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New Media & Society
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DOI: 10.1177/1461444811410401
2012 14: 98 originally published online 8 August 2011New Media Society Azi Lev-On
contemporary media environment
Communication, community, crisis: Mapping uses and gratifications in the
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DOI: 10.1177/1461444811410401
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Communication, community,
crisis: Mapping uses
and gratifications in the
contemporary media
environment
Azi Lev-On
Ariel University Center, Israel
Abstract
The article analyzes how community members who were evacuated from their homes
use various media, and especially the internet, to keep in touch, receive and disseminate
information and express their opinions. Of particular interest are the differences
between members of various groups, who differ in their decision whether to relocate in
Israel with the rest of the original community or not, in media usage patterns and sense
of community. The findings demonstrate that evacuees use diversity and multiplicity of
media, where various media are used for different purposes according to need. Small
media, with a rather limited and local reach (such as pamphlets, SMS, niche websites
and small-scale meetings) are predominantly used for most of the needs, overshadowing
mass media usage. Correlations were found amongst various media usages, and between
the usage of various media and users’ sense of community. The study demonstrates how
contemporary media users use a variety of media depending on their circumstances and
needs, and how media usage assists in establishing and maintaining a sense of community
after the forced transition from the communities of origin.
Keywords
cognitive needs, communities, evacuees, Gush Katif, internet, online communities,
refugees, sense of community, social needs, uses and gratifications, virtual communities
Corresponding author:
Azi Lev-On, School of Communication, Ariel University Center of Samaria, Ariel 40700, Israel
Email: azilevon@gmail.com
410401NMS14110.1177/1461444811410401Lev-OnNew Media & society
Article
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Lev-On 99
Introduction
Contemporary media users are embedded in a landscape of unprecedented richness of
media channels, and are better able than ever not only to consume information but also
to use media to find like-minded people, send and receive information, and mobilize and
organize for collective action using dedicated media channels. Do people make use of
the various communication platforms at their disposal? Do they use different channels
for different purposes? And, how does media usage affect their sense of community?
The current study examines these questions using the case of community members
who were relocated against their will and dispersed throughout Israel, while still having
a range of shared cognitive, social and political needs. The article looks at the evacuees
from Gush Katif, who were removed from their communities of origin in 2005 following
the decision of the Israeli government to withdraw unilaterally from the Gaza Strip. This
is the first article to examine how members of cohesive communities on-the-ground who
were relocated against their will use various media, especially the internet, to preserve
the sense of community and fulfill a variety of needs.
Studies that have examined media usage in general and internet usage in crises in
particular, indicate how important they are for people who have experienced hardship
and demonstrate their ability to address a range of cognitive, social and even political
needs. The current study examines media uses by evacuees from Gush Katif, and also
asks: do these uses assist in maintaining a sense of community in light of the crisis expe-
rienced by the evacuees? Do different groups of evacuees have distinctive usage of vari-
ous media according to their unique circumstances and needs? Using insights from uses
and gratifications theory and from studies of media usage in crisis and of sense of com-
munity, the article aims at mapping uses of the contemporary media environment.
Uses and gratifications of new and more traditional
media
Uses and gratifications theory grew out of the functionalist approach to communication
studies and focuses on media consumers, their needs and behaviors, rather than on the
media channels through which they are communicated. The theory constitutes a signifi-
cant development in the study of the limited effects of media and is another step in turning
the spotlight of communication research onto the audience, raising a new set of research
questions that check not what the various media do to consumers, but what people do
with the various media (Katz, 1959).
The premise of the approach is that media users (viewers, listeners, readers, internet
users) are members of an active audience, aware of their needs and the ways that they can
be provided for, and select the means perceived as most appropriate to fulfill these needs.
People use media to assist in addressing some of their needs, and their expectations lead
to deliberate usage of media and selective exposure to the contents they transmit (Katz
et al., 1974). Media can address a few types of needs, such as cognitive (information and
understanding), affective (emotional and aesthetic experiences), escapist (disconnect
from reality) and integrative (strengthening the sense of belonging and relationships
with family/friends/community/state, as well as providing for a sense of security, trust,
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100 new media & society 14(1)
stability and status) (Katz et al., 1974). The most common methodological approach for
studies based on uses and gratifications theory utilizes self-reporting, i.e. interviews and
questionnaires, which include a list of statements representing different needs.
The rapid development of information and communication technologies has led to
renewed interest in U&G theory. Ruggiero (2000) discusses its contemporary impor-
tance given the rapid penetration and assimilation of the internet and its extensive uses,
and argues that as new communication technologies offer people more choices, it is
important to examine their motivations, uses and gains as essential ingredients in the
study of audiences. Ruggiero joins the call by Newhagen and Rafaeli (1996) to employ
U&G theory as an important asset in the toolbox of internet research.
Prior (2005: 577) also notes that, ‘Today, as both entertainment and news are availa-
ble around the clock on numerous cable channels and Web sites, people’s content prefer-
ences determine more of what those with cable or internet access watch, read, and hear.’
The multiplicity and diversity of contemporary media require the consumer – reader,
viewer, listener, internet user – to make many choices. Internet users actively choose
which sites to visit, what items to read, which applications to use. Actions like pressing
a link or searching for information using a search engine involve deliberate decisions and
open a vast new field of usage and gratifications studies for communication scholars (see
also Lin and Jeffres, 1998).
Indeed, several studies have applied uses and gratification theory to various online
environments. Tewksbury and Althaus (2000) identified entertainment, monitoring/sur-
veillance, and ‘passing the time’ as key gratifications obtained from the internet.
Papacharissi and Rubin (2000) identified five motives for using the internet: interper-
sonal utility, passing time, information seeking, convenience (for example, to communi-
cate with friends and family), and entertainment. Parker and Plank (2000) identified
three such factors: companionship and social relationships; surveillance and excitement;
and finally, relaxation and escape. Kaye and Johnson (2002) found four motivations for
political information web search: guidance, information seeking/surveillance, entertain-
ment, and social utility. Song et al. (2004) found seven such motivation clusters: estab-
lishing ‘virtual community’ (find companionship, meet new friends), information
seeking, aesthetic experiences, monetary compensation (i.e. find bargains online), diver-
sion (i.e. fun and entertainment), personal status, and relationship maintenance.
More recent studies focus on uses and gratifications from social media; for example,
Raacke and Bonds-Raacke (2008) found that social networking sites – Facebook and
MySpace – address the social needs of users (for example, keeping in touch with old
friends and making new ones). Leung (2009) identified four key gratifications from con-
tent generation online: satisfying recognition needs, cognitive needs, social needs, and
entertainment needs. Quan-Haase and Young (2010) compared the uses of Facebook and
Instant Messaging, and identified six key gratifications obtained: pastime, affection (for
example to thank people and help others), fashion (i.e. to look stylish), sharing problems,
sociability, and getting social information.
Thus, internet usage encapsulates numerous gratifications. The current study is unique
for applying the U&G framework to study the uses of both new and more traditional
media in the contemporary media environment (for a similar project see Flanagin and
Metzger, 2001), and in its focus on media usage in crisis.
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Lev-On 101
The study of media uses and gratifications is particularly important in emergency
and crisis situations, which magnify needs and make them more acute. In crisis situa-
tions the degree of uncertainty is heightened, which can cause anxiety, stress, anger, and
even depression as a result of the undermined sense of stability and security and the lack
of control and knowledge about the near future. In such periods the importance of
receiving relevant information which could alleviate anxiety and help in dealing with
crisis, increases. Furthermore, in these situations there is a rise in emotional needs such
as need for consolation and encouragement and the need to express pain and grief (Perse
et al., 2002).
Thus, the Pew Internet and American Life Project (2001) found after 9/11 that a key
function of chats and emails was giving expression to grief and pain. The need for social
unity (a sense of ‘togetherness’) and a show of solidarity were also channeled through
new media. Dutta Bergman (2006) found that after 9/11 participation in online communi-
ties helped people provide and receive support and strengthened the sense of solidarity.
Macias et al. (2009) found that shortly after Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans in
2004, blogs fulfilled four key functions: communication (i.e. looking for missing persons
and calls for rescue), political, informational (like positing news and checking the status
of one’s area), and helping. Also, blogs have been used as a platform to express opinions,
and enabled people to ‘ventilate’ and express their frustration and anger. They also had
an emotional/therapeutic role, and assisted in preserving a sense of community during
the crisis. The authors argue that:
The Internet, specifically blogs, can help maintain and even build a stronger sense of community.
During Hurricane Katrina, the New Orleans community was literally and physically ripped
apart. Blogs and online communications helped provide a temporary but important means to
keeping this community strong and helping give it the ability to move on and recover until more
tangible results could be obtained. (Macias et al., 2009: 27)
Scholars also studied online social media usage in other crisis situations, for example
after a shooting incident on Virginia Tech campus (April 2007; Palen et al., 2009), and
during wildfires in California (Shklovski et al., 2008; for additional studies of social
media usage after hurricane Katrina see Procopio and Procopio, 2007; Shklovski et al.,
2010). In all cases, the authors argue that the internet’s importance lies not only in sup-
porting hierarchical and ‘top-down’ information transmission, but mainly in providing
opportunities for individuals and groups to organize and participate in collective action,
and address their local needs (Procopio and Procopio, 2007). For similar findings in the
Israeli context, see the works of Naveh (2008) and Shir-Raz (2008) on the Israeli public’s
usage of the internet during the Second Lebanon War (2006), especially to create a sense
of solidarity and meet a range of additional needs.1
The ‘sense of community’ concept refers to individuals’ subjective feeling of belong-
ing to a bigger and stable structure which can be relied upon for a variety of purposes. It
is often argued that the sense of community refers to a particular quality of the relation-
ships between community members, namely the strong bonds between members. People
with a strong sense of belonging to a community are those who believe they have an
impact on what happens in their community, and are also affected by the community and
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102 new media & society 14(1)
act in accordance with its common values and norms. Also, people with a strong sense of
community feel a strong emotional connection to the rest of the members, who support
each other and believe that the community can fill their needs and indeed does so. Such
criteria have inspired McMillan and Chavis (1986) to incorporate four elements in their
analysis of sense of community: membership (feeling of belonging or having a sense of
personal relatedness), influence (of the individual over the group, and the group over its
members), integration and fulfillment of needs (members’ needs are addressed by the
resources they gain by becoming community members), and shared emotional connec-
tion (manifest in shared history, similar experiences etc.).
Based on this typology, McMillan and Chavis (1986) constructed a questionnaire
composed of 12 statements measuring a sense of community, which have been used in
numerous studies. This questionnaire was used in the current study as well.
Gush Katif
The article analyzes media uses and gratification, as well as sense of community, of the
evacuees from Gush Katif. Gush Katif was a string of 21 Jewish settlements in
the Gaza Strip, most of them located around the Palestinian town of Khan-Yunis in the
southern part of the strip. The settlements were established between 1970 and the early
2000s. In 2005 the Gush, as the block of settlements was called, had approximately
8500 residents.
The communities of the Gush were quite homogenous, both socially and religiously:
the majority were members of the Zionist national-religious camp, held together by tight
social bonds and a strong sense of community, reinforced by the harsh and exacerbated
security concerns (Billig, 2006). Residents’ geographic isolation from family and friends
living outside the settlements increased the need to rely on friends from within the com-
munity and life in the settlements was engaged in common challenges and mutual assis-
tance. With the deterioration of the security situation in the early 2000s the sense of
togetherness grew stronger, which led to traditions such as shared meals when residents
survived a dangerous attack (Billig, 2006; Roth, 2005).
The disengagement plan which was first presented by the Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel
Sharon in December 2003, called for Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip,
evacuating all military forces and all of the civilian settlements. The actual implementation
of the disengagement lasted less than a month, between 15 August and 11 September 2005.
At the time of the disengagement, the Israeli government established an organization
called Minhelet Sela (today Minhelet Tnufa) whose mandate was to assist the settlers ‘the
day after’ in various capacities, i.e. new housing (both temporary and permanent), finan-
cial compensation, employment guidance, psychological assistance and more. According
to Clause 85 of the official disengagement implementation law, Minhelet Sela could
establish contracts with groups of settlers, to allow them to relocate as an entire com-
munity, in order to ‘smoothen’ settlers’ relocation by preserving the communal infra-
structure that was already established in the Gush. This option was by far the preferred
choice of the evacuees, and 85 percent took advantage of it (Israel Comptroller Office,
2009; Vaad Mityashvey Gush Katif, 2008).
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Lev-On 103
Immediately after the disengagement, many evacuees found themselves in motels,
hotels, and other temporary living arrangements. Some opted to live in hastily constructed
tent cities in order to preserve the community bond. Over time, Minhelet Sela assisted in
regrouping these disparate clusters into smaller and more communal living clusters, even
though they were still classified as temporary living. As of August 2008, where data for
this study have been collected, three full years after the disengagement was carried out,
most of the evacuees were still concentrated in a number of temporary communities. Of
the 85 percent who chose to relocate as a community, only a tiny percentage, about 5
percent, moved to permanent housing (Israel Comptroller Office, 2009; Vaad Mityashvey
Gush Katif, 2008). At that time, three methods of re-settlement could be identified:
1. The overwhelming majority of settlers resided within the area in southern Israel
known as ‘Outer Gaza’ just 30km north-east of their former homes. The three
biggest clusters of evacuees were Nitzan (approximately 500 families), Yad
Binyamin (approximately 250 families), and Ein Tzurim (around 150 families).2
These communities are labeled here as hub communities.
2. A small percentage of the evacuees relocated within a community framework but
to more distant places within Israel and not in close proximity to other re-settlement
clusters, making communication with other evacuees harder. These communities
are labeled as peripheral communities.
3. Lastly, 15 percent of the evacuees chose not to re-settle with the original com-
munity but instead moved as individuals. They form the ‘Pzura’ (dispersed)
group, as termed by the evacuees.
The organization that represents the settlers of Gush Katif, and was established prior to
the disengagement, is ‘The Committee for the Settlers of Gush Katif’ (Vaad Mityashvey
Gush Katif). Today it continues to assist the evacuees by supporting the communication
between the communities and state authorities, providing assistance in issues of general
interest to the evacuees, such as finding permanent settlements and employment, and
more. The committee works with local community coordinators located in each com-
munity where evacuees can be found.
Minhelet Sela has been severely criticized in various reports by the Israeli state comp-
troller. A recent report (Israel Comptroller Office, 2009) pointed to a large number of
bureaucratic failings on the part of the Minhelet Sela, including deferment of money trans-
fers, mismanagement of claims, bureaucratic red tape, and more. At that time, about 20
percent of the evacuees were still unemployed and less than half of business owners were
able to re-establish their businesses after relocation. Only a third of the active farmers
from the Gush resumed working in agriculture (Vaad Mityashvey Gush Katif, 2008;
Weisblai et al., 2007). Research reports about former residents reveal various psychologi-
cal disorders, particularly amongst the younger evacuees, such as anxiety attacks, depres-
sion, nightmares, and PTSD symptoms (Oren and Possik, 2009; Weisblai et al., 2007).
The study was conducted three years after the disengagement. At that point most
evacuees were still far from having permanent housing solutions and full employment.
Therefore, it had been very important for the evacuees to maintain social contact with
similarly-situated others, coordinate and organize to provide for their needs.
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104 new media & society 14(1)
An earlier study analyzed the uses of katif.net, the main site of the communities in
Gush Katif during the struggle against the disengagement and immediately after. The
study (which used an online survey) showed that users of the site perceived it as a pri-
mary tool to promote their social, political, and cognitive needs and its use was dominant
compared to other media, mass media, and small media alike. Strong correlations were
found between the ‘virtual sense of community’ (Blanchard, 2007) and the social usage
of the site. Furthermore, receiving social updates through katif.net was significantly and
positively associated with all other uses of the site, which means that as more people
used the site for social updates, they used it more for other purposes as well and their
sense of community increased (Lev-On, 2010).
The current study continues the earlier research, but the population is different: com-
prising not only the users of the site katif.net, but the entire population of evacuees from
the former Gush Katif. The current study examines whether findings from the earlier
study can be generalized to the entire population of evacuees, and if the unique role of
katif.net is evident not only among site users, but among all evacuees.
Research questions
The study examined the following questions:
1. How do the evacuees use the various media at their disposal? Which media do
they use and for which needs?
2. Are there differences in media usage patterns among the evacuees living in dif-
ferent concentrations (hub communities, peripheral communities, scattered
individuals)?
3. To what extent do evacuees maintain a sense of community? Are there differ-
ences in the sense of community between evacuees living in different
concentrations?
4. What factors effect evacuees’ sense of community?
5. Are there correlations between evacuees’ sense of community and media usage?
There are various media through which the evacuees can stay in touch and organize. In
interviews with evacuees, the following media were mentioned:
• Meetings and conferences – notably events organized by Vaad Mityashvey Gush
Katif like the annual ceremony commemorating ‘the destruction’ of the Gush.
• Shabbat Synagogue Pamphlets – introducing religious and social commentary,
distributed every Friday in synagogues across the country. These ‘small media’
are significant for communication among religious communities in Israel
(Almozlinos, 2006).
• Print Media – newspapers that are distributed on a daily or weekly basis.
• Radio – radio broadcasts either over the air or via the internet (especially Arutz
Sheva – Channel 7, www.inn.co.il).
• Cell phones/SMS – before the disengagement, Orange, a leading Israeli cellular
company established a unique plan called ‘Orange Gush’ that offered an attractive
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Lev-On 105
fare for calls amongst the 7000 subscribers living in the Gush.3 Orange continues
to offer this service after the disengagement.
• Katif.net – the website currently most identified with the Gush (see Lev-On,
2010).
• Other websites associated with Gush Katif, such as the site of Vaad Mityashvey
Gush Katif, and sites of local communities.
• General-purpose websites.
• Mailing lists – created by community coordinators or private individuals.
• And, of course, television broadcasts.
Of the above-mentioned media, the internet is unique for its interactivity, ease of access
and usage, and global reach. Israel has an extremely high penetration of broadband inter-
net access per capita and the Hebrew language internet is very well developed,4 which
makes the use of the internet for cognitive and social purposes appealing.
Methodology
In line with the common practice in other studies that originate from uses and satisfac-
tions theory, this study is also based on questionnaires that record subjects’ personal
testimony about their media uses, and the needs fulfilled through them. Following a pre-
test which identified several key needs, the questionnaire consisted of three main parts:
1. Media Usage. This section included a list of ten media (described above). For
each one, subjects were asked to indicate the extent of its usage for the following
purposes: Connecting with other evacuees, receiving relevant news, obtaining
occupational information, advertising and creating content about Gush Katif, and
expressing support for or protesting a relevant political issue. Ranking was on a
scale of 1 (not used for this purpose) to 5 (central for this purpose).
2. Sense of Community. This section utilized the sense of community index by
McMillan and Chavis (1986). Subjects were asked to agree or disagree with the
12 statements, such as ‘I think my community is a good place for me to live’,
‘people on this community do not share the same values’, and more.
3. Demographic data. This section included questions about place of residence,
gender, age, education, income, and more.
The entire population of evacuees was approached in a one of two ways, depending on
subjects’ place of residence. Priority was given to delivering the questionnaires by hand,
but in special cases telephone interviews were conducted.
As stated above, most evacuees were temporarily settled in the outer Gaza region. To
reach them, local contact persons were recruited who carried out several rounds of dis-
tribution and collection of the questionnaires. In all cases the questionnaires were left for
three or four days and then collected. Similar efforts were made in the peripheral com-
munities as well.
In the locations surveyed so far the evacuees were living in one group, and could be
reached by door-to-door canvassing. But as noted, a small portion of the evacuees (15%)
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106 new media & society 14(1)
chose to leave their communities and re-settle as individuals. Members of this ‘diaspora’
were scattered all over the country, which made it difficult to deliver the questionnaire at
their doorstep personally, so telephone interviews were used as a substitute. Telephone
calls were made in two additional communities, whose members awaited their re-settlement
in permanent housing and in the meantime were scattered in the city of Ashkelon. Based
on the list received from Vaad Mityashvey Gush Katif, over a thousand people were con-
tacted by phone.
The main reason that we did not settle for a representative sample of Gush Katif
evacuees through a telephone survey, but instead went out to the field, is because one the
of the study goals was to compare media usage between the various communities of
evacuees (hub communities, peripheral communities, and dispersed individuals). This
goal could be achieved only by reaching any concentration of evacuees (including by
phone). The main disadvantage of this method was the different response rates of evacu-
ees in various communities. To allow statistical inferences for the entire population of
evacuees, the sample was weighted in proportion to the size of the population living in
each community. Altogether, a total of 385 full questionnaires were collected.
Results
Media usage
Table 1 shows media usage for five different goals: social updates, getting political infor-
mation, employment information, creating content relevant to the evacuees, and express-
ing protest and political support.
In general, the two ‘leading’ media uses are social connectivity and receiving relevant
political updates. To keep in touch with the rest of the evacuees, subjects primarily use
cell phones (3.34), face-to-face conferences and meetings (2.91), and by a slim margin
Shabbat leaflets (2.67) and the niche website katif.net (2.63).
In reference to political updates about Gush Katif, the gap between media usages is
even smaller, where Shabbat leaflets (3.01) and print media (3.00) are mostly used. Katif.
net is rated second in terms of obtaining employment information (2.31), after print
media (2.43). For advertising content related to the evacuees, Katif.net is again rated
second, along with conferences and meetings (2.58), slightly behind Shabbat leaflets
(2.66). Expression of protest or political support occurred mainly at conferences and
meetings (2.67), immediately followed by general purpose websites (2.40).
The picture emerging from Table 1 is of multiplicity and diversity of media in use by
the evacuees, where different media are used for different purposes, depending on cir-
cumstances. Still, small media platforms are prioritized over mass media platforms for
sending and receiving relevant information and for additional purposes. To test that
claim, an accumulated index measuring media usages was calculated. Table 2 indeed
demonstrates the superiority of small media for the goals which were surveyed; with
telephone and SMS (2.68), conferences and meetings (2.63), Shabbat pamphlets (2.54),
and the niche website Katif.net (2.50) in the lead and the mass media trailing behind.
Alpha Kronbach indices calculated to test the validity of the indices are all quite high,
ranging between 0.733 to 0.874.
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Lev-On 107
Table 2. Accumulated media usage indices.
Index M SD α
Cell phones/SMS 2.68 1.2 0.794
Meetings and conferences 2.63 1.28 0.825
Shabbat pamphlets 2.54 1.26 0.836
Katif.net 2.5 1.33 0.872
Print media 2.47 1.09 0.733
Mailing lists 2.19 1.26 0.874
Sites related to Gush Katif 2.12 1.22 0.866
General purpose websites 2.12 1.14 0.835
Radio 2.02 1.02 0.780
Television 1.78 .93 0.798
Table 1. Media usage for various purposes by the evacuees.
Media Social
updates
Relevant
political
information
Employment
information
Create
content
Political
support/
protest
SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M
Meetings and conferences 1.49 2.91 1.54 2.73 1.23 1.72 1.66 2.58 1.64 2.67
Shabbat pamphlets 1.5 2.67 1.55 3.01 1.48 2.12 1.63 2.66 1.54 2.23
Print media 1.33 2.3 1.52 31.59 2.43 1.55 2.32 1.56 2.27
Radio 1.26 1.89 1.46 2.64 1 1.47 1.37 1.95 1.37 1.95
Cell phones/SMS 1.45 3.34 1.51 2.87 1.37 1.92 1.51 2.21 1.4 2.03
Television 1.14 1.64 1.47 2.3 0.92 1.38 1.17 1.71 1.34 1.87
Katif.net 1.53 2.63 1.55 2.74 1.58 2.31 1.59 2.58 1.56 2.3
Sites related to Gush
Katif
1.4 2.06 1.47 2.2 1.45 2.07 1.55 2.15 1.47 2.14
General purpose websites 1.31 1.98 1.47 2.39 1.33 1.91 1.35 1.9 1.58 2.4
Mailing lists 1.48 2.37 1.52 2.31 1.46 2.11 1.53 2.2 1.37 1.95
Comparative media usage
Next, a comparison was made between the media used by various groups of evacuees,
i.e. between those living in hub communities, peripheral communities, and those who
chose to relocate as individuals. Table 3 presents the results.
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Table 3. Media usage by various groups of evacuees.
Media Usage Index Political support/protest Creating content Employment info Relevant political info Social updates
Hub Periphery Scattered Hub Periphery Scattered Hub Periphery Scattered Hub Periphery Scattered Hub Periphery Scattered Hub Periphery Scattered
Meetings and
conferences
2.77*** 2.6 2.08 2.75 2.04 2.53 2.69** #2.64 1.5 1.77* 1.9 1.24 2.88** 2.66 2.17 3.09*** 2.75 2.28
Shabbat
pamphlets
2.67*** 2.49 2.02 2.32 1.82 1.9 2.74 2.51 2.06 2.23** 1.96 1.4 3.15** 3.15 2.43 2.85*** 2.78## 1.97
Print media 2.54 2.23 2.28 2.3 1.98 2.27 2.34 2.2 2.25 2.5 1.88 2.32 3.11* 2.68 2.69 2.4* 2.12 2.02*
Radio 2.03 2.01 1.99 1.96 1.94 1.87 2.02** 2.03 1.13 1.44 1.74 1.48 2.65 2.44 2.67 1.88 1.94 1.91
Cell phones/
SMS
2.63 2.45 2.94 1.98 2.21 2.21 2.23 2.45 1.8 1.89 1.78 2.16 2.8 2.74 3.16 3.28 3.28 3.6
Television 1.81 1.68 1.67 1.97* 1.76 1.41 1.72 1.86 1.47 1.4 1.46 1.2 2.37 2.01 2.12 1.65 1.51 1.63
Katif.net 2.54 2.19 2.45 2.25 2 2.7 2.57 2.24 2.94 2.35 1.83 2.32 2.81 2.32 2.59 2.67 2.3 2.59
Sites related
to Gush Katif
2.2* 2.01 1.82 2.11 2.13 2.28 2.23* 2.15 1.4 2.04 1.87 2.36 2.27 2.06 1.98 2.21** 1.84 1.59
General
purpose
websites
2.16 1.8 2.06 2.39 2.06 2.66 1.9 1.88 1.93 1.88 1.65 2.24 2.42 1.87 2.41 2.06 1.72 1.78
Mailing lists 2.37*** 2.15 1.52 1.97 2.02 1.75 2.3* 1.87 1.5 2.23** 1.87 1.44 2.5** 2.29 1.61 2.3 1.67
* sig < 0.05 between the members of hub communities and the dispersed group.
** sig < 0.01 between the members of hub communities and the dispersed group.
*** sig < 0.001 between the members of hub communities and the dispersed group.
# sig < 0.05 between the members of peripheral communities and the dispersed group.
## sig < 0.01 between the members of peripheral communities and the dispersed group.
### sig < 0.001 between the members of peripheral communities and the dispersed group.
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Lev-On 109
The findings again demonstrate substantial multiplicity and diversity of media usage,
where members of the three groups (hub communities, peripheral communities, scat-
tered individuals) commonly prefer to use different media for the same purpose (although
the differences between the uses by members of the various groups are not always statis-
tically significant).
Here, too, a cumulative Usage Index was calculated. In both cases where people were
re-located as a part of a community (i.e. hub communities and peripheral communities),
conferences and meetings were the dominant medium used for the functions surveyed, and
cell phones/ SMS came third. Note, however, that conferences and meetings were the dom-
inant use of only one function for both groups. In almost all cases, a different medium was
dominant per group for different purposes. For the group of dispersed individuals, cell
phones/ SMS led by a wide gap, while conferences and meetings were ranked only fourth.
The central means to keep in touch among the three groups is the phone (3.6 among
the dispersed, 3.28 in hub and peripheral communities). This is the only function for
which a certain media is most widely used by all groups. The niche site Katif.net is the
second most important media for members of the dispersed group to keep in touch (2.59),
while the second most important means among members of core communities are con-
ferences and meetings (3.09). Among members of peripheral communities, Shabbat
pamphlets are the second most used (2.78). Note again the importance of cell phones and
the internet for members of the dispersed group; for them, conferences and meetings
were not a significantly important means to stay connected (2.28). The dispersed make
significantly less usage of various media, i.e. conferences, Shabbat pamphlets, print
media, and other websites associated with Gush Katif, to maintain contact.
A similar picture emerges in the category of creating and publishing content. Katif.net is
ranked first among the dispersed group (2.94), but only third among members of hub com-
munities (2.57), and fourth among members of peripheral communities (2.24). The primary
means of creating relevant content among members of hub communities are Shabbat pam-
phlets, and among members of peripheral communities – conferences/meetings.
Interestingly, the main medium for evacuees living in communities, both hub and periph-
eral, to receive updates and information about Gush Katif are Shabbat leaflets (3.15), which
are less important for the dispersed (2.43) (difference between the dispersed and members
of hub communities is statistically significant). The medium which is most useful for the
dispersed to receive up-to-date information about the evacuees is print media (2.69). Among
all groups, katif.net is not used as a central tool for news about the evacuees, and no signifi-
cant differences were found between the groups in the use of katif.net for this purpose.
Another interesting (although not significant) finding indicates that while the most
important media for receiving employment information among members of core com-
munities was the niche site katif.net (2.35), the site does not constitute an equally impor-
tant tool for this purpose for members of peripheral communities, who have five other
preferable means for this function. Also, for dispersed evacuees katif.net shares second
place in obtaining employment information (2.32) with a print media, right after other
internet sites related to the evacuees (2.36). Consistent with the findings presented above,
significant differences between the dispersed and members of core communities were
found between their uses of conferences/meetings, mailing lists and Shabbat pamphlets,
where the dispersed make less use of all these means to obtain vocational information.
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110 new media & society 14(1)
The dispersed make the most use of the niche site katif.net compared to two other
groups to express support or protest of a political nature about issues related to the evac-
uees (2.7) and members of this group rated katif.net as a primary means of communica-
tion for this purpose. Among evacuees living in hub communities, conferences and
meetings were mostly used for this purpose and among members of peripheral communities,
it was telephone/SMS.
Sense of community
To what extent do the evacuees maintain a sense of community? Are there differences
between the different groups of evacuees in terms of their perceived sense of
community?
The sense of community index was calculated by a questionnaire with 12 items
(Alpha Kronbach coefficient = 0.839). The sense of community recorded among the
evacuees was quite high (mean = 0.73, median = 0.83, SD = 0.26). Yet, there are dif-
ferences in the sense of community among the different groups of evacuees. Among
evacuees living as individuals (scattered) the sense of community is the lowest
(0.61), individuals living in hub communities report a higher sense of community
(0.75), and those who are in peripheral communities, i.e. together with members of
the community of origin but away from the main centers where other evacuees
reside, report the most intense sense of community (0.83). Apparently the geographic
isolation from the rest of the evacuees enhances the social capital between members
of peripheral community and increases their sense of solidarity. This finding, how-
ever, requires further study.
Note that differences are significant between ‘the scattered’ and members of both core
and peripheral communities (sig < 0.001), but not between members of core and periph-
eral communities (due to relatively small number of subjects among the peripheral group).
Determinants of sense of community
The fourth research question examined which factors affect the sense of community
among the evacuees. As shown in Table 4, almost all the demographic variables affect
the sense of community: membership in communities (whether hub or peripheral), the
degree of religiosity, education level, gender, and more.
Media usage and sense of community
The last research question addresses possible connections between the sense of commu-
nity and patterns of media usage, and amongst various media uses. The findings show
that all media indices are significantly and positively correlated. That is, usage of any
media for the reasons concerning which subjects were asked, increases the likelihood of
using additional means for the same purpose.
The sense of community index was also significantly correlated with several media
usage indices, although not with all. Table 5 shows that the sense of community is sig-
nificantly and positively correlated with use of the following media: Shabbat pamphlets
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Lev-On 111
(r = 0.169), mailing lists (r = 0.115) and print media (r = 0.107). A near-significant cor-
relation (sig = 0.051) was found between the sense of community index and the meetings
and conferences index. These findings indicate that ‘small’ media such as mailing lists
and pamphlets, as well as face-to-face communication, are best at strengthening and
preserving the sense of community among the evacuees.
No significant correlation was found between the use of Katif.net and a sense of com-
munity index (sig = 0.138). Still, current findings indicate positive, significant and rela-
tively strong correlations of the use of katif.net with the usage of other media, particularly
with other websites belonging to Gush Katif (r = 0.682) and mailing lists of community
coordinators (r = 0.537). The last two indices were significantly correlated with the sense
of community index. Future studies may further illuminate how the uses of various
media strengthen the sense of community, and in particular various uses of the internet.
Conclusions
This article studies media usage and the relations between community and communica-
tion in times of distress and crisis.
Communities are maintained via communication processes between their members,
who share their feelings, thoughts, political opinions or vocational information.
Community members can choose between a growing array of media that best meet their
various needs (Katz, 1959; Katz et al., 1974). In particular, the internet becomes a key
medium for assisting community members in times of crisis (Dutta Bergman, 2006;
Macias et al., 2009; Meraz, 2006; Palen et al., 2009; Procopio and Procopio, 2007; Pew
Internet and American Life Project, 2001; Shir-Raz, 2008; Shklovski et al., 2008). This
study is the first to examine how an entire geographic community, whose members were
evacuated from their homes and relocated against their will, use various media and espe-
cially the internet, to maintain contact between their members, scattered all over the
country, to preserve a sense of community across the spatial gaps, and to fulfill a variety
of cognitive, social and political needs.
Table 4. Variables that affect the sense of community.
Unstandardized
coefficients
Standardized
coefficients
T Sig
B Std. Error β
(Constant) .127 .085 1.491 .137
Hub communities .163 .037 .274 4.430 .000
Peripheral communities .204 .061 .209 3.336 .001
Married .103 .036 .188 2.845 .005
Age −.004 .001 −.221 −3.587 .000
Religiosity .099 .020 .267 4.887 .000
Income .034 .012 .149 2.744 .006
Education .081 .022 .223 3.679 .000
Men .069 .031 .120 2.201 .029
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112 new media & society 14(1)
Table 5. Correlations between media usage and sense of community indices.
Sense of
community
index
Meetings
and
conferences
index
Shabbat
pamphlets
index
Print
media
index
Radio
index
Cell
phones/
SMS
index
Television
index
Katif.
net
index
Sites
related
to Gush
Katif
index
General
purpose
Websites
index
Mailing
lists
index
Sense of
community
index
Pearson
correlation
1 0.106 .169** .107* 0.033 0.045 −0.041 0.081 0.008 −0.053 .115*
Meetings and
conferences
index
Pearson
correlation
0.106 1 .556** .431** .358** .386** .129* .410** .374** .116* .483**
Shabbat
pamphlets
index
Pearson
correlation
.169** .556** 1.574** .401** 301** .273** .514** .346** .213** .525**
Print media
index
Pearson
correlation
.107* .431** .574** 1.483** .372** .439** .447** .348** .343** .433**
Radio index Pearson
correlation
0.033 .358** .401** .483** 1.386** .654** .338** .335** .353** .377**
Cell phones/
SMS index
Pearson
correlation
0.045 .386** .301** .372** .386** 1.396** .303** .345** .277** .430**
Television
index
Pearson
correlation
−0.041 .129* .273** .439** .654** .396** 1.315** .361** .469** .379**
Katif.net
index
Pearson
correlation
0.081 .410** .514** .447** .338** .303** .315** 1.682** .423** .537**
Sites related
to Gush Katif
index
Pearson
correlation
0.008 .374** .364** .348** .335** .345** .361** .682** 1.530** .547**
General
purpose
Websites index
Pearson
correlation
−0.053 .116* .213** .343** .353** .277** .469** .423** 530** 1.412**
Mailing lists
index
Pearson
correlation
.115* .483** .525** .433** .377** .430** .379** 537** .547** .412** 1
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01
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Lev-On 113
Table 5. Correlations between media usage and sense of community indices.
Sense of
community
index
Meetings
and
conferences
index
Shabbat
pamphlets
index
Print
media
index
Radio
index
Cell
phones/
SMS
index
Television
index
Katif.
net
index
Sites
related
to Gush
Katif
index
General
purpose
Websites
index
Mailing
lists
index
Sense of
community
index
Pearson
correlation
1 0.106 .169** .107* 0.033 0.045 −0.041 0.081 0.008 −0.053 .115*
Meetings and
conferences
index
Pearson
correlation
0.106 1 .556** .431** .358** .386** .129* .410** .374** .116* .483**
Shabbat
pamphlets
index
Pearson
correlation
.169** .556** 1.574** .401** 301** .273** .514** .346** .213** .525**
Print media
index
Pearson
correlation
.107* .431** .574** 1.483** .372** .439** .447** .348** .343** .433**
Radio index Pearson
correlation
0.033 .358** .401** .483** 1.386** .654** .338** .335** .353** .377**
Cell phones/
SMS index
Pearson
correlation
0.045 .386** .301** .372** .386** 1.396** .303** .345** .277** .430**
Television
index
Pearson
correlation
−0.041 .129* .273** .439** .654** .396** 1.315** .361** .469** .379**
Katif.net
index
Pearson
correlation
0.081 .410** .514** .447** .338** .303** .315** 1.682** .423** .537**
Sites related
to Gush Katif
index
Pearson
correlation
0.008 .374** .364** .348** .335** .345** .361** .682** 1.530** .547**
General
purpose
Websites index
Pearson
correlation
−0.053 .116* .213** .343** .353** .277** .469** .423** 530** 1.412**
Mailing lists
index
Pearson
correlation
.115* .483** .525** .433** .377** .430** .379** 537** .547** .412** 1
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01
A central finding is the diversity and multiplicity of media in use by the evacuees;
different media are used for different purposes, and community members adjust the
media they use to their needs. For example, the media channels used for keeping contacts
are frequently different from the media used for receiving political or other information,
creating content or protesting. Even amongst the different groups of evacuees (residing
in hub communities, peripheral communities, or scattered throughout the country), sig-
nificant differences are evident, and members of the various groups tailor their commu-
nication tools according to their needs and circumstances.
A second significant finding is the centrality of small media over mass media for a
variety of cognitive, social and political needs. Dedicated websites, cell phones and pam-
phlets overshadow the use of most media available to evacuees and assists them to pro-
vide for their emotional and cognitive needs (note that other internet tools, such as
mailing lists of community coordinators and general websites are not equally important
for the evacuees). Differences in media usage patterns were found between the various
groups of evacuees, where scattered individuals made greater use of katif.net, the site
most associated with the evacuees. However, the site does not occupy the same dominant
role for the entire population of evacuees, in the same way it does for its user base, as
found in an earlier study (Lev-On, 2010).
The study also found a significant sense of community amongst the evacuees, along-
side differences between the three groups of evacuees, where the lowest sense of com-
munity is manifested among the dispersed, as well as reduced media usage for the
purposes asked. Significant correlations were found between the sense of community
index and a number of media usage indices, as well as correlations amongst all media
usage indices, which further illustrates that different media complement, not substitute
for, each other. It seems that usage of a certain media reinforces usage of other media (at
least for the purposes we asked about) and media usage often contributes also to the
enhanced sense of community.
Future studies can continue to analyze the role of media in preserving and reinforcing
a sense of community, and compare the results of this study with media uses by members
of communities with similar characteristics to identify similarities and differences (for
example, groups of refugees in a variety of circumstances, including political conflict,
ethnic conflict, and natural disasters). Such studies may assist in understanding better the
personal, social and communal uses of the internet and more traditional media, clarifying
the place of the mass media alongside small media and new media, and continue in map-
ping the uses and gratifications of media users in the contemporary media environment.
Acknowledgements
The author thanks the research authority of Ariel University Center for its generous financial sup-
port, that enabled this study to be carried out.
Notes
1. A few authors demonstrate the importance of virtual communities of refugees and immigrants
(i.e. Elias and Shorer-Zeltser, 2006; Georgiou, 2006; Mitra, 2001; Tynes, 2007; Yang, 2003)
for maintaining social ties amongst community members and between them and the home
country, getting relevant information and news, and functioning as a platform to organize for
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114 new media & society 14(1)
collective action. The current article focuses on relocated communities that existed prior to
the forced transition. But note that in many of the communities of refugees and immigrants,
the transition was not forced, and individuals were not a part of a community prior to the
transition. The only comparable case-study I came across at the time of writing is Skinner’s
(forthcoming) account of the residents of the Island of Montserrat who had to evacuate the
island after a volcanic eruption, and regrouped online. For more on disengagement and migra-
tion from virtual communities, see Papargyris and Poulymenakou (2009) and Kazmer (2007).
2. Data provided by Vaad Mityashvey Gush Katif, May 2008.
3. Data provided by Vaad Mityashvey Gush Katif, May 2008.
4. A 2007 survey by Dun & Bradstreet Israel shows that 72 percent of Israeli households are
online, 95 percent of which have a broadband connection. Adult internet users surf the Web
37.4 hours on average per month, which is the second highest in the world. See http://www.
dbisrael.co.il/NewsShowHeb1.asp?idnum=412.
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Dr Azi Lev-On is the chair of the school of communication, Ariel University Center,
Israel. Dr Lev-On’s studies explore behaviors and collective action in computer-medi-
ated environments, employing a variety of methods such as link analysis, surveys, and
laboratory experiments. Recent research analyzes how and why computer-mediated
communication impacts monetary transfers and trust, how people rank news stories
online, internet usage by candidates in the Israeli municipal elections 2008 and by
Ultra-Orthodox women who participate in closed forums online. For more information,
see www.azilevon.com
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