforces the view that academic knowledge is merely knowledge that has been disengaged from its primary source through theoretical abstraction (Houle 1995; Smith 1998). Therefore as a black, woman, would-be scholar, I see the potential to advance knowledge through a theory-driven processing of my first year in academia. This act follows the work of autoethnographers (e.g., Allen 1998; Baker 1993) who have constructed personal experiences into narratives that are intellectually generative. The hypotheses presented here may resonate less completely as time passes and my perspectives develop. I believe, however, that I have a legitimate perspective from which to extract a theory for understanding women of color as academic activists. As someone early in an academic career, I see my outsider-within status extends to my presence as a new scholar among established scholars; it is possible to see things now that could eventually be obscured from view.
As the title implies, I position myself currently as an angry black woman scholar, steeped in experience that has left me agitated in academia. These experiences will be sampled through anecdotes presented to demonstrate particular concepts that inform my understanding of the position of women of color in universities.
It is necessary to share the theoretical framework that aided me in conceptualizing how my personal experiences are linked to a larger experience of women of color attempting social change within academia.
In a discussion of labor markets, Wilson (1980) asserts that people of color have had specific roles in the development of the American economy. Considered chronologically, the first period relevant to this discussion was the pre-industrial economy dominated by plantations...
The purpose of this article is to identify three historical images of Black women (Mammy, Sapphire, & Jezebel), discuss their historic origins, and describe the impact of each image on various aspects of Black women’s psychological functioning. Connections will be made between the Mammy image and disordered eating, concerns about physical features, such as skin color and hair texture, and role strain; between the Sapphire image and the expression of anger; and between the Jezebel image and sexual functioning and victimization. Implications of these images for psychotherapeutic practice will be discussed.
Race and culture have been found to influence treatment inclusion, type of treatment, and treatment outcome to varying degrees. The present author discusses major treatment issues––therapist and client attitudes and interaction, extent of cooperation, degree of self-disclosure, and continuation in treatment––within the context of these factors. The inexact nature of assessment in this area also is explored. Views of certain Afro-American theorists are presented for consideration as well as a comprehensive method of treatment proposed by the author––The Black Metapsychological Psychotherapy Model. The proposed model builds on existing methods of treatment while incorporating cultural factors considered to be of consequence to Black-American clients. Potential ramifications around the implementation of this model are discussed. (55 ref)
The sociological study of the mental health of racial-ethnic minorities addresses issues of core theoretical and empirical concern to the discipline. This review summarizes current knowledge about minority mental health and identifies conceptual and methodological problems that continue to confront research in this field. First, a critique is presented of epidemiological approaches to the definition and measurement of mental health in general, and minority mental health in particular, including an overview of the most frequently used symptom scales and diagnostic protocols. Next, the most important research studies conducted over the past two decades are summarized and discussed, and comparisons of prevalence rates and correlates of depressive symptomatology among Black, Hispanic, Asian, and American Indian ethnic groups are provided. Following the overview of descriptive epidemiological findings, some key analytic issues surrounding the study of stress, adaptation and minority mental health are considered. Finally, we propose various recommendations for future research.
Using data from the 1996 General Social Survey and the 1973 Chicago Crowding Study, we test the hypotheses that African Americans feel and express more anger than whites, that sense of control (versus powerlessness) lessens anger and mistrust increases anger, and that these indicators of alienation affect anger differently for African Americans and whites. We find that when age and gender are controlled, African Americans neither feel nor express more anger than whites, despite having a lower average sense of control and higher mistrust. This is partly because the effects of sense of control and mistrust on anger differ by race. Sense of control reduces feelings of anger and anger expression more for African Americans than whites. Mistrust increases feelings of anger for whites, but not African Americans. The results provide further evidence that, in the stress process, social structural location may moderate the effects of "detriments" and "resources" on emotional upset.
The integration of principles of classical music composition theory with mind-body hypnotherapy can facilitate deeper levels of safety and new forms of comfort in the treatment of trauma and abuse. This integration is facilitated by the utilisation of creativity, expanded trust, the implied directive, the principle of equivalence set forth by Einstein, and by the principle of correspondence utilised in the set theory of Cantor.1 The main areas, in which trust is expanded, are the trust of containing complexity, the trust of creativity, and the trust of containment2 of the depth of safety. The levels of fear and the accompanying needs for safety are related to the four basic polarities involved in the treatment of trauma and abuse. The appreciation of basic principles of symmetry that are utilised creatively in classical music composition is a core factor in integrating principles of classical music composition theory with mind-body hypnotherapy. 1 Georg Cantor was a German mathematician who was recognised as the creator of set theory, to which he applied the principle of correspondence to develop the theorems relating to transfinite numbers. A detailed description of his work can be found in Dunham (1955, chaps 11-12). 2 Containment is a term used in psychodynamic therapy that is utilised in the treatment of affect states and acting out behaviours. A detailed discussion of containment can be found in Masterson (1976). In a hypnotherapeutic context, containment refers to interventions involving the conscious mind and unconscious defences. Detailed examples can be found in Ericksonand Rossi (1979).
Preliminary findings on the validation of the Stereotypic Roles for Black Women Scale (SRB WS) are presented. A sample of 186 African American women took the SRBWS along with the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale and the Racial Identity Attitude Scale-B. A confirmatory factor analysis supported afour-factor structure of the scale, and moderate reliability estimates were found for each of the interrelated but distinct subscales. Stepwise regression analyses revealed that Mammy and Sapphire images were significant predictors of self-esteem scores and that the internalized stereotypic roles contributed unique variance over racial identity attitudes in understanding self-esteem in Black women. Suggestions for future research and validation of the SRBWS are discussed.
The position concerning the mental health of black and minority ethnic women in Britain is closely linked to that of their respective communities in general. Issues concerning inappropriate care and treatment; lack of access to services; and service delivery based on assumptions and stereotypes govern the way in which black women and men experience mental health care and treatment. This article discusses the specific nature of black women's position, within the wider context of black communities' experience as a whole. While the term 'black and minority ethnic communities' covers a range of differing communities, the focus here is on the experiences of women from African, African-Caribbean and Asian communities. In relation to women in these communities, reference is made to issues concerning: (1) older women; (2) women of mixed heritage; (3) women's roles as care-givers; and (4) the position of refugees and asylum seekers. The article also explores and outlines the importance of self-help strategies including, e.g. befriending and counselling and the role of religion and spirituality in enabling many black people to manage their mental distress.
Race enters into psychotherapy in ways that parallel its operation in society. This article offers in a 'narrative of race' an integrated model of psychological stress that is used as a guide in the biopsychosocial formulation of a case presentation. Negative internal models of relationships include that of the black matriarch, the emasculated black male, the white authority figure and the black self-rejected image. In the discussion of an African American patient in psychotherapy, we use these negative internal models to address two controversial issues. First, to what extent are racial conflict and negative internal models of relationships incorporated into the black patient's dysfunctional life issues? Second, can black patients resolve issues caused by their need to function in a racially stratified society through a therapeutic alliance with therapists from other cultures? We support the position of cross-race therapy dyads with the acknowledgment of race in the consultation room. African American patients can receive effective therapy from any culturally oriented therapist who facilitates the resolution of racial conflict. From this foundation, we propose a dynamic model in which the therapist enters the experience of the African American patient and establishes fixed points of reference for the proper detection of transference/countertransference issues.
Reconceptualizes the issue of racial identity development so that it is not just limited to the issue of oppression. A beginning framework is provided for conceptualizing ethnic identity development that can be used for members of both minority and majority ethnic groups. The concept of ethnic identity development is discussed and linked with another conceptual tool from social psychology, that of reference groups. E. J. Smith's (see record
1986-30916-001) theory of ethnic identity development and majority/minority status is discussed, and 18 propositions are generated regarding minority/majority status, ethnic identity development, and mental health. (Spanish abstract) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
In Finding Oprah's Roots (2007), featuring Henry Louis Gates, Jr.'s search for answers to questions about Black genealogy, Gates explains that one of Oprah's grandfathers stopped his formal schooling at an early age to work on a plantation so that he could help provide an education and opportunity for his sister instead. The grandfather did this in an attempt to protect his sister so that she could escape rape and other forms of gender oppression from both White men and women. Gates's explanation reflects both the way that gender, sexuality, and race defined life in the old South and their consequences for Black life, Black relationships, and Black destinies. This personal sacrifice, in defense of Black women, was commonplace—not at all particular to Oprah Winfrey's family. In fact, John Gwaltney collected several essays of Black men and women describing similar actions in his book Drylongso (1981).
Researchers suggest that women's experience of anger is very complex and may not be accounted for by existing anger models. The current study was an attempt to clarify a model of women's anger proposed by Cox, Stabb, and Bruckner in Women's Anger: Clinical and Developmental Perspectives, 1999. Anger diversion focuses on women's attempts to bypass anger awareness, to use indirect means to cope with anger, or both. A sample of predominantly college and graduate student women (N = 514) completed a vignette questionnaire assessing diversionary anger styles as well as instruments evaluating symptoms, anger behaviors, emotional expression, and tendencies to respond in socially desirable ways. The results of the study partially support Cox and colleagues' model, particularly in distinguishing between diverting anger and expressing anger assertively. We found that women who divert anger are more vulnerable to symptoms such as depression, anxiety, and somatization than are women who use an assertive approach to coping with anger.
African American women find themselves at a high risk of experiencing feelings of powerlessness associated with socioeconomic disparities rooted in a history of racism and sexism. The authors present a conceptual model that discusses powerlessness as a significant variable that contributes to the experience of anger and stress in African American women, and consequently to the adverse health consequences of such anger and stress. The authors review the current literature as well as census and health statistics to discern critical historical, social, and cognitive aspects of powerlessness and anger in African American women. Implications for practitioners are addressed.
How do I talk to you, my white sister? Keynote address at the Working Mother's Best Companies for Women of Color National Conference, New York University's Steinhardt School of Education Social causes of psychological distress
- M W Mcrae
- Ashley
- J Mirowsky
- C E Ross
McRae, M. (2003, July). How do I talk to you, my white sister? Keynote address at the Working Mother's Best Companies for Women of Color National Conference, New York University's Steinhardt School of Education, New York, NY. W. ASHLEY Mirowsky, J., & Ross, C. E. (2003). Social causes of psychological distress (2nd ed.). Hawthorne, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.
Seven attitude adjustments for finding a loving man
- A B Chapman
Chapman, A. B. (2001). Seven attitude adjustments for finding a loving man. New York, NY: Pocket Books.
Anger management for dummies
- W D Gentry
Gentry, W. D. (2007). Anger management for dummies. Secaucus, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.
The angry black woman—tart-tongued or driven and no-nonsense, she is a stereotype that amuses some and offends others The dance of anger
- V E Jones
Jones, V. E. (2004, April 20). The angry black woman—tart-tongued or driven and no-nonsense, she is a stereotype that amuses some and offends others. Boston Globe. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/404904205? accountid=7285 Lerner, H. (1997). The dance of anger. New York, NY: HarperPerennial.
Improving outcomes for adult depression in ethnically and racially diverse patients
- A B Primm
- R A Levy
- D Cohen
- A Bondurant
Primm, A. B., Levy, R. A., Cohen, D., & Bondurant, A. (2009). Improving outcomes for adult depression in ethnically and racially diverse patients. Retrieved from http://www.medscape.org/viewarticle/702891
The developing mind: How relationships and the brain interact to shape who we are The Black female: Mammy, Jemima, Sapphire and other images Ethnic identity development: Toward the development of a theory within the context of majority/minority status
- D J Siegel
- J Sims-Wood
- Greenwood
- E J Smith
Siegel, D. J. (1999). The developing mind: How relationships and the brain interact to shape who we are. New York, NY: Guilford Press. Sims-Wood, J. (1988). The Black female: Mammy, Jemima, Sapphire and other images. In J. C. Smith (Ed.), Images of Blacks in American culture: A reference guide to information sources (pp. 235–256). Westport, CT: Greenwood. Smith, E. J. (1991). Ethnic identity development: Toward the development of a theory within the context of majority/minority status. Journal of Counseling & Development, 70, 181–188.
From Aunt Jemima to Anita Hill: Media's split image of black women
- A Edwards
Edwards, A. (1993). From Aunt Jemima to Anita Hill: Media's split image of black women. Media Studies Journal, 7(1/2), 214–222.