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Differential Spaces, Power Hierarchy and Collaborative Planning: A Critique of the Role of Temporary Uses in Shaping and Making Places
Abstract
Drawing upon collaborative planning theory and on the work of Lefebvre and de Certeau, this paper explores the multistage governance arrangements leading to the employment of temporary uses as an instrument for regeneration in a context of economic crisis. It contributes to a thorough understanding of the relations between the power hierarchy and the strategy/tactics developed through a more or less inclusive collaborative process from place-shaping (weak planning) to place-making (masterplanning). By decrypting the different paths that can be taken by the collaborative process, the paper demonstrates how temporary uses on differential spaces shape space from a use value point of view, influence and challenge the distribution of power and enable (temporary) occupants to acquire and sometimes sustain a position in the place-making process.
... The first key contextual factor that shapes and drives transformative temporary uses is property ownership (Németh & Langhorst, 2014). 'Pop-up' urbanism has been used both to add value to temporarilyvacant private property by stimulating commercial activity and investor interest in low-growth situations, and to mask the decline of government strategic planning and long-term investment in public infrastructure (Andres, 2013;Colomb, 2012;Ferreri, 2015;Mould, 2014). Numerous examples of pop-up urbanism address vacant innercity and city-fringe areas that have been 'hollowed out', by deindustrialisation, suburbanisation, the 2007-08 global financial crisis, and government austerity and neglect. ...
... Governments are thus increasingly deploying pop-up projects as a top-down strategy to engage and align local residents, civil society and the private sector. Scholars have argued such projects can nevertheless frame unequal power relations between inexperienced, weakly-resourced non-professional actors and more powerful governments, landowners, investors and entrepreneurs (Andres, 2013;Douglas, 2018), suggesting these fluid engagements reflect a neoliberal withdrawal from inclusiveness, fairness, and government leadership in managing urban spaces (Mould, 2014;Tonkiss, 2013). But at its best, The temporary use model has the capacity to expose the ongoing conflicts and contestations between competing value systems, interests, agendas and stakeholders… The process of implementing this model both requires and facilitates the inclusion of diverse voices… it also helps to overcome the sectoralized approaches… that often inform the organization of broader governance and decision making systems. ...
... Australian cities have not faced economic crises, and their governments have resources to make major investments. In contrast to contexts of decay, austerity, 'weak planning' and disruptive changes elsewhere (Andres, 2013;Colomb, 2012;Ferreri, 2015), these projects have been driven through local government co-ordination, strategies and stewardship. These investments are not austere; they're intentionally brief, flexible ways of shaping decisions and larger investments. ...
Pop-up parks have emerged alongside other forms of temporary urbanism as low-cost, informal, community-engaged interventions that address pressing community needs. This article examines four pop-up parks in Australian cities (Melbourne, Sydney and Perth) that reappropriated street space for pedestrians and eventually became permanent. The article charts the developmental trajectories of these four projects, drawing on local planning documents, interviews with key actors, and government and media reports on how the pop-up parks performed. It uses mapping to analyse the context of built form, activity and movement flows in and around the four sites. The study shows how these pop-up trials served as a 'proof of concept' for permanent spaces, tested their impacts, made community consultation more open, engaging and tangible, and increased community support. These originally temporary spaces also facilitated wider strategic urban development outcomes, emboldening local governments to further improve public space in urban intensification areas.
... Sure, the two are often found to be pursuing different goals, but we're more interested in how they can be used together to move our cities forward. (2015: 10) Some scholars have a more critical understanding of the difference between tactics and strategies within TU (Andres, 2013;Mould, 2014). TU interventions can, for instance, temporarily reappropriate, reconfigure, and enliven places (Mould, 2014). ...
... On the contrary, as soon as these intervention practices change the space of a city through engaging with structural strategies (such as neoliberal urban development), they go from tactical interventions to becoming part of the city's strategy (Mould, 2014: 533). Tactics and strategies can be differentiated based on their scope, degree of formalisation, and the implementation process (Andres, 2013). Strategies are typically put forward by stakeholders with landownership power and decision-making power in development processes (Andres, 2013). ...
... Tactics and strategies can be differentiated based on their scope, degree of formalisation, and the implementation process (Andres, 2013). Strategies are typically put forward by stakeholders with landownership power and decision-making power in development processes (Andres, 2013). Furthermore, we can relate strategies to determinism and regulation and, as Andres states, 'they have an explicit aim in the production of space and realisation of a set of objectives and of a specific action plan' (2012: 764). ...
This paper discusses how Tactical Urbanism aligns with the principles of the 'open city' framework. The 'open city' is often theorised as the urban condition that best welcomes diverse and flexible use of a city's public spaces. However, the nature of the planning system at its core is to control and predict urban development, thereby effectively reinforcing the principle of a 'closed city' with more fixed and rigid forms. One counter-reaction to the 'closed city' is the Tactical Urbanism movement, which applies principles of simple, low-cost, and often temporary public space interventions to achieve and accelerate change. Such interventions can create more 'open' and inclusive urban environments, enabling diversity and flexibility. However, Tactical Urbanism is applied in multiple forms by different actors with varying intentions and goals. In this paper, I question the role of Tactical Urbanism in congruence with the theoretical framework of the 'open (and vibrant) city', drawing attention to how tactical interventions are used to brand new development projects. Doing so, I ask if Tactical Urbanism can be (mis)used merely as 'temporary tem-porariness' to serve top-down planning strategies, resulting in the 'closed city'.
... While scholars have previously observed complex brokering between multiple actor groups and related multi-directional games (Williams et al., 2005), this complexity is accentuated in the intermediation between actors (such as local residents, municipalities, and private companies) and their interests in local experimentation contexts (Hernberg, 2022;Hodson et al., 2013). These contexts tend to feature challenging dynamics between actor groups, including socio-economic distance, asymmetric power relations, diverging interests and values, and communication challenges (Andres, 2013;Hernberg, 2022). Hence, intermediaries build an alignment between actors and groups (Hernberg, 2022;Hodson and Marvin, 2009); help communicate, translate, and build trust; and make different voices and needs heard and understood (Hernberg, 2022). ...
... Such approaches include the "temporary use" of space, which is a practice of reactivating vacant spaces and properties for which decisions on their future development are pending (Bishop and Williams, 2012;Madanipour, 2017;Oswalt et al., 2013). Temporary uses are recognized as local, experimental transition initiatives (Grandin and Sareen, 2020) that allow a broader range of local actors and communities to engage in shaping and activating spaces and neighborhoods (Andres, 2013). Thus, they also provide opportunities for experimentation and critical alternatives to neoliberal urban development (Colomb, 2012;Németh and Langhorst, 2014). ...
... Temporary use is typically characterized by socioeconomic distance, mismatching interests and values, power asymmetries, and communication gaps between municipal actors, property owners, and potential temporary tenants (e.g., Andres, 2013;Hernberg, 2022). In the study intermediaries were engaged in matchmaking, networking, finding synergies among the potential user groups, and solving some disputes between users and other local stakeholders. ...
Intermediaries are recognized as influential actors in advancing local bottom-up experimentation and strengthening its impact on urban sustainability transitions. Recent studies have articulated intermediation by listing diverse roles and activities that intermediaries perform and by presenting theory-based typologies of different intermediaries. However, such listings and typologies fail to capture how intermediaries engage, often informally and multi-directionally, in local experimentation. To improve the conceptual clarity of intermediation in this context, we propose a framework of four intermediation modes: brokering, configuring, structural negotiating, and facilitating and capacitating. We employ these modes in two qualitative, ethnography and interview-based studies of intermediation in urban redevelopment and energy transition contexts. The studies demonstrate that intermediation requires simultaneous engagement in multiple modes owing to the intermediaries' different competencies, remits, and resources. Therefore, the modes are highly relevant for understanding what it takes to effectively intermediate and for preparing support mechanisms for intermediation in different experimentation domains.
... Ten podział ukazuje dwie społeczno-kulturowe pozycje: planisty / dewelopera i aktywisty / użytkownika oraz związane z nimi zupełnie różne odczucia: nadziei wobec potencjału, tkwiącego w narzędziu tymczasowego użytkowania oraz niepewności o ciągłość i przyszłość stworzonego przez siebie projektu (Lehtovuori, Ruoppila, 2017). Andres (2013) opisuje to napięcie jako kontrast między weak planning a master planning oraz place shaping a place making. Tymczasowe użytkowanie, które intensyfikuje się w czasach kryzysu (zwiększona ilość pustostanów, ograniczone możliwości ekonomiczne najemców, konieczność oddolnego zaspokajania potrzeb społeczno-kulturalnych, na które brakuje publicznych pieniędzy) i zaciera granice między działalnością formalną a nieformalną, wpisuje się w zjawisko słabego planowania (ang. ...
... master planning), które opiera się na trwałości, stabilności, liniowości i kontroli (Urban Catalyst, 2003) i jest z natury ofensywne, nie ma możliwości tak szybkiego reagowania. Podczas gdy działania inwestycyjne miasta i deweloperów są wstrzymane, władza i możliwość kształtowania przestrzeni zostają przekazane tymczasowym użytkownikom (Andres, 2013). Jeśli tymczasowe kształtowanie miejsca (ang. ...
... place shaping), wzbudzi odpowiednie zainteresowanie obszarem i dostarczy wiarygodnych pomysłów na jego rozwój, wówczas prawdopodobnie zostanie wchłonięte przez planowanie odgórne (Lehtovuori, Ruoppila, 2017). Napięcia i konflikty pojawiają się w sytuacji, gdy władza przesuwa się od użytkowników kształtujących miejsce do formalnych decydentów (Andres, 2013). Pojawia się pytanie czy i w jakim stopniu wezmą oni pod uwagę funkcję i rolę tymczasowych użytkowników. ...
W konsekwencji kryzysów i przemian społeczno-ekonomicznych ostatnich dekad, wiele ośrodków miejskich odnotowało nadwyżkę podaży opuszczonych i niezagospodarowanych terenów. Z punktu widzenia zrównoważonej urbanizacji jest to niezwykle cenny rezerwuar przestrzenny o dużym potencjale społecznym i ekologicznym. Sposobem na przekształcenie pustych i suboptymalnie wykorzystanych działek są działania na cele kultury, których miastotwórcza rola jest coraz wyraźniej dostrzegana, jednak trudnouchwytna i wymykająca się operacjonalizacji. Przyjmując formę tymczasowego użytkowania przestrzeni inicjatywy kulturalne stają się skutecznym narzędziem ponownego włączenia pustostanów i nieużytków w fizyczną i wyobrażoną strukturę miasta. Nazwanie społeczno-przestrzennych efektów podobnych działań oraz stworzenie zniuansowanego narzędzia oceny może przyczynić się do lepszego zrozumienia ich wpływu na rozwój i regenerację miast, a co za tym idzie skuteczniejszego wsparcia najbardziej wartościowych inicjatyw.
Celem projektu badawczego, realizowanego w ramach stypendium m.st. Warszawy dla doktorantów (edycja IV 2022), była pogłębiona analiza zjawiska tymczasowego użytkowania przestrzeni na cele kultury oraz wynikająca z niej metoda oceny dopasowana do zróżnicowanych działań i efektów. By to osiągnąć przeprowadzono badania literaturowe oraz dokonano analizy czterech warszawskich inicjatyw tymczasowego użytkowania. Pozwoliło to na stworzenie Metody wielokryterialnej oceny, w ramach której opisano pozytywne oczekiwane efekty oraz kryteria i wskaźniki ewaluacji. Propozycją wdrożenia rezultatów badań są hybrydowe procedury administracyjne, rekomendacje dla samorządów oraz interaktywna platforma mapowania partycypacyjnego.
... Ten podział ukazuje dwie społeczno-kulturowe pozycje: planisty/dewelopera i aktywisty/użytkownika oraz związane z nimi zupełnie różne odczucia: nadziei wobec potencjału tkwiącego w narzędziu tymczasowego użytkowania oraz niepewności o ciągłość i przyszłość stworzonego przez siebie projektu (Lehtovuori, Ruoppila, 2017). Andres (2013) opisuje to napięcie jako kontrast między weak planning a master planning oraz place shaping a place making. Tymczasowe użytkowanie, które intensyfikuje się w czasach kryzysu (zwiększona liczba pustostanów, ograniczone możliwości ekonomiczne najemców, konieczność oddolnego zaspokajania potrzeb społeczno-kulturalnych, na które brakuje publicznych pieniędzy) i zaciera granice między działalnością formalną a nieformalną wpisuje się w zjawisko słabego planowania (ang. ...
... master planning), które opiera się na trwałości, stabilności, liniowości i kontroli (Urban Catalyst, 2003) i jest z natury ofensywne, nie ma możliwości tak szybkiego reagowania. Podczas gdy działania inwestycyjne miasta i deweloperów są wstrzymane, władza i możliwość kształtowania przestrzeni zostają przekazana tymczasowym użytkownikom (Andres, 2013). Jeśli tymczasowe kształtowanie miejsca (ang. ...
... This division shows two socio-cultural positions: the planner / developer and the activist / user and the completely different feelings related to them: hope for the potential of a temporary use tool and uncertainty about the continuity and future of one's own project (Lehtovuori, Ruoppila, 2017). Andres (2013) describes this tension as a contrast between weak planning and master planning as well as place shaping and place making. Temporary use, which intensifies in times of crisis (increased vacancy rates, limited economic opportunities for tenants, the need for bottom-up fulfillment of socio-cultural needs for which there is a lack of public money) and blurs the boundaries between formal and informal activities, is part of the phenomenon of weak planning. ...
Tymczasowe użytkowanie to strategia aktywizacji pustostanów i nieużytków stanowiąca interesujące jako prefaza docelowej inwestycji, by wzbudzić zainteresowanie mieszkańców i wykreować atrakcyjny dla potencjalnych klientów wizerunek. Pionierskie w kontekście poznańskim i wciąż mało opisane w kontekście polskim komercyjne tymczasowe użytkowanie przestrzeni może skutkować zarówno pozytywnymi, jak i negatywnymi rezultatami. Celem artykułu jest krytyczna analiza przykładu badawczego Koszar Kultury w Poznaniu w odniesieniu do CREAU – jego wiedeńskiego odpowiednika. Metoda analizy porównawczej, wsparta kwerendą bibliograficzną i wizytą studialną pozwoliły na wskazanie szans i zagrożeń związanych z przeprowadzonym procesem oraz wypracowanie rekomendacji służących kreacji przyjaznego, inkluzywnego środowiska mieszkaniowego w ramach działań rewitalizacyjnych.
Commercial temporary use of space as a tool of creating modern housing environment – threats and opportunities Temporary use of space is a strategy of activating the space of abandoned buildings or urban wasteland areas via a variety of bottom-up and top-down initiatives proposed by local communities, municipal authorities and developers. Implemented as a preliminary stage of a target investment project, temporary use of space is intended to spark the interest of the inhabitants and create an attractive image for potential clients. In the area of Poznan, it is a pioneering strategy, that has yet not been thoroughly studied in the Polish context. The strategy entails both positive and negative phenomena. It is the intention of this article to critically analyse a case study of Koszary Kultury [Arts & Culture Baraques] in comparison to a similar initiative in Vienna, i.e. CREAU project. Comparative analysis, combined with a bibliographic query of literature and a site visit, has enabled us to identify opportunities and threats of temporary use of space and to work up recommendations how to create friendly and inclusive residential housing via revitalisation activities.
... La letteratura sulle esperienze di riuso temporaneo degli spazi urbani è sempre più consistente e diffusa in vari contesti internazionali; alcune ricerche si sono orientate sul potenziale dello sviluppo temporaneo del riuso di immobili dismessi come luoghi adeguati a usi alternativi e innovativi in grado di dare voce alle comunità, generare innovazione sociale e influenzare la direzione del cambiamento urbano (Andres, 2013;Finn, 2014;De Nardis, Galdini, 2019). L'uso temporaneo è divenuto rapidamente uno dei principali fattori di rigenerazione urbana, avvalorato dalla grande attenzione che ha trovato nella opinione pubblica e nei policy makers, nonché da numerosi studiosi (Haydn, Temel, 2006;Andres, Chapain, 2013;Colomb, 2012;Oswalt et al, 2013;Bishop, Williams, 2012;Galdini, 2015;2017b;. ...
... L'uso temporaneo dei vuoti urbani è valutato prevalentemente come un processo positivo di rigenerazione e rinnovamento (Steel, 2013;Campagnoli, 2014); positività riconosciuta anche da molta parte della società civile, da attivisti, amministratori, nonché dal settore immobiliare (Portas, 2011). Secondo Oswalt et al. (2013), questa celebrazione è dovuta alla sua apparente capacità di mettere in discussione lo status quo, spostando potere in favore delle comunità locali e degli attori del territorio nei processi di rigenerazione urbana (Andres, 2013;Fabian, Samson, 2016). Inoltre, è comunemente apprezzata perché permette ai luoghi di potersi sviluppare secondo modelli ed esperienze alternative (Foster, 2014). ...
... Questo interesse sulle possibilità di trasformazione associate agli usi urbani temporanei si è consolidato soprattutto a seguito dell'indebolimento dei mercati fondiari e immobiliari dovuti alla crisi finanziaria del 2007-08 e al conseguente desiderio di alternative sostenibili dal punto di vista sociale e ambientale di sviluppo territoriale (Moore-Cherry, McCarthy, 2016). In un contesto di contrazione della spesa pubblica e di crisi economica-finanziaria, il riuso temporaneo emerge come una alternativa valida alla rigenerazione urbana (Andres, 2013). Il tema dell'uso temporaneo dei vuoti urbani ha visto emergere anche una letteratura critica 2 : Peck (2012), ad esempio, definisce il riuso come una strategia di "austerity urbanism" 3 , le perplessità maggiori riguardano gli usi speculativi, anche in zone marginali che il dispositivo favorisce attraverso i cambi di destinazione d'uso. ...
Le pratiche di riuso temporaneo dei vuoti urbani si prestano a garantire risposte alle nuove esigenze di vita che la contemporaneità ha imposto, per adattarsi più facilmente alle richieste degli attori; tuttavia, sembrano confermare le tendenze alla precarietà e alla flessibilità del lavoro e della vita degli attori coinvolti. Attraverso l'analisi del caso studio dell'Associazione Venti Pietre di Bologna l'articolo intende interrogarsi su cosa succede alle esperienze di rigenerazione urbana dal basso dopo la temporaneità. Queste esperienze possono essere trapiantate altrove? Hanno lo stesso successo e la stessa capacità? Cosa succede alle reti di relazioni costruite nel tempo una volta scaduto il tempo previsto dal contratto?
... The reasons regarding the emergency of temporary use in the contemporary city vary among different geographies. Several scholars from the North explain its emergence as a response to an endemic economic crisis, generalized municipal budget cuts and austerity measures (Andres, 2013;Fernandez, 2014;Madanipour, 2017). Others question if it could show a thriving consumerist society or just an existential condition of modernity driven by global economics (Madanipour, 2017, p. 2). ...
... The expanding literature about temporary use has presented temporary urbanisms as alternative forms of co-production of the city when focusing on its strategies' collaborative and collective logic (Andres, 2013;Hou, 2010;Sawhney et al., 2015). This collaborative logic has been emphasized concerning bottom-up processes of citizens insurgency (Hou, 2010;Villagomez, 2010) or urban bricolage on the making (Fabian & Samson, 2016;Finn, 2014;Sawhney et al., 2015). ...
... Academic debates cover temporary urbanism literature as: (i) the linkage between temporary use and urban planning and its understanding as an alternative form of spatial production (Andres, 2013;Ferreri, 2015;Groth & Corijn, 2005;Hou, 2010;Oswalt et al., 2013); (ii) its conceptual understanding as a gap in the cycle of utilization (Haydn & Temel, 2006;Temporiuso, 2009Temporiuso, -2012; as well as (iii) its relation to the transformation of unused spaces (Colomb, 2012;Groth & Corijn, 2005;Haydn & Temel, 2006;Németh & Langhorst, 2014;Oswalt et al., 2013;Webster & Lai, 2003). The following subsections describe in greater detail these three discussions and explore the current gaps in the literature to position the research. ...
Through this study, I investigate the making of temporary spatial practices in the city of Santiago, Chile. I approach those as experimental actions driven by a multiplicity of actors: citizens, civic organizations, and government bodies, conceived to last for some time and determined by a will to produce transformative changes in the city. The wide variety of practices reverberating across different geographies, spaces and scales are bringing fresh prominence to the contemporary debate on public space. However, the topic, widely explored in European and North American cities has been less studied in the Latin American context, and specifically, in Chile, where this research focuses. I reflect critically on the ambiguous character of such temporal operations and their discourses: such practices could defy dominant forms of power in the production of space and could align, through their values and relations, to the structures of power by becoming complicit with forms of capital accumulation. Inquiring about how such practices challenge the making of contemporary public space, I assume that these practices could challenge the production and meaning of ‘the public’ in the city. Therefore, I draw attention to how their making makes the ‘public’, by emphasising the differentiating character of these practices and their political dimension. I interpret such temporary operations through a political lens, for exploring their contradictions and their possibilities to confront the presumed stability and predicted desirability of the contemporary city project. This research is theoretically and methodologically positioned at the crossover between urban design and social science. For framing the theoretical and analytical limits of the research question, I propose to use the locution ‘temporary urban’ which brings together the interrelated dimensions of time, use, and the public. Using an interpretive paradigm of qualitative research, I explore the controversial relationships between temporary spatial practices and the neoliberal urban project of the city of Santiago. Empirically, such examination is driven by an analysis that focuses on the meanings and values that different actors bring to the urban discourse and on the relationships established among them, exploring the contested and changeable power interplay among agents of city-making.
... Napisanih je veliko knjig, študij in člankov, v katerih so proučevali na kakšen način začasna raba prispeva k urbanemu razvoju v Evropi. Med avtorji, ki so o tem največ pisali, so Haydn in Temel, 2006;Sfs, 2007;Bishop in Williams, 2012;Oswalt idr., 2013;Andres, 2013;Colomb, 2012;Lydon in Garcia 2015;Madanipour, 2017a;Stevens in Dovey, 2023. V tem članku bomo izpostavili pisce o začasni rabi prostora, ki so posebej pomembni v slovenskem kontekstu. ...
... Za začasne uporabnike je začasna raba koristna, ker jim omogoča dostop do prostora po nizkih cenah ter jim tako daje priložnost za preizkušanje in razvijanje lastnih idej v praksi (Haydn in Temel, 2006;Bishop in Williams, 2012;Andres, 2013;Oswalt idr., 2013;Némethin in Langhorst, 2014). Z obravnavano prostorsko prakso se tako pogosto razvijejo nove ekonomije, kot so ekonomije souporabe, solidarnostne ekonomije ali darilne ekonomije, ki lahko privabijo nove kolektive in ustvarjalne posameznike na podlagi vpliva, ki ga imajo na lokacijo. ...
... In the twenty-first century, temporary use of space has gained increased attention from academic circles and politics, as well as the general public, rising to prominence as a frequently used spatial practice in many European cities (Stevens & Dovey, 2023). The potential contribution of temporary use of space to European urban development has been the subject of a large number of books, studies, and articles, among them Haydn and Temel (2006), SfS (2007), Bishop and Williams (2012), Colomb (2012), Andres (2013), Oswalt et al. (2013), Lydon and Garcia (2015), Madanipour (2017a), and Stevens and Dovey (2023). This article focuses on authors that are important in the Slovenian context. ...
... Temporary use is advantageous to temporary users because it offers access to space at low prices and thus provides an opportunity for testing and developing their own ideas in practice (Haydn & Temel, 2006;Bishop & Williams, 2012;Andres, 2013;Oswalt et al., 2013;Németh & Langhorst, 2014). The spatial practice under discussion is often accompanied by new forms of economies, such as the economy of collaborative commons, solidarity economy, or gift economy, whose impact on the location may attract new collectives and creative individuals. ...
... The meaning of urban regeneration evolved as city administrations were hit by the austerity regimes caused by global economic crises (Bragaglia & Caruso, 2020;Tonkiss, 2013). The consequent "weak planning" context, characterised by the difficulty of securing investments, implied a general scarcity of resources and the insurgence of different modes of urbanism, such as temporary urbanism (Andres, 2013). This approach to urban regeneration did not only mean transforming the built environment physically but acting on the social and cultural aspects of cities (Bragaglia & Caruso, 2020), with emphasis on the engagement of urban communities, citizens and third-sector organisations and supporting micro-scale urban initiatives (Patti & Polyak, 2015;Southworth, 2014;UN-Habitat, 2021). ...
... More info on this project at: https://www.t-factor.eu/ 4 Meanwhile uses are a temporary urbanism practice which aims to establish interim businesses, services, or social activities within urban regeneration sites whose final use is not yet fixed (Andres, 2013). Meanwhile uses are thus motivated by social and economic reasons (e.g., capitalising on otherwise unexploited real estate, avoiding misuse of property or squatting) (Bragaglia & Caruso, 2020;Patti & Polyak, 2015;Tonkiss, 2013 suggestions into practice. ...
This paper describes the development of a set of service design-driven guidelines for prototyping in urban regeneration processes. After introducing urban regeneration as a policy area acting on the social and cultural aspects of cities, the authors consider three perspectives from design research to frame the service design intervention in urban regeneration. Further, the characterising aspects of prototyping in the public sphere are considered to advance a refinement of the typical service design approach to prototyping for this domain. The paper then describes the guidelines, developed through the experience of an ongoing research project, providing practical step-by-step suggestions for each prototyping cycle phase, together with a tool selection from renowned design toolkits. The insights from this work intend to evolve the service design practice for the public sphere toward a more systemic perspective that considers the specificities and dynamics of public processes and ecosystems.
... The temporary uses of derelict sites became common in the 1970s as a by-product of deindustrialization and urban and socioeconomic transformations (Andres, 2013). In contrast to conventional urban development emphasizing the ideals of continuity and long-term goals, the temporary uses were associated with crisis and failure (Bishop & Williams, 2012). ...
... The question about who has control over the transformation of urban space reveals the dominance of one side of the binary. Colomb (2012) argues that temporary uses inherently pave a path for profit-oriented urban development (see also Andres, 2013). In such situations, where temporary users find their role only as gap-fillers, keeping "vacant sites warm while development capital is cool," conflicts tend to emerge (Colomb, 2017, p. 157;Tonkiss, 2013, p. 318). ...
The temporary use of vacant spaces has become integrated into formal urban development practices. This paper seeks to explore the catalytic power of temporary urbanism for sustainable urban development by focusing on the tension between temporary and permanent and the dynamics through which temporary urbanism becomes catalytic. The case study focuses on a six-year experimental period of the Hiedanranta brownfield until the city started to build the area for a new residential district in Tampere, Finland. Rich details of temporary urbanism were achieved through interviews with 27 city developers and experimental participants. The analysis revealed three tracks of catalytic mechanisms of temporary urbanism emerging from the persistent tension between temporary and permanent. By demonstrating the origins of catalytic power, this research contributes to academic and practical interests to find productive relationships between temporary urbanism, planning and sustainability governance in cities.
... T/T's rapid, flexible, small-scale actions are claimed to encourage hands-on participation in activating places, and broaden the range of actors involved (Iveson 2013, Douglas 2018. T/T urbanism is seen to increase agility and innovation in urban planning and design because it is relatively unconstrained by shortterm financial or political motivations (Andres 2013). It enables rapid adaptation to changing circumstances, and encourages creativity, enabling field testing of new approaches with minimal economic and political risk. ...
... The latter forms of community engagement help to test residents' reactions to urban change and make them active promoters of it, and to build consensus, community attachment and value. There are numerous critiques of the unequal power relations that shape non-professional actors' interactions within T/T projects with more powerful local governments, landowners, investors and entrepreneurs (Andres 2013, Douglas 2018, suggesting that grassroots engagement is associated with a neoliberal withdrawal of government investment in urban spaces (Tonkiss 2013, Mould 2014, Brenner 2015. ...
... T/T's rapid, flexible, small-scale actions are claimed to encourage hands-on participation in activating places, and broaden the range of actors involved (Iveson 2013, Douglas 2018. T/T urbanism is seen to increase agility and innovation in urban planning and design because it is relatively unconstrained by shortterm financial or political motivations (Andres 2013). It enables rapid adaptation to changing circumstances, and encourages creativity, enabling field testing of new approaches with minimal economic and political risk. ...
... The latter forms of community engagement help to test residents' reactions to urban change and make them active promoters of it, and to build consensus, community attachment and value. There are numerous critiques of the unequal power relations that shape non-professional actors' interactions within T/T projects with more powerful local governments, landowners, investors and entrepreneurs (Andres 2013, Douglas 2018, suggesting that grassroots engagement is associated with a neoliberal withdrawal of government investment in urban spaces (Tonkiss 2013, Mould 2014, Brenner 2015. ...
... On the one hand, research justifies the necessity to examine and assess methods related to theoretical assumptions and the application of temporary use as a means for broader transformation. On the other hand, we need to take into account the implementation of these methods in specific locations, assess fundamental changes, and examine the relationships and dependencies among the stakeholders representing different sectors [22,23]. The research described in the article focuses on the first aspect mentioned: the analysis of methods to apply temporary use in complex spatial transformation processes in cities. ...
The research involves analysing strategic models of urban spatial transformation processes in cities using temporary use as a significantly supportive tool or as the core of the transformations. The scope of the research includes identifying effective transformation models through the verification of cases based on established criteria and conducting detailed studies of selected cases to highlight the process elements, analyse their relationships, and assess the role of temporary use. The research method relies on critically comparing and analysing chosen cases. As a result, we have identified fundamental criteria that indicate the application of temporary use as part of a broader transformation process, along with supplementary indicators and characteristics that impact the effectiveness of the conducted transformations. These indicators can help model transformation processes based on temporary use. The research holds particular significance in utilizing temporary use within a broader, integrated urban transformation process that goes beyond a one-time intervention.
... Kollaboratives E-Planning vernachlässigt nach Agger und Löfgren (2008) häufig die Berücksichtigung demokratischer Effekte. Zwar werden Faktoren wie Macht in Planungsprozessen inzwischen stärker berücksichtigt (siehe im Kontext von Windkraftplanung Aitken (2010)), unklar bleibt jedoch, wie den inhärenten Verbindungen zwischen Machthierarchie und kollaborativen Prozessen begegnet werden soll (Andres, 2013). Im urbanen Kontext zeigt sich diese kritische Machtperspektive in der "Recht auf Stadt"-Bewegung, die sich gegen Entwicklungen wie Gentrifizierung richtet (Brenner et al., 2012). ...
... Being activators and, hence, value providers, the trajectory of many temporary interventions has been raising awareness about their challenges and limitations. Indeed, temporary urbanism has ironically become a new form of top-down strategic planning used by both the state and the private sector (Andres 2013;Colomb 2012), serving as a vector of gentrification and neoliberal planning. ...
This paper focusses on the complex relationship between vacancy, temporary responses and uncertainty during turbulent times by analysing how a selection of cities—New York City, São Paulo, Milan, Moscow, Abu Dhabi, Esfahan, Karachi, Mumbai and Jakarta—addressed testing, treating, isolating and vaccinating the public in response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. These highly visible spatial responses offer immediate, pragmatic answers to unexpected conditions and, we argue, allow a more nuanced understanding of how planning might leverage flexibility and adaptability in a (post-)pandemic world.
... The local government, seeking a scenario of permanent reuse, has left the area abandoned for a long time. We therefore consider the area to be in a weak planning or a 'watching' stage, i.e. in a state of uncertainty, in which the desired future cannot be achieved (Andres, 2012). These conditions of uncertainty and the long abandonment of the "Old Hospital" provide the appropriate ground for the implementation of temporary use strategy (Németh and Langhorst (2014). ...
The reuse of urban abandoned areas, which is constantly increasing, is necessary for urban sustainable development. This paper seeks to examine whether temporary use adopting participatory processes is an appropriate tool for the reuse of urban abandoned areas, while studying the implications for social capital by taking advantage of the social dynamics of space, reinforcing sustainable urban development. We focus on the case of the “Old Hospital” of Alexandroupolis, in Greece, a long-term abandoned area in the inner city. Adopting a socio-spatial perspective through the approach of Lefebvre and Remy, it highlights that temporary use of urban abandoned areas strengthens the socio-spatial dynamics, in conjunction with the logics of space production and appropriation, spatial practices, representations of space and representational spaces. The qualitative survey with local government and stakeholders shows how the production of space applies “top-down” governance and captures visionary scenarios of reuse via temporary use. The quantitative survey with locals identifies weak social capital, which poses obstacles to urban development and community's acceptance of the reuse scenarios. We suggest new logics of space production, through participatory governance for the temporary use of the urban abandoned areas that could enhance social capital and sustainable development, exploiting the social dynamics.
... Analysts, civil society activists, real estate professionals, as well as individuals from the creative and cultural industries, and government regulators appear to share a consensus regarding its importance and positive impact (Department for Communities and Local Government [DCLG], 2009;London Assembly, 2013;Meanwhile Foundation, 2016;Portas, 2011). The temporary use of space is widely regarded as a critique of the existing order and a catalyst for change (Eberle et al., 2001;Haydn & Temel, 2006;Jovis, 2007;Oswalt et al., 2013), seen as a progressive force that empowers local communities and activists as active participants in urban transformation (Andres, 2013;Fabian & Samson, 2016;Langegger, 2014). It is commended for offering new development models and providing alternative experiences of places (Foster, 2014;Jodidio, 2011;Nemeth & Langhorst, 2014).This research concentrates on privately-owned spaces, distinguishing them from the temporary utilization of public spaces, which constitutes a related yet distinct process. ...
Although local intellectual property products have received support from both the government and private sectors, including increasing consumer interest in craft products, the residents of the Muang Kung community, Chiang Mai province, who produce handmade clay pottery with unique and distinctive shaping techniques and intricate patterns, still lack a market space to accommodate their products. Therefore, it is necessary to study the sustainable market format to help promote community products appropriately and stimulate tourism in this area. This research aims to achieve the following objectives (1) Study sustainable market pattern design principles suitable for community markets (2) Explore the potential capabilities and the local community’s requirements in market (3) Propose sustainable market design guideline to promote community products. This research primarily explores the sustainability value of a sustainable market within the field of retail design, employing qualitative research methods such as interviews, observational note-taking, photography, and comparative case study analysis. The on-site survey to determine the project's feasibility involved convening a community meeting with 50 residents to discuss findings. The outcomes of this gathering were then used in designing the temporary market. The findings present design guidelines that illustrate how markets continue to play important socio-economic roles in local communities, serving as key components that can be transformed to promote sustainable development. The proposed design practice guidelines encompass considerations such as site layout, the application of sustainable design principles, including the thoughtful selection of sustainable materials, the incorporation of flexible design, and the creation of participatory area experiences to attract people.
... Being activators and hence value-providers, temporary users are frank about the challenges and limitations they encounter (Martin et al. 2019). Counterpointing this, top-down strategic planning, by both state and private interersts, often instrumentalise temporary urbanism (Andres 2013;Colomb 2012;Mould 2014) and contribute (in)dvertent neoliberal and antagonistic responses to urban redevelopment. ...
There are ranges of development for temporary urbanism that progress along diverse trajectories. For these, collective forms of leadership are key. Dynamic forms of leadership and how they contribute to processes of temporary urbanism, however, are not yet well understood. We delineate possible trajectories of temporary initiatives and advance a framework for collective leadership built upon constellations of direction, alignment, and commitment. These inform how leadership could be collectively re-interpreted to extend beyond narrow considerations of roles, responsibilities, and leader-follower-outcome relationships. To ground new explanations for factors that enhance community capacity building through temporary uses, we draw on experiences from various case studies in Dortmund, Germany. These highlight key opportunities through which planners can enhance direction, alignment, and commitment to effective temporary use initiatives.
... Architects refer to place-making when they want to mark their departure from thinking in terms of master plans, infrastructural determinism and expert domain action in support of recognising the importance of communities in the production of space, the role of local diagnosis and consultation (see, for example, Rogerson et al., 2010;Chapman, 2011;Andres, 2013;Røe, 2014). Activists write about place-making to consider the city-forming potential of tactical urbanism: grassroots interventions directed at self-created playgrounds, meeting places, urban furniture, and other social devices. ...
The article critically discusses place-making, which is currently gaining attention in various disciplines of science and practice. Place-making is a concept with great potential to rebuild a multidisciplinary language to better identify and respond to the challenges of sustainable urbanisation. After briefly discussing the shift that the concept is provoking in the social sciences, about design, as well as politics and activism, the author points out the risks inherent in it and shows how they can be transcended by inscribing in place-making senses relating to, among other things, the multi-species urban community, hybrid spaces, verticality and transborderity of the contemporary city. The conclusion is a manifesto that points to place-making as an everyday attitude, a common concern for cities as shared space.
... In Western European cities, the trend of employing culture as the engine of urban regeneration has emerged in the early 1980s [14,15], being bars and clubs, and craftsmen [49,50]. The presence of temporary uses is beneficial for the brownfield owners, as it represents an interim solution preventing the property from degradation, devaluation and vandalism and reducing the management costs [51,52]. These uses also offer an alternative experience of a place [53,54]. ...
Utilizing culture as a tool for the regeneration of industrial brownfields represents a fairly new trend in post-socialist Europe. This topic has garnered some academic attention; however, studies primarily originate from EU member states, whereas the examples from non-EU cities remains largely unexplored. In addition, the literature dealing with the temporary creative use of derelict industrial sites in post-socialist cities is scarce. The case study-based paper contributes to filling these voids by investigating the creativity-driven informal activation of the Kineska Quarter in Novi Sad, the second largest city in Serbia and the European Capital of Culture for 2022, and its planned transformation into a creative district. The research aims are to examine the capacity of temporary uses to act as a hard infrastructure of the culture-led regeneration, identify the policy framework that shaped the project and highlight its shortcomings, detect potential sustainability issues, and examine how soft factors affect the use of hard infrastructure. The findings suggest that the redevelopment of a creative brownfield based on the simulation of bottom-up decision-making and hastily developed and blurry regeneration policies lead to uncertainty about its sustainability. They also suggest that post-socialist cities lacking experience in this field necessitate a context-perceptive, socially responsible, and locale-conscious approach to the (then sustainable) culture-led regeneration of spontaneously activated brownfields sites, which requires meaningful and not just pro forma involvement of non-institutional actors in the policy- and decision-making process.
... Altrock, 2012 andStevens &Dovey, 2018). Municipalities also have purview over "loose" or "disconnected" space (Franck and Stevens, 2006, p. 11; see also Andres, 2013), which they can make available for TU. Commonly, spaces for TU are made accesible in concert with affordable and flexible financing options that are otherwise not possible; this improved accessibility means that users can allocate resources for other needs whilst improving the durability of their experiments (Overdiek, 2018). ...
As Temporary Uses (TU) proliferate in praxis, scholarship intensifies its attention to TU contexts and conditions, too. Until now, much of this attention derives from single-case studies of TU with little awareness for the persistent, cross-case conditions that stabilise TU. This paper addresses this gap by assessing under what combination of the most common conditions TU stabilises in space and becomes fixed to a single location. These include entrepreneurial management, risk perceptiveness, adaptive capacity, interactive attachment, municipal support, spatial affordance, and functional compatibility. By drawing on empirical data collected between 2017 and 2019 from 40 different TU cases in the Bremen (DE) and Rotterdam (NL), as well as document analyses, we present and discuss the outcomes of a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fs-QCA). Our analysis prob-lematises and prioritises how entrepreneurial management and risk perceptiveness interact and contribute to the spatial stability of TU. Two sets of pathways of conjunctions are highlighted in this contribution. The first relates to entrepreneurial management that is empowered by municipal support in facilitating functional compatibility. The latter relates to risk perceptiveness along with adaptive capacity that can be incubated through spatial affordances. These pathways of stabilisation associate with synchronised trajectories of TU.
... Critics link its entrepreneurial agility to the deregulated planning regimes, boom-bust cycles, austerity policies and inequities of neoliberal urban development (Brenner 2015, Bragaglia and Rossignolo 2021, Tonkiss 2013. Avant-garde 'pop-up' urbanism can add value to private property and stimulate displacement and gentrification, while masking the failures of strategic planning and the decline of longterm state investment (Andres 2013, Colomb 2012, Kamvasinou 2015, Mould 2014). ...
... Participation and deliberation indeed prove to provide a real appeal to citizens, especially around projects regarding the city space and the lived environment (Andres 2013;Pradel-Miquel 2017). People are keen to interact with others outside of partisan structures and interest groups. ...
Studies on planning have traditionally exposed how institutional participation opposes informal modes of participation. But do activists have to choose between the two? Suggesting that there is a grey-zone, recent work has focused on the distinct paths that individuals take to engage in civic life. We argue that strategies that involves both civil society-led and traditional approaches may help defend planning options, especially for
those not considered in formal decision-making in local planning. In what ways can the interrelation of traditional and non-traditional modes of participation help bring forth new ideas? Building on a case study of urban activists tackling issues regarding cycling in Québec City (Québec, Canada), we observed how they connect planning with different modes of participation. Activists take part in the debate on urban planning through institutional platforms, demonstrating their desire to be recognized. Also, they take actions to increase the legitimacy of alternative modes of mobility.
... Podle některých autorů příliš silné plánování omezuje spontánnost a diverzitu podoby dočasného využití, které jsou jeho typickými prvky (Krivý, 2013). V případě náměstí Dr. E. Beneše jsou tyto nevýhody daní za větší orientaci na naplnění definovaných cílů (viz Andres, 2013), které mohou zkvalitnit prostor v centru Ostravy, a tím i život obyvatel. V tomto kontextu 4 roky nejsou málo. ...
Prázdné prostory působí na své okolí jako negativní externality a jejich charakter často neodpovídá potřebám místních obyvatel. Cíl této kapitoly je trojí: 1) odhalit jaké fyzické prvky a zásahy vedly k negativnímu vnímání a nedostatečnému využití prostoru obyvateli; 2) představit metody pro praxi plánování, jak prázdné prostory mohou být zkoumány na mikroúrovni. Konkrétně byly uplatněny metody pasportizace, nezúčastněného pozorování a dotazníkového šetření zahrnujícího vytvoření mentální mapy a sémantického diferenciálu; 3) navrhnout finančně nenáročný způsob dočasného využití, než bude samosprávou vytvořena dlouhodobá vize prostoru. Tato případová studie z Ostravy odhalila, že prázdný prostor může být obyvateli vnímán negativně i přes značný objektivní potenciál. V závěru byl rovněž zhodnocen dopad předchozích dočasných využití na atraktivitu prázdného prostoru pro obyvatele, přičemž bylo poukázáno na výhody a nevýhody různých přístupů k dočasnému využití.
... Uživatel platí majiteli nízký nájem nebo neplatí nájem žádný (Hentilä, Lindborg, 2003). Pro vlastníka nemovitosti je přítomnost dočasných uživatelů výhodná, protože působí preventivně proti vandalismu a současně údržba a využívání zabraňuje dalšímu chátrání (Andres, 2013). ...
Prázdné prostory představují problém pro udržitelný rozvoj jak upadajících, tak rostoucích měst. Prvním cílem kapitoly je představit politiky zaměřené na opětovné využití prázdných prostor využívané v anglosaských zemí, které mají s problematikou dlouholeté zkušenosti. V konkrétní rovině jsou diskutovány daňové nástroje, demolice, pozemkové banky a dočasné využití. Druhým cílem je na základě případové studie z Ostravy diskutovat možnosti a bariéry zavedení dočasného využití v Česku. Výsledky poukazují zejména na strukturální bariéry na úrovni státní správy, které znesnadňují efektivní zavedení dočasného využití na lokální úrovni. V závěru jsou na základě případové studie a zkušeností anglosaských měst diskutovány možnosti a limity dočasného využití a daňových nástrojů pro návrat prázdných prostor do života města.
... 222-223). This thinking continues to shape how we understand processes of temporary use as stages in the regeneration of brownfields (Andres 2013) or as taxonomies of practices and processes (Bragaglia and Caruso 2020;Lydon and Garcia 2015). It also uncovers second-order processes stemming from temporary use such as professionalization or collaboration (Moore-Cherry 2017; Ferreri 2019; Vivant 2020 see also Bishop and Williams 2012). ...
Considering the climbing interest to relate temporary uses with long-term change, this contribution explores how temporary uses demonstrate spatially detached stabilization (SDS) as well as the factors supporting this process. A rhythmanalytical approach helps reframe SDS temporally, while insights from existing research in the context of urban regeneration inform a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) accounting for seven different factors. The contribution analyses data collected from 40 cases in the cities of Bremen (DE) and Rotterdam (NL) to reveal that combinations of factors support the trajectories of SDS. These foreground spatial and functional concerns and invite further inquiry.
This study explores the role of participation in achieving social sustainability in urban environments. As uncertainties about the future grow, the need for methods that ensure the representation of diverse stakeholders becomes essential. The Participatory A’WOT-TOPSIS Method is introduced as an effective approach for managing multi-actor and multi-decision-making processes. This Multi-Criteria Decision-Making (MCDM) method combines SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, Threats) analysis with the Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) and the Technique for Order Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS). An empirical application was conducted to assess various urban scenarios through a strategic planning process involving five distinct stakeholder groups. Using an inductive approach, one of three scenarios was selected. Findings demonstrate that the proposed method enhances transparency, ensures objectivity, reduces inconsistencies in stakeholder decision-making, and promotes collaborative representation. However, increasing the number of decision-makers and decisions may lead to greater workload and time demands for those implementing the method. This approach lays the groundwork for future research incorporating elements like representation, belonging, and identity into participatory processes to foster social sustainability in urban areas.
This study seeks to understand the working dynamics through which Greater Amman Municipality (GAM) responds to the challenges of protracted displacement in the city, focusing particularly on the concept of “tactical urbanism” (TU) as a tool and framework. This could be broadly useful to key actors in reconsidering response strategies, strengthening the role of local administrations. The research adopted a qualitative data collection and analysis framework via participatory forums and key informant interviews, steered by guiding research questions. Findings reveal the presence of interconnected multi-scale limitations, opportunities and roles that determine GAM’s response towards displacement and constrain its ability to act within a comprehensive planning rationale. Instead, GAM is driven towards TU as an alternative approach that mitigates these determinants and offers a means for more responsive, constructive action. It is argued that TU affords a more agile response towards displacement, enhancing community engagement, innovation, resilience and identity.
Community gardens are community-led initiatives, where food production can be used as a tool to foster socially inclusive spaces in a neighbourhood. In London, there is a growing interest towards the positive influences they contribute to catchment areas. However, they suffer from a two-fold problem as they are often built on derelict or vacant pockets of land and are generally developed without the necessary planning and well-conceived design. In addition, their targeted contributions to their surroundings are not yet fully valued by planners hence, they tend to be regarded as a temporary utilisation of space, which limits the extent of support and funding they should ideally attract. This projects sheds light on the impacts that community gardens have on their respective surroundings in terms of physical fabric and potential users, particularly in achieving social inclusion goals. This will be coupled with an analysis of existing community gardens in London, to evaluate the factors that lead to their success. The findings are used to develop a two-layered tool kit, which explores the ideal management and design principles stakeholders can apply during the development of community gardens to further support their success, long term resilience and sustainability.
In Japan, shrinking densely built-up cities face the dual issue of lacking open spaces and increasing underutilized lands, such as vacant lots, lots with vacant houses, and parking lots. These unused land patches can be temporarily repurposed as open spaces for evacuation and recreation. However, identifying such clump is methodologically challenging. To address this issue, lot geometry is utilized. The study thus aims to investigate the frequency and size of contiguous underutilized lands, called the contiguity of underutilized lands, at a specific time point and under their temporary uses. A densely built-up area in Kobe city, Japan, was selected for the empirical case study. A comparison with simulation results shows that the observed static contiguity of underutilized lands tends to be more substantial than a uniformly random distribution. It shows a certain feasibility of a temporary use policy conducted in the case site. Specifically, when considering the temporary uses of underutilized lands, the maximum area of contiguous temporary open spaces is 583 m ² , meeting the area requirement for a redevelopment project in Kobe. Utilizing parking lots can further extend the maximum area up to 945 m ² . Nevertheless, policy makers need to promote the joint development of privately owned lots facing a wide roadway, as these are unlikely to become temporary open spaces. This study contributes not only to providing new methods for land use change simulation using lot geometry to analyse the contiguity of underutilized lands under their temporariness but also to demonstrating the feasibility and limitations of a temporary use policy.
Urban environments profoundly shape human life, yet rapid urbanization often overlooks social challenges, hindering the development of cohesive communities. To address these challenges, contemporary practices are embracing participatory design approaches globally, resulting in a growing trend towards temporary urban design interventions (TUDIs) that catalyze shifts in how people interact with cities. While scholarly research explores the relationship between participation and social change, it offers significant potential for raising questions about such connection: Where do TUDIs fall on the spectrum of public participation? How would a comprehensive framework be formulated to evaluate such interventions regarding public participation and social change? What are the design processes and design outcomes of these interventions? This study examines the relationship between participation and social change in the context of TUDIs, via a meta analysis of the literature and practice, to devise a methodological framework that integrates a variety of components involved in urban
design projects worldwide. The framework informs urban design theory and practice about TUDIs through the lens of participation, while simultaneously underlining their value as a strategic tool for socially integrated cities.
The ubiquity of automobiles has made it so that a considerable amount of space is devoted to them in cities. In the past, urban scholars considered these car-dedicated spaces to be ‘non-places’ that hindered place attachment and social life in cities. This article investigates new place-making efforts in these spaces by examining the documentary film Life on Wheels that offers alternatives. Within the ‘new mobility paradigm’, social space is considered an assemblage of social interactions, objects (e.g. technologies), geographical locations, emplacements and communication networks. Through the analysis of the film, this article investigates the social opportunities and challenges that driverless cars may bring to the urban space. More specifically, in this article, the film shows that the technoscape of driverless cars can direct the city towards a shift in socio-spatial urban design and planning. A profound analytical reading illuminates the need for further social development of this technology. While the technoscape of driverless cars in the current state is in its infancy, its produced social space is yet to be scrutinized; However, at this stage of technology development, the film shows that the driverless environment can help us work towards a new way of understanding mobility spaces and their socio-technological characteristics. This article identifies the social urbanism in car-dedicated spaces projected in films and how this social urbanism can be attainable via new technologies or a transformational shift in mobility.
This paper deals with how COVID-19 influenced urban governance and planning processes, focusing on innovations compared to pre-pandemic modes of designing, building, and living in French intermediate cities. COVID-19 cycling urbanism is analyzed from the perspective of stakeholders, planning and design approaches, participation practices, and spatial features. The paper examines how lasting the urban responses are, as well as the innovations designed to cope with the health crisis and their possible impacts on the post-pandemic future, as “new normal” practices in city-making. As a case study, we picked the urban agglomeration of Mulhouse in France, which was heavily impacted by COVID-19 during the first lockdown in 2020. As cities around the world experimented with social and physical distancing measures, more or less temporary urban and public space transformations, were implemented in record time, to support active mobility modes in Mulhouse. This fast and relatively low-cost mode of action, often described as “tactical urbanism”, invites studies of intermediate cities like Mulhouse where mobility—which is still car-dominated—is a major sustainability and resilience issue. The paper draws on field work, document analysis, bibliographic monitoring, and interviews with local actors. Ultimately, it asks to what extent the experience of pandemic urbanism can serve to catalyze long-term change for city-making. Is the COVID-19 experience an isolated event strictly related to the health crisis, or a lever for a more profound renewal of the post-pandemic city project, in the face of the global ecological crisis?KeywordsMobilityTactical urbanismTemporary designCOVID-19 pandemicIntermediate city
Belgrade maintient, en 2015, la plupart des ruines du bombardement de l’OTAN de 1999. Ces anciens hauts lieux sont désormais symboles du démantèlement de la Yougoslavie. Dans un contexte où la ville tend à changer d’image, ils sont appelés à disparaître. Certains subsistent toutefois, pris entre un passé contradictoire et un avenir incertain. Ces lieux en perte de sens sont désormais marqués par une attente qui pourrait s’avérer aussi créatrice que stérile. Ce sont des lieux de l’en-attendant. Pour penser ces lieux importants de l’espace post-yougoslave, nous aborderons le cas du Generalštab, monument culturel et figure de proue du Belgrade bombardé
Communitech and the dynamics of innovation commons within a collaborative space
This article analyzes the dynamics of innovation that emerges and develops in certain emblematic collaborative spaces that are at the origin of the formation of real innovation ecosystems. The study focuses on the case of Communitech Hub in Waterloo (Ontario) which is at the origin of the formation of a successful entrepreneurial ecosystem. The results highlight certain common features between these collaborative spaces, namely: the innovation dynamic in these spaces is orchestrated by bottom-up initiatives led by informal groups of individuals (“commoners”) who articulate a series of “commons of innovation” to develop their collaborative innovative project. According to our observations, the dynamics of innovation in collaborative spaces results from the following sequence of commons: 1) social commons 2) symbolic commons, and 3) knowledge commons. Initially, commoners emerge as an active group of a professional community and contribute to the formation and maintenance of a social common based on the openness and cross-fertilization of a network of professionals; then, the commoners get involved as the central core of an “epistemic community” that develops a shared vision and creates a collaborative space to develop their innovation objective; once the collaborative space is working, the commoners set up various communities to share, preserve and enrich a certain number of “knowledge commons”. Each of these commons corresponds to a governance mechanism for collective action on a specific common resource which is a key determinant of the innovative project.
The purpose of this article is to theorise space in a way that resonates with democracy. It develops a radical understanding of democracy, as an affirmative project undertaken by people to directly manage their affairs themselves. To theorise space, the article takes up Henri Lefebvre’s concept of ‘differential space’, which it conceives as an autonomous force that produces itself through the operation of desire. This self-production, Lefebvre argues, takes place in and through everyday acts of survival of those who inhabit space. The article then situates this abstract discussion of space, again following Lefebvre, in the context of ongoing worldwide urbanisation. The urban, Lefebvre argues, has agglomerated not only capitalist productive power but also the differences that exist outside of capitalist logic, and so it is where we should be looking for revolutionary difference in the world today. Taking all these insights together, we can see the project of democracy as an affirmative project undertaken by people to directly manage the production of urban space themselves. Lastly, the article argues that the project of democracy must extend beyond Lefebvre’s thought. It thinks through one example, which is the question of the ‘we’ of democracy. It argues that to properly understand the question of difference in democratic community, we are very well served in turning to the work of Judith Butler.
The forces that drove the birth of Kwun Tong new town in Hong Kong are not comprehensively understood. Previous historical narratives have magnified the impact of industrialization or laissez-faire liberalism. This article looks at the formation of Kwun Tong new town from the perspective of migration and employment, and reveals that employment acted as a catalyst to resettlement. The production of space theory and investigation of British colonial archival documents, proposal maps, and aerial photographs reveal that new town planning unfolded relative to spatial coding in Ngau Tau Kok and urban practice in Shek Kip Mei, showing historical continuity. The social and political dynamics of immigrants and how they interactively influenced the built-environment and resettlement are highlighted in this article. Under morphological analysis, critical changes in urban form provide other angles from which to understand how the new town was shaped. In addition, morphological analysis provides a spatial dialectics, filling the research gap of town planning in Hong Kong in the 1950s.
Palabras clave/ Geografía urbana, espacios vacantes, antropología urbana, gentrificación. Keywords/ Urban geography, vacant lots, urban anthropology, gentrification. Recepción/ 1 de agosto 2020 Aceptación/ 7 de diciembre 2020 RESUMEN/ Esta investigación se concentra en la trayectoria de abandono de una vieja fábrica en el barrio Franklin, Santiago, Chile. El estudio establece una cronología de los usos posindustriales hospedados por el edificio: de lo informal a lo formal. Los edificios son entendidos como objetos procesuales, constantemente reconfigurados por sus usos y significaciones, a pesar de su inmovilidad topográfica. El artículo analiza dos dimensiones cruciales para entender la trayectoria de producción del inmueble: tiempo de ocupación y reconocimiento de la formalidad de esta. Lo anterior, evidenciando cómo la utilización de los edificios bajo la idea de "espacios interinos" aparece como una forma de administración de los procesos de renovación urbana. ABSTRACT/ This research is focused on the abandonment trajectory followed by an old factory building in the Franklin district, Santiago, Chile. The study establishes a timeline of the building's postindustrial uses, from informality to formality. Buildings are understood as process-related objects that are constantly being rearranged based on their uses and meanings, in spite of their topographic stillness. The article discusses two critical dimensions to understand the building's production trajectory: Occupation time and acknowledgement of its formality. The former is achieved by displaying how the use of buildings under the notion of "interim spaces" appears as a way of managing urban renewal processes. INTRODUCCIÓN12 El abandono y la destrucción de inmuebles y materia pareciera ser parte del ethos moderno del ambiente construido (González-Ruibal 2008; Henneberry 2017). La ruinificación se establece como un lugar común en los paisajes urbanos (Brito-Henriques 2017), pero no son las ruinas ni de la guerra ni de los viejos castillos o edificaciones rurales, al 1 Investigación que reúne resultados del trabajo desarrollado para la tesis de Magíster en Antropologías Latinoamericanas de la Universidad Alberto Hurtado, Chile, en el marco del Proyecto FONDECYT N°1180352 Ruinas urbanas. Réplicas de memoria en ciudades latinoamericanas Santiago, Quito y Bogotá. 2 Agradecimientos a Gabriel Maulén por las ilustraciones del artículo y las discusiones sobre el mismo. También a Lona Burger y a Alexandra Silva, ambas por elementos de redacción y traducciones desde el inglés. contrario, son ruinas urbanas (Edensor 2005) o nuevas ruinas (Martin 2014), resultado de procesos de desindustrialización o crisis financieras del mercado inmobiliario. O'Callaghan et al. (2018), entiende estos eventos como "desperdicio" o "sobras" del capital: "Sin embargo, este "desperdicio" es comúnmente recapturado por el capital una vez que ha sido identificado un nuevo valor" (O'Callaghan et al. 2018: 7). Esto permite entender cómo las ruinas son reutilizadas en formas especulativas por gobiernos locales y actores financieros. De igual manera, estos "desperdicios", al menos durante los últimos 50 años en Europa, tienen una trayectoria de reutilización a partir de movimientos contraculturales que producen alternativas de ciudad diferentes a la relación entre renta Informally functional: Interim spaces and urban renewal in Franklin, Santiago
This article is an illustration on how the people of Amman have created temporary urban spaces as a means of coping with COVID-19 restrictions, particularly how they have appropriated spaces in the city normally not used as public spaces to socialize and find refuge outside their homes. The first section explores the lens of temporary urbanism across the Global North–South as an entry point to explore COVID-19 temporary spaces. The second turns to the context of Amman: first, by relating temporary urbanism to a wider understanding of it as a culturally permanent phenomenon and then by moving to a more speci fic understanding of the phenomenon. This is followed by three case studies of temporary spaces used during the pandemic in Amman: a parking space; sections of the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) lane; and a vacant plot of land. The discussion and concluding sections place the narratives of the temporary spaces of Amman/Global South and Global North in juxtaposition and point to the need to rethink planning practices.
The purpose of this article is to expose the concept of collaborative planning to the reality of planning, thereby assessing its efficacy for informing and explaining what planners `really' do and can do. In this systematic appraisal, we begin by disaggregating collaborative planning into four elements that can enlighten such conceptual frameworks: ontology, epistemology, ideology and methodology. These four lenses help delimit and clarify the object of our examination and provide transparent criteria that guide our examination of collaborative planning's strengths and weaknesses. The second part of this article comprises an empirical investigation of planning processes in Northern Ireland, ranging from region-wide to local and from statutory to visionary. Planning efforts in this province make suitable test cases because special care has been invested in participatory deliberation processes to compensate for the democratic deficits in its mainstream political system. Such efforts have sought to ensure a maximally inclusive planning process. And indeed, the consultation process leading to the Regional Development Strategy, for example, has earned plaudits from leading exponents of collaborative planning. The final analysis provides a systematic gauge of collaborative planning in light of our empirical evidence, deploying the four conceptual dimensions introduced in the first part. This exposes a range of problems not only with the concept itself but also regarding its affinity with the uncollaborative world within which it has to operate. The former shed light on those aspects where collaborative planning as a conceptual tool for practitioners needs to be renovated, while the latter highlight inconsistencies in a political framework that struggles to accommodate both global competitiveness and local democratic collaboration.
The gentrification literature since the mid-1990s is reappraised in light of the emergence of processes of post-recession gentrification and in the face of recent British and American urban policy statements that tout gentrification as the cure-all for inner-city ills. Some tentative suggestions are offered on how we might re-energize the gentrification debate. Although real analytical progress has been made there are still 'wrinkles' which research into the 'geography' of gentrification could address: 1) financifiers - super-gentrification; 2) third-world immigration - the global city; 3) black/ethnic minority gentrification - race and gentrification; and 4) liveability/urban policy - discourse on gentrification. In addition, context, temporality and methodology are argued to be important issues in an updated and rigorous deconstruction of not only the process of gentrification itself but also discourses on gentrification.
This paper is an empirical examination of the process of 'super-gentrification' in the Brooklyn Heights neighbourhood of New York City. This intensified regentrification is happening in a few select areas of global cities like London and New York that have become the focus of intense investment and conspicuous consumption by a new generation of super-rich 'financifiers' fed by fortunes from the global finance and corporate service industries. This latest resurgence of gentrification can be distinguished from previous rounds of revitalisation and poses important questions about the historical continuity of current manifestations of gentrification with previous generations of neighbourhood change.
This paper develops the concept of ‘cultural brownfields’ and discusses how organic cultural projects developed in derelict sites have been progressively included in mainstream cultural and urban planning strategies and policies over the last 10 years. To do so the paper assesses the transformation of three mature cultural brownfields in Berlin, Marseille and Lausanne and their distinctive internal and external dynamics. It develops a typology of cultural brownfields which stresses the diverse nature of these spaces and their differential role in cultural and urban planning policies. The paper concludes by highlighting a series of policy lessons for urban planning and cultural strategies.
Drawing upon the work of Bourdieu, Foucault and Fairclough, this paper focuses on the discursive construction of partnership and empowerment in the official discourse of contemporary British urban regeneration. The paper argues that partnership and empowerment are not neutral terms but are discursive constructs, the meaning assigned to these terms is thus the result of the exercise of power, which in turn has a crucial role in structuring the discursive context within which urban regeneration partnerships operate. The paper's emphasis on official discourse constructs a top-down view of the regeneration process and the community's role in that process. These issues are investigated through a narrative which focuses on a key official document, Involving Communities in Urban and Rural Regeneration, providing guidance on community participation in urban regeneration partnerships. The paper concludes that the operation of these discursive constructs in urban regeneration reinforces existing social relations
The Soviet Union's collapse brought economic uncertainty to many Ukrainians. Approximately 20 percent of the population, 10 million people, currently survive on incomes below the state-set subsistence minimum figure. Given the unrealistic nature of this state-produced definition, "poverty" levels are in reality much higher. A distinctive feature of this marginalization is its longevity, as seventeen years since the dismantling of the command economy relatively few feel the benefits of marketization. As Burawoy (2001) noted, the very fact that few people have starved to death during this period indicates that other economic practices must be in operation to ensure households survive. Therefore, there is a need to explore how people (re)structure their everyday lives in response to economic marginalization. Revealing such practices demonstrates the multiplicity of forms that economic marginalization can take, the relationships between formal and informal economies, the exploitation of marginalized groups, new spaces of resistance, and the potential impact of state reforms. Although there is an emerging literature qualitatively exploring the coping tactics developed as in response to economic marginalization, there has been little qualitative examination of the role that domestically produced food plays within this broad spectrum of practices. This article begins to fill this lacuna by exploring the various roles that the dacha, a plot of rural land given to households during the Soviet period, plays in everyday life.
This paper is an empirical examination of the process of 'super-gentrification' in the Brooklyn Heights neighbourhood of New York City. This intensified regentrification is happening in a few select areas of global cities like London and New York that have become the focus of intense investment and conspicuous consumption by a new generation of super-rich 'financifiers' fed by fortunes from the global finance and corporate service industries. This latest resurgence of gentrification can be distinguished from previous rounds of revitalisation and poses important questions about the historical continuity of current manifestations of gentrification with previous generations of neighbourhood change.
Community involvement in the fields of town planning and urban regeneration includes a wide range of opportunities for residents and service users to engage with networks, partnerships and centres of power. Both the terminology and degree of the transfer of power to citizens varies in different policy areas and contexts, but five core objectives can be identified. This article approaches the subject of community empowerment by exploring the theoretical literature; reviewing recent policy pronouncements relating to community involvement in England and by discussing a recent case study of an Urban II project in London. The conclusions suggest that community empowerment is always likely to be partial and contingent on local circumstances and the wider context.
Utilising de Certeau's concepts of daily life and his delineation between strategies and tactics as everyday practices this paper examines the role of informal economies in post-Ukraine. Based on 700 household surveys and seventy-five in-depth interviews, conducted in three Ukrainian cities, the paper argues that individuals/households have developed a wide range of tactics in response to the economic marginalisation the country has endured since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Firstly, the paper details the importance of informal economies in contemporary Ukraine while highlighting that many such practices are operated out of necessity due to low wage and pension rates and high levels of corruption. This challenges state-produced statistics on the scale of economic marginalisation currently experienced in the country. By exploring a variety of these tactics the paper then examines how unequal power relations shape the spaces in which these practices operate in and how they can be simultaneously sites of exploitation and resistance to economic marginalisation. The paper concludes pessimistically by suggesting that the way in which these economic spaces are shaped precludes the development of state policies which might benefit the economically marginalised.
Over the past few decades, a new form of governance has emerged to replace adversarial and managerial modes of policy making and implementation. Collaborative governance, as it has come to be known, brings public and private stakeholders together in collective forums with public agencies to engage in consensus-oriented decision making. In this article, we conduct a meta-analytical study of the existing literature on collaborative governance with the goal of elaborating a contingency model of collaborative governance. After reviewing 137 cases of collaborative governance across a range of policy sectors, we identify critical variables that will influence whether or not this mode of governance will produce successful collaboration. These variables include the prior history of conflict or cooperation, the incentives for stakeholders to participate, power and resources imbalances, leadership, and institutional design. We also identify a series of factors that are crucial within the collaborative process itself. These factors include face-to-face dialogue, trust building, and the development of commitment and shared understanding. We found that a virtuous cycle of collaboration tends to develop when collaborative forums focus on “small wins” that deepen trust, commitment, and shared understanding. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of our contingency model for practitioners and for future research on collaborative governance.
The role of art and the artist has played a part in both of the main long-established theories of gentrification, looking respectively at 'culture’ and 'capital’ as key drivers. Cultural analyses of gentrification have identified the individual artist as an important agent in the initiation of gentrification processes in old working-class neighbourhoods. Alternative theorizations have recognized a second stage where capital follows the artist into gentrified localities, commodifying its cultural assets and displacing original artists/gentrifiers. The paper will argue that more recently a third key model of gentrification can be recognized where the main driver of gentrification is 'public policy’ which seeks to use 'positive’ gentrification as an engine of urban renaissance. This involves the use of public art and cultural facilities as a promoter of regeneration and associated gentrification. This will be examined in relation to the arts-led regeneration strategy adopted in Gateshead in north-east England and critique whether the linking of art, regeneration and gentrification as public policy can be extended beyond the usual 'Docklands’-style localities of urban renaissance. In particular, it will consider whether this might play a role in the transformation of unpopular and stigmatized urban neighbourhoods and the renewal of urban housing markets.
In this article the opportunity structures of New York City and Amsterdam for organized squatting are compared. New York City knew two distinct squatting waves, with an intermission of several years. The literature on US urban movements predicts transformation through cooptation and repression. Only the first wave, in which housing activists used squatting as a tactic, fits this prediction. The second wave of squatting in New York City, and squatting in Amsterdam in general, escaped cooptation because they involved a squatters' movement proper, in which squatting was not only a tactic but also central to its existence. Compared to Amsterdam, squatting in New York was hampered by technical difficulties and political isolation. Stricter protection of private property made New York squatters restrict themselves to publicly-owned abandoned buildings. Turf conflicts tended to develop on the neighbourhood level when these buildings were later claimed for the development of low-income housing. In Amsterdam this type of conflict was rare because of the broad support for low-income (re)development. Instead, Amsterdam saw citywide protest directed at the real estate sector and municipal authorities.
Since the classic work of Castells (1972), the 'urban question' has been a focal point for debate among critical urban researchers. Against the background of contemporary debates on globalization and urban restructuring, this article argues that the urban question is currently being redefined as a scale question. The first part of the essay reconstructs the diverse scalar assumptions that were implicit within earlier rounds of debate on the urban question and argues that, since the early 1990s, urban researchers have confronted questions of scale with an unprecedented methodological self-reflexivity. Under contemporary conditions of 'glocalization', urban scholars are systematically rethinking the relations between urban spaces and supraurban processes of capital accumulation, political regulation and social struggle. The second part of the article explores the urban question as a scale question through the lens of Henri Lefebvre's writings on space, scale and state power. The author argues that three aspects of Lefebvre's work are particularly relevant to the task of reconceptualizing the urban question as a scale question in the current period: (1) his notion of an 'implosion-explosion' of urbanization; (2) his theorization of state spatiality; and (3) his analysis of the politics of scale. The urban remains a fundamental arena of capitalist spatiality, but its social, political and economic dynamics hinge increasingly upon its relations to a wide range of supraurban geographical scales. Lefebvre's approach to sociospatial theory provides a particularly useful source of methodological insights for decoding the scalar dimensions of the urban question in the current era of global, national and local restructuring.
Much of the empirical research on urban sprawl has been carried out in North America and most theoretical studies on this problem have been concerned with expanding urban areas. This study differs, firstly in that it is concerned with sprawl in two European cities, Liverpool in England and Leipzig in Germany, and secondly because both these cities are in decline. This presents an opportunity to explore whether the process of urban sprawl is somehow specific in a situation of urban decline and what its outcomes might be for both urban form and urban policy.
Andres L. and Chapain C. The integration of cultural and creative industries into local and regional development strategies in Birmingham and Marseille: towards an inclusive and collaborative governance?, Regional Studies. This paper explores the nature of the integration mechanisms of cultural and creative industries (CCI) into local and regional strategies and policies in Birmingham (UK) and Marseille (France) over the last thirty years. Using the typology developed by Smith and Warfield in 2008 with regard to CCI local policies and drawing on the collaborative governance model of Ansell and Gash in 2007, the paper compares the private CCI actors involved in local policies based on culture-centric versus econo-centric approaches. It demonstrates that the culture-centric approach is more exclusive than the econo-centric approach, and tends to lead to restrictive governance arrangements.
The reappropriation of derelict spaces by informal actors can be considered as a paradox for those responsible for urban policy and planning. On one hand, this reinvestment brings about a reterritorialisation and a re-evaluation of such no man’s lands. On the other hand, an accumulating succession of different reconversion strategies impacts upon the planning agenda. The analysis of derelict urban spaces allows us both to better apprehend processes of mutation in contemporary urban contexts and to analyse the coalitions of actors which result from them. The paper discusses this phenomenon, illustrated by the recent history of an industrial district, Berriat (Grenoble).
What factors lay behind the rehabilitation of central city districts across the world? Set against the contexts of international transformations in a post-industrial postmodern society, this book examines the creation and self-creation of a new middle class of professional and managerial workers associated with the process of gentrification. These are amongst the privileged members in the growing polarisation of urban society. The book examines their impact on central housing markets, retailing and leisure spaces in the inner city. Taking as its focus six large canadian cities, the author identifies a distinctive cultural new class of urbane social and cultural professionals inspired in part by the critical youth movements of the 1960s for whom old inner city neighbourhoods served as oppositional sites to assail the boureois suburbs. The study looks at their close links with reform movements, neighbourhood activism and a welfare state that often provided their employment, in a progressive aesthetisation of central city spaces since the 1980s. The New Middle Class and the Remaking of the Central City offers the first detailed and comparitive study of gentrification which locates the phenomenon in broader historical and theoretical contexts.
This paper discusses the phenomenon of 'informal actors' influencing the agenda of urban planning and urban politics by means of temporary reappropriation and animation of 'indeterminate' spaces. The latter are spaces left out of 'time and place' with regard to their urban surroundings, mainly as a consequence of rampant deindustrialisation processes and the 'shrinking' city. The unclear and undetermined status of these urban 'no-man's-lands' may allow for the emergence of a non-planned, spontaneous 'urbanity'. This intervention may be based on different motives: marginal lifestyles, informal economies, artistic experimentation, a deliberately open transformation of public space allowing for equal access and equal representation or a high degree of social and cultural inclusion. These expressions of the 'lived' city at present constitute a pronounced paradox for established city planning and urban politics. Institutionalised stakeholders may occasionally appreciate their presence for their inherent potential to enhance attractiveness of and revitalisation of certain parts of the city. On the other hand, these sites and the actors involved also spatialise and visualise a resistance and temporary alternative to the institutionalised domain and the dominant principles of urban development. Urban restructuring in the post-Fordist city, foremost in the development of inner-city areas, is increasingly focused on a unidimensional logic of commodification, monofunctionality and control. Thus, the complex qualities of animated 'indeterminate' spaces are difficult to incorporate into planning procedures. They often become threatened in their existence and pushed to the margins. Nevertheless, the urban conflict around these sites and the appearance of 'non-planned' planners on the urban scene, may decisively alter the urban agenda and set the themes for further development, which takes their positive economic and social function and their key role in sustaining and renewing urban cultures into account. The paper discusses this phenomenon, illustrated with an account of three case studies in the cities of Helsinki, Berlin and Brussels. The comparative dimension allows for a subsequent discussion focusing on elaborating the conditions of 'success' for informal actors in urban development processes. The predominant question then is how these new forms of urbanism can be given a place in city planning in order to pay more justice to the social and cultural complexity that constitutes contemporary urbanity.
Gentrification involves the transition of inner-city neighbourhoods from a status of relative poverty and limited property investment to a state of commodification and reinvestment. This paper reconsiders the role of artists as agents, and aestheticisation as a process, in contributing to gentrification, an argument illustrated with empirical data from Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver. Because some poverty neighbourhoods may be candidates for occupation by artists, who value their afford ability and mundane, off-centre status, the study also considers the movement of districts from a position of high cultural capital and low economic capital to a position of steadily rising economic capital. The paper makes extensive use of Bourdieu's conceptualisation of the field of cultural production, including his discussion of the uneasy relations of economic and cultural capitals, the power of the aesthetic disposition to valorise the mundane and the appropriation of cultural capital by market forces. Bourdieu's thinking is extended to the field of gentrification in an account that interprets the enhanced valuation of cultural capital since the 1960s, encouraging spatial proximity by other professionals to the inner-city habitus of the artist. This approach offers some reconciliation to theoretical debates in the gentrification literature about the roles of structure and agency and economic and cultural explanations. It also casts a more critical historical perspective on current writing lauding the rise of the cultural economy and the creative city.
My aim in this paper is to find an understanding of the concept of space which could be used in urban design, but which could also be shared by others with an interest in space. Social scientists, geographers, architects, urban planners, and designers use the term space in their academic and professional involvement with the city. But when they meet each other their discourse seems to be handicapped partly because of a difference in their usage and understanding of the concept of space. I will argue that to arrive at a common platform in which a meaningful communication can become possible, we need to confront such fragmentation by moving towards a more unified concept of space. I will argue for a concept of space which would refer to our objective, physical space with its social and psychological dimensions, a dynamic conception which accommodates at the same time constant change and embeddedness, and that can only be understood in monitoring the way space is being made and remade, at the intersection of the development processes and everyday life.
1. Introduction. Making urban nightscapes Part I - Understanding Nightlife Processes and Spaces, Producing, Regulating and Consuming Urban Nightscapes 2. Producing nightlife: Corporatisation, branding and market segmentation in the urban entertainment economy 3. Regulating nightlife: Profit, fun and (dis)order 4. Consuming nightlife: Youth cultural identities, transitions and lifestyle divisions Part II - Urban Nightlife Stories. Experiencing Mainstream, Residual and Alternative Spaces 5. Pleasure, profit and youth in the corporate playground: Branding and gentrification in mainstream nightlife 6. Selling nightlife in studentland 7. Sexing the mainstream: Young women and gay cultures in the night 8. Residual Youth Nightlife: Community, tradition and social exclusion 9. 'You've gotta fight for your right to party'. Alternative nightlife on the margins 10. Nightlife visions. Beyond the corporate nightlife machine
This paper explores emerging forms for the system and practice of British planning, set in the context of managing conflicts over the use and development of land, and promoting particular qualities of places. In some periods, these two purposes came together, at other times, they drifted apart. Economic, environmental, social and political pressures in the 1990s encourage reintegration. This presents a demanding challenge requiring both the invention of new ways of working and changes in the formal arrangements of the planning system. It promises a more sustainable approach to addressing contemporary concerns with qualities of place in a 'stakeholder society'.
In privatised public spaces where people mill around and cross over one another's paths in largely unforeseen ways, one could be forgiven for thinking that power is largely about guards and gates or that it is present through surveillance techniques. This paper puts forward a rather different view of power in public spaces that highlights its unmarked presence. It argues that closure in some of the more recent privatised public spaces is achieved in decidedly modest ways through a logic of seduction. Using the example of a privatised public space at the heart of Berlin's Potsdamer Platz redevelopment, it is suggested that the layout and design of the complex represent a seductive presence that effectively closes down options, enticing visitors to circulate and interact in ways that they might not otherwise have chosen. The suggestive practices, experiences and spaces are laid out for temptation in such a way that closure is achieved by degree, through inclusion rather than exclusion. Power in this instance works through the ambient qualities of the space, where the experience of it is itself the expression of power.
This article reviews the influence of U.S. pragmatist philosophy on the development of theories about the nature, purpose, and method of planning. It outlines the key contributions of the pragmatist and “neo-pragmatist” philosophers and identifies the influence of pragmatism on early concepts of planning as a rational process; on the perspectives of Friedmann, Lindblom, and Schon; on the development of Forester's “critical pragmatism”; and on other planning theory contributions in the 1980s and 1990s. The article concludes by identifying the importance of pragmatist ideas in emphasizing the dimensions of planning as a practically situated, social learning activity, which should draw on the full range of human capacities and promote the ability for critical, transformative systemic framing work in the public sphere.
This paper uses several events in New York in the late 1990s to launch two central arguments about the changing relationship between neoliberal urbanism and so–called globalization. First, much as the neoliberal state becomes a consummate agent of—rather than a regulator of—the market, the new revanchist urbanism that replaces liberal urban policy in cities of the advanced capitalist world increasingly expresses the impulses of capitalist production rather than social reproduction. As globalization bespeaks a rescaling of the global, the scale of the urban is recast. The true global cities may be the rapidly growing metropolitan economies of Asia, Latin America, and (to a lesser extent) Africa, as much as the command centers of Europe, North America and Japan. Second, the process of gentrification, which initially emerged as a sporadic, quaint, and local anomaly in the housing markets of some command–center cities, is now thoroughly generalized as an urban strategy that takes over from liberal urban policy. No longer isolated or restricted to Europe, North America, or Oceania, the impulse behind gentrification is now generalized; its incidence is global, and it is densely connected into the circuits of global capital and cultural circulation. What connects these two arguments is the shift from an urban scale defined according to the conditions of social reproduction to one in which the investment of productive capital holds definitive precedence.
In this incisive book, Michel de Certeau considers the uses to which social representation and modes of social behavior are put by individuals and groups, describing the tactics available to the common man for reclaiming his own autonomy from the all-pervasive forces of commerce, politics, and culture. In exploring the public meaning of ingeniously defended private meanings, de Certeau draws brilliantly on an immense theoretical literature to speak of an apposite use of imaginative literature.
This paper discusses the role played by the cultural regeneration of a tobacco factory known as La Friche in the urban renaissance of Marseille. It builds an analytical framework to decrypt the extent to which the network and strategy building, the mobilization capacity and the project-making ability was developed in the two main episodes of governance by the cultural intermediaries Système Friche Théâtre (the collective in charge of the cultural initiative). This led to the rise of La Friche as one of the key cultural facilities in Marseille within the project Euroméditerranée and in the successful application to the 2013 European Capital of Culture schemes highlighting the sustainable development of this initiative initially supposed to be temporary.
Gentrification has changed in ways that are related to larger economic and political restructuring. Among these changes is the return of heavy state intervention in the process. This paper explores heightened state involvement in gentrification by examining the process in three New York City neighbourhoods: Clinton, Long Island City, and DUMBO (Down Under the Manhattan Bridge Overpass). We argue that state intervention has returned for three key reasons. First, continued devolution of federal states has placed even more pressure on local states to actively pursue redevelopment and gentrification as ways of generating tax revenue. Second, the diffusion of gentrification into more remote portions of the urban landscape poses profit risks that are beyond the capacity of individual capitalists to manage. Third, the larger shift towards post–Keynesian governance has unhinged the state from the project of social reproduction and as such, measures to protect the working class are more easily contested.
This paper focuses on the relationship between place and individualised creativity in micro and small enterprises within the creative industries. The paper uses the findings from qualitative interviews with workers in the craft metalwork and digital design sectors of the creative industries in the UK to analyse how the perceived attributes of a location may provide inspiration in the creative process. Current spatial theory on the creative industries has emphasised both collective creativity and ways in which clusters of creative enterprises in particular places can promote creativity. This paper analyses the empirical evidence obtained in the interviews and argues that the links between place and creativity can be important and influential in the creative process and that current theory needs to be extended to take greater account of individual creativity and the ways in which the attributes of localities can be used as a catalyst for individual creativity.
In a world where it has become almost commonplace to talk about power as centralised or distributed, concentrated or diffuse, deterritorialized or dispersed even, it is all too easy to miss the diverse geographies of power that put us in place. The binary talk that forces us to choose between a centred or a decentred view of power, or to shuffle between them in an effort to blur clearly demarcated scales, leaves little room to move beyond defined distances and settled proximities in relation to the exercise of power. In this paper, a more spatially-curious dialogue of power is opened up which foregrounds associational as well as instrumental forms of power which can make a difference to how we act politically.
Urban Complexity and Spatial Strategies develops important new relational and institutionalist approaches to policy analysis and planning, of relevance to all those with an interest in cities and urban areas. Well-illustrated chapters weave together conceptual development, experience and implications for future practice and address the challenge of urban and metropolitan planning and development. Useful for students, social scientists and policy makers, Urban Complexity and Spatial Strategies offers concepts and detailed cases of interest to those involved in policy development and management, as well as providing a foundation of ideas and experiences, an account of the place-focused practices of governance and an approach to the analysis of governance dynamics. For those in the planning field itself, this book re-interprets the role of planning frameworks in linking spatial patterns to social dynamics with twenty-first century relevance.
Improving the qualities of places is attracting increasing policy and academic interest in contemporary Europe. This raises questions about the appropriate governance capacity to deliver such improvements. I argue that a key element of such capacity lies in the quality of local policy cultures. Some are well integrated, well connected, and well informed, and can mobilise readily to act to capture opportunities and enhance local conditions. Others are fragmented, lack the connections to sources of power and knowledge, and the mobilisation capacity, to organise to make a difference. In recent years, the emphasis in attempts to change urban governance capacity, particularly in Britain, has been on encouraging catalytic projects and partnerships. Recent experience across Europe suggests that wider transformative effects are difficult to achieve without careful consideration of the partnership form and how it connects to the wider policy culture. They may also have the effect of increasing the fragmentation of local capacity. I examine the potential of collaborative approaches in place-making initiatives in achieving more effective and durable transformations. Collaborative approaches emphasise the importance of building new policy discourses about the qualities of places, developing collaboration among stakeholders in policy development as well as delivery, widening stakeholder involvement beyond traditional power elites, recognising different forms of local knowledge, and building rich social networks as a resource of institutional capital through which new initiatives can be taken rapidly and legitimately. They shift the task of urban planning from 'building places' to fostering the institutional capacity in territorial political communities for ongoing 'place-making' activities.
Friches en ville: du temps de veille aux politiques de l'espace: acteurs informels, planification et mutabilité urbaine dans le Quartier Berriat a ` Grenoble
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