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Music-enhanced recall: An effect of mood congruence, emotion arousal or emotion function?

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Research on whether music facilitates recall has been inconsistent and has lacked a theoretical basis. Three competing emotion-based theories yield differential predictions dependent on arousal levels, mood congruence, and functional relevance of information respectively. The aim of this study was to determine the most informative framework to understand the effect of emotion-inducing music on the short-term recall of information about narratives. Ninety-five participants (range = 18–58 years) were randomly allocated to one of four groups differentiated by the type of music presented to them, which was either happy (n = 26), sad (n = 19), fearful (n = 25), or calm (n = 25). Participants listened to music, followed by a positively or negatively emotionally-valenced narrative, and free recall of the narrative was tested approximately five minutes later. The results provided strongest support for the mood congruence theory in this context. After exposure to positive music, recall of positive information was significantly greater than recall of negative information. Mood regulation ability moderated this effect, with symmetrical mood congruence observed in participants with a tendency to repair their negative moods. Music may therefore offer an effective means of facilitating encoding of information when the mood induced by preceding music is congruent with the valence of information learnt. While the arousal and function theories may be more informative in other contexts (for instance, when music is played following learning or longer-term recall is tested), the current findings may help to clarify some of the inconsistencies previously observed in the research on music-facilitated recall.
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Musicae Scientiae
16(3) 340 –356
© The Author(s) 2012
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DOI: 10.1177/1029864912459046
msx.sagepub.com
459046MSX16310.1177/102986
4912459046Musicae ScientiaeTesoriero and Rickard
2012
Corresponding author:
Nikki Sue Rickard, Monash University, Wellington Rd, Melbourne, 3800, Australia
Email: nikki.rickard@monash.edu
Music-enhanced recall: An effect of
mood congruence, emotion arousal
or emotion function?
Michael Tesoriero and Nikki Sue Rickard
Monash University, Australia
Abstract
Research on whether music facilitates recall has been inconsistent and has lacked a theoretical basis.
Three competing emotion-based theories yield differential predictions dependent on arousal levels, mood
congruence, and functional relevance of information respectively. The aim of this study was to determine
the most informative framework to understand the effect of emotion-inducing music on the short-term
recall of information about narratives. Ninety-five participants (range = 18–58 years) were randomly
allocated to one of four groups differentiated by the type of music presented to them, which was either
happy (n = 26), sad (n = 19), fearful (n = 25), or calm (n = 25). Participants listened to music, followed
by a positively or negatively emotionally-valenced narrative, and free recall of the narrative was tested
approximately five minutes later. The results provided strongest support for the mood congruence theory
in this context. After exposure to positive music, recall of positive information was significantly greater
than recall of negative information. Mood regulation ability moderated this effect, with symmetrical mood
congruence observed in participants with a tendency to repair their negative moods. Music may therefore
offer an effective means of facilitating encoding of information when the mood induced by preceding
music is congruent with the valence of information learnt. While the arousal and function theories may
be more informative in other contexts (for instance, when music is played following learning or longer-
term recall is tested), the current findings may help to clarify some of the inconsistencies previously
observed in the research on music-facilitated recall.
Keywords
arousal, congruence, emotion, encoding, function, mood regulation, music, short-term recall
Music listening is generally agreed to be a powerful moderator of emotional states (Eich, Ng,
Macaulay, Percy, & Grebneva, 2007; Juslin & Laukka, 2004; Sloboda & O’Neill, 2001). Given
that music listening influences emotional states1 and that emotional states influence the
encoding of information (Bower & Forgas, 2000, 2001; Cahill & McGaugh, 1998; Levine &
Pizarro, 2004, 2006), it follows that music listening may have the potential to influence the
encoding of information. However, there has been limited research investigating the effect of
music on encoding and the findings have been inconsistent (see Rickard, Toukhsati, & Field,
Article
Tesoriero and Rickard 341
2005). This may be partially a result of the absence of a clear and consistent theoretical
framework guiding this research (Juslin & Laukka, 2004; Sloboda & Juslin, 2001). In this
context, an emotion-based theoretical framework may provide some insight (e.g., Thompson,
Schellenberg, & Husain, 2001).
Three main explanations for the effect of emotional states on encoding are notable in the
emotion literature, and are distinguished by the conditions under which recall will be facili-
tated. The emotional arousal theory predicts enhanced recall of information when the partici-
pant is emotionally aroused (Cahill & McGaugh, 1998), while the mood congruence theory
predicts enhanced recall of information that is congruent with the emotional valence of the
participant (Bower & Forgas, 2000, 2001). In contrast, the function theory predicts enhanced
recall of information that is functionally relevant to the emotional state of the participant
(Levine & Burgess, 1997; Levine & Pizarro, 2004).
Emotional arousal theory
The emotional arousal theory explains the effect of emotional states on memory as mediated by
neurobiological mechanisms that accompany emotional arousal (Cahill & McGaugh, 1998).
Emotional states activate hormonal and neural mechanisms that are not engaged in emotion-
ally neutral states (Cahill & McGaugh, 1998). When emotions are evoked, stress hormones are
often released, which act on receptors in the amygdala to modulate long-term memory storage.
In empirical studies that provide support for this theory, par ticipants simultaneously view slides
and listen to an emotionally neutral story or an emotionally arousing story (Cahill & McGaugh,
1995). Memory for the story is tested, using free recall and/or recognition, at various times
after listening to the story. The emotionally arousing story is typically remembered significantly
better than the emotionally neutral story. It is noteworthy that the emotionally arousing story,
usually a car accident, has typically been negative in emotional valence (Talarico, Berntsen, &
Rubin, 2009). To test whether emotional arousal enhances learning of information when the
participant is emotionally aroused irrespective of emotional valence would provide stronger
support for this theory.
Mood congruence theory
The mood congruence theory explains the effect of emotional states on encoding as a result of
congruence between the emotional state of the participant and the positivity or negativity of
the information presented (Bower & Forgas, 2000, 2001). The mood of the participant pro-
motes selective encoding of information that has a similar valence (Eich & Forgas, 2003),
purportedly due to a closer relatedness within an associative network (Bower, 1981). When an
emotional state is evoked, concepts that are associated with that emotion valence become
primed and readily available for use (Bower, 1983). This affective priming promotes processing
of information that is congruent with the emotional valence of the participant (Bower, 1983,
1992; Bower & Forgas, 2000; Eich & Forgas, 2003). In empirical studies supporting this the-
ory, participants are first induced into an emotional state, and then are requested to partici-
pate in an apparently unrelated study during which information is presented (Bower & Forgas,
2000). Later, when participants are in a neutral mood, their memory for the information is
tested. Enhanced recall typically occurs for information that is congruent with the mood of
the participant at encoding as compared with incongruent moods (Ellis & Moore, 1999).
342 Musicae Scientiae 16(3)
Interestingly, mood-congruent encoding appears to be asymmetrical, so that it appears to
be stronger for positive than negative valence conditions (see Blaney, 1986; Forgas, 1995;
Singer & Salovey, 1988 for reviews), a bias which may be due to a tendency to regulate emo-
tions (Rusting, 1998, 2001). That is, some participants may be more motivated to maintain
positive moods and repair negative moods, diminishing mood congruence in the negative
condition. Trait differences in mood regulation may moderate mood congruence; partici-
pants with a high tendency to regulate their mood would be more likely to demonstrate this
asymmetry.
Function theory
The effect of mood on cognition may also depend on processing strategy (Forgas, 1999).
Positive moods are thought to lead to more heuristic processing strategies with open, cre-
ative, and inclusive processing solutions (Fiedler, 2001; Forgas, 1992; Fredrickson, 2001;
Isen, 1999). In contrast, negative moods are thought to lead to more systematic and ana-
lytic processing strategies (Fiedler, 2001; Forgas, 1992). The function theory proposes that
the effect of emotional states on encoding is related to the functions of the basic emotions
(Levine & Burgess, 1997; Levine & Edelstein, 2009; Levine & Pizarro, 2004, 2006). Each
basic emotion is argued to have a unique antecedent event and subsequent unique moti-
vations and action tendencies that organize thought and behaviour (Lazarus, 1991).
These different action tendencies imply differential information processing and encoding
of information for each basic emotion (Levine & Burgess, 1997; Levine & Pizarro, 2004,
2006). When events are goal congruent, happiness is evoked and there is no need for prob-
lem solving; attention is broad and likely to result in a general facilitation of the encoding
of incoming information (Levine & Burgess, 1997). However, when events are goal incon-
gruent, a negative emotion is evoked and there is a need for problem solving and increased
attention to goal relevant information (Levine & Burgess, 1997). Thus, if fear motivates
avoidance from the threat to a goal, then people may selectively encode information asso-
ciated with the threat. Similarly, if sadness motivates withdrawal from a goal and reflection
on the loss, then people may selectively encode information associated with the outcome of
the goal loss. Finally, if anger motivates overcoming the obstacle to a goal, then people may
selectively encode information associated with the obstacle.
Experimental studies investigating the differential encoding of information for each
emotional state are, however, limited. Levine and Burgess (1997) directly investigated the
effects of happiness, anger, and sadness on the encoding of the different types of informa-
tion (i.e., setting, goal, agent, outcome, consequences) in a narrative. The emotional states
were evoked by randomly assigning high or low grades to students, after which they lis-
tened to a narrative about a student’s life at university, then completed a four-minute
distraction task, and finally their free recall of the narrative was tested. It was found that
participants who rated feeling happy demonstrated enhanced recall for both goals and
outcomes. Those who felt sad showed enhanced recall for outcomes while those who felt
angry showed enhanced recall for goals, but not agents as expected. However, the study
was limited by a failure to control for the quantity of information across the various infor-
mation types and this may have confounded the results. Nonetheless, the experimental
paradigm employed by Levine and Burgess (1997) provides a useful basis from which to
explore the explanatory power of each theory to understanding the effect of music on
encoding.
Tesoriero and Rickard 343
Test of three theories
Importantly, these predominant theories for explaining emotion-enhanced recall have
yet to be contrasted within a single study. While such an approach would provide power-
ful evidence for the utility of one theory over another, several key criteria would nonethe-
less need to be satisfied within such an experiment’s design. First, valence and arousal
would each need to be independently manipulated while the other variable is held con-
stant to contrast the arousal and mood congruence theories (Gayle, 1997). Second to test
the function theory, the basic emotions (e.g., happy, sad, fear) would also need to be dif-
ferentially induced, as occurred in the study by Levine and Burgess (1997). Music is
capable of inducing basic emotions that vary in arousal and valence (e.g., Kreutz, Ott,
Teichmann, Osawa, & Vaitl, 2008) satisfying the criteria to test effectively the contribu-
tion of each theory to understanding the effect of music on encoding. A further require-
ment to test the utility of one theory over another would be to present a sufficient scope
of information. While the arousal theory predicts that arousal will facilitate recall of all
types of information, the mood congruence theory predicts facilitation on the basis of
information valence, so both positive and negative valence information should be pre-
sented. Finally, the function theory predicts facilitation on the basis of information rele-
vance, and therefore goal relevant information (i.e., goal, agent, threat, and outcome)
should be presented.
The current study
The aim of the current study was to examine the explanatory power of these three key
theories in understanding the effect of emotion-inducing music on encoding of valenced
information. To achieve this within a single study, each of the recommendations outlined
above was adopted. In addition, to increase external validity for the induction of emotion
by music, an online experimental context was used to enable participants to experience
music in a non-laboratory setting and to expand recruitment diversity beyond the typical
university sample (Reips, 2002). Participants listened to music excerpts intended to
induce happiness, sadness, fear or calmness. They then listened to a narrative which
consisted of four episodes (i.e., two positive and two negative valence) that occurred dur-
ing a student’s life. Each episode included different types of goal relevant information:
goal, agent, threat, and outcome. After distraction tasks, participants completed a free
recall test of the narrative.
According to the function theory, participants exposed to the sad music should demon-
strate higher mean recall for the outcome information than participants exposed to any
other music, and participants exposed to the fearful music should demonstrate higher
mean recall for the threat information than participants exposed to any other music.
According to the mood congruence theory, however, mean recall scores for the positive sto-
ries should be highest in the positive music condition (i.e., happy and calm), and mean
recall for the negative stories should be highest in the negative music condition (i.e., sad
and fearful). In addition, according to the mood regulation theory, it was hypothesized that
participants with high mood regulation scores would demonstrate greater mood congru-
ence in the positive valence condition. According to the emotional arousal theory, high
arousal music (i.e., happy and fearful) should result in higher mean recall for all types of
information than low arousal music (i.e., sad and calm). (See Figure 1 for summary of
theoretical expectations).
344 Musicae Scientiae 16(3)
Method
Participants
The sample consisted of 95 participants, 27 males and 68 females, (M = 26.56 years, SD =
9.63 years, range = 18–58 years) that were convenience sampled from advertisements in the
local community, the Monash University community, and on internet discussion boards. The
participants were randomly allocated to one of four groups differentiated by the type of music
presented: happy (n = 26), sad (n = 19), fearful (n = 25), or calm (n = 25). Participants aged
between 17 and 60 years without any hearing impairments were eligible to participate.
Participants were also requested to abstain from consuming any stimulants or depressants for
2 hours prior to the study.
Materials
Pre-intervention measures between groups. Prior to the music intervention, the following variables
were rated by participants on 5-point Likert-type scales: current emotional arousal level (i.e.,
how calm or excited they were feeling), current emotional valence level (i.e., how unpleasant or
pleasant they were feeling); and on 4-point Likert-type scales: stimulant intake level (i.e., the
amount of time since their last intake of caffeine or another stimulant), and depressant intake
level (i.e., the amount of time since their last intake of alcohol or another depressant).
Music excerpts. The music excerpts were selected from a pool of music pieces that successfully
induced the intended emotional states (i.e., happiness, sadness, fear, or calmness; see Appendix) in
previous studies (Kreutz et al., 2008; Krumhansl, 1997; Mayer, Allen, & Beauregard, 1995; Mit-
terschiffthaler et al., 2007; Panksepp & Bekkedal, 1997; Pelletier, 2004). The intended emotional
Figure 1. Summary of hypothesized effects of music (happy, fearful, calm or sad) on recall for different types
of narrative content, according to the Emotional Arousal Theory, Mood Congruence Theory (# dotted line
shows hypothesized recall levels of High Mood repair individuals) and Function Type Theory.
Tesoriero and Rickard 345
state induction of three of these music excerpts was also verified for a population representative of
that recruited in the current study via a pilot study. The duration of each music excerpt was less
than 3 minutes,2 and each music excerpt was edited to have a 1-second fade in and fade out using
Sony Sound Forge 7.0. The music excerpts were normalized at 89 dB using MP3Gain 1.2.5. A
silence condition was not included in the current study to ensure relatively consistent experiment
duration and auditory stimulation for all participants. Participants were instructed to rate on
5-point Likert-type scales how they felt when they had been listening to the music, specifically on
discrete emotion scales (i.e., happy, sad, angry, fearful, calm, disgust, and bored) and dimensional
emotion scales (i.e., arousal and valence), as well as their familiarity and preference for the music.
Narrative. The information to be recalled was presented in the form of a short narrative which
was adapted from a study by Levine and Burgess (1997) with permission from L. Levine (per-
sonal communication, 5 May 2009). The audio narrative consisted of four episodes that occur red
during a student’s life. There were two positive episodes (going on a ski trip and receiving the
highest grade in an exam) and two negative episodes (missing out on going to a concert and fail-
ing a subject). Analysis of memorability across stories in the current study showed no difference
in overall recall of the four episodes; F(3, 282) = 1.43, p =.23. Each episode included five types
of information: (1) the setting; (2) the goal of the protagonist; (3) the agent whose action was
congruent or incongruent with the goal; (4) the threat to the goal; and (5) the outcome, that is,
whether the goal was attained or not. Each episode consisted of five sentences of similar length,
one for each type of information, which had been adapted from Levine and Burgess (1997) to
address the dissimilar sentence lengths. The duration of the nar rative was 2:05 minutes, and the
narrative was edited to have a 1 second fade in and fade out. The audio of the female narrator
was transduced using a Microsoft LifeChat LX-2000 microphone. The narrative was recorded
and edited using Sony Sound Forge 7.0, and was normalized at 89 dB using MP3Gain 1.2.5.
Images. The images used in a distracter task were obtained from the International Affective
Picture System (IAPS; Lang, Bradley, & Cuthbert, 2005), which is a set of standardized affective
images. Four images were selected for emotion neutrality (arousal ratings between 4.8 and 5.4,
and valence ratings between 3.3 and 4.3; each on a scale from 1 to 9).
Trait Meta-Mood Scale. The Trait Meta-Mood Scale is a 30-item self-report measure of mood
experience (TMMS; Salovey, Mayer, Goldman, Turvey, & Palfai, 1995). Of the three subscales,
the subscale of interest in this study was the mood repair scale. The mood repair scale measures
the degree to which individuals seek to maintain pleasant moods and repair unpleasant ones.
The internal consistency of this scale was good (Cronbach’s alpha = .82; Salovey et al., 1995)
and it has exhibited good construct validity; it was negatively correlated with the Center for
Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (Salovey et al., 1995), and positively with emotion
regulation strategies: distraction and reappraisal (John & Gross, 2007). In the current study, the
internal consistency of the mood repair subscale, as measured by Cronbach’s alpha, was .77.
Free recall scoring sheet. An 80-item scoring sheet was developed to code the free recall responses
for the four episodes (two positive and two negative) and the five types of information (setting,
goal, agent, threat, and outcome; each of which consisted of four short phrases), in line with
the coding method used by Levine and Burgess (1997). Coders who were blind to the music
conditions and the emotion ratings of the participants recorded whether each phrase was pres-
ent or absent, with one point allocated for the presence of a phrase. To be allocated a point, the
phrase could be exactly as stated by the narrator, a synonym, or a closely related phrase. This
346 Musicae Scientiae 16(3)
method of scoring demonstrated high inter-rater reliability (.93-.98 across the different types
of information).
Procedure
The experiment was administered online, and accessed by participants via provision of a
web address and a password. Participants were required to wear headphones for the dura-
tion of the experiment, which enabled them to listen to the music and then the narrative,
and to avoid distractions that may have varied considerably in the non-laboratory setting.
They were informed of all procedures, although the complete aim of the experiment was
concealed from the participants to avoid demand characteristics. Instead they were informed
that the aim was to investigate differences in the way people process visual and auditory
information.
After logging onto the website, participants were provided with another brief introduction to
the study and a detailed explanatory statement. They first completed the pre-intervention mea-
sures, and were then instructed to listen to an audio sample (duration: 4s) and to adjust the
volume to a level comfortable to them. The following tasks were timed. Participants were
instructed to close their eyes as they listened to the music (happy, sad, fearful or calm) and then
the narrative, and open their eyes when it had finished. Next two distraction tasks (two minutes
each) required participants to type out objects and sounds that they noticed the last time they
went shopping in order to prevent rehearsal and ensure the narrative was no longer in short-
term memory. Participants then spent another two minutes viewing emotionally neutral
images to induce a neutral mood to reduce the influence of the emotional state at the time of
retrieval. In the free recall phase, participants were instructed to type out what they could recall
from listening to the narrative (untimed). Finally, participants rated the music excerpt that they
had heard on categorical and dimensional measures of emotion, familiarity, and preference,
completed the mood repair scale of the TMMS, and then were debriefed.
Results
Data set screening
There were 138 cases in the original data set. However, due to technical difficulties presenting
the audio material on certain computers, data were incomplete in 43 cases, resulting in a final
data set of 95. It is advisable in online studies to also screen the data set for unengaged respond-
ers (Reips, 2002). Two measures were used in the current study to determine participant
engagement with the experiment: the time taken to complete the experiment and the data
provided in the distraction tasks (Reips, 2002). No negative outliers were present on the exper-
iment duration variable, indicating that all participants spent a reasonable amount of time
completing the experiment. Similarly, all participants completed the distraction tasks indicat-
ing that participants were engaged with the experiment and that rehearsal was prevented.
Alpha was set at .05 and assumptions for all tests were satisfied unless otherwise specified.
Pre-intervention differences between groups
The potential differences between the groups prior to the music intervention were assessed using
Kruskal-Wallis ANOVAs because the assumption of normality was violated for all rating scales.
Participant groups did not differ on their self-reported levels of current arousal,
Tesoriero and Rickard 347
Table 1. The means and standard deviations of the categorical, dimensional, familiarity, and preference
ratings as a function of music excerpt.
Ratings Music excerpt
Happy*Sad*Fear*Calm*
Happy 3.73 (1.28) A2.79 (1.32) 2.04 (1.34) 3.48 (1.26)
Sad┼ B1.19 (0.40)a2.42 (1.17) 1.72 (0.84) 2.12 (1.27)d
Fear C1.31 (0.68)a1.63 (1.21) 2.60 (1.41) C1.32 (0.69)d
Calm┼ D2.73 (1.40)a3.53 (1.31) 2.08 (1.32) 3.64 (1.35)
Anger1.42 (0.99)a1.11 (0.46)b1.88 (1.09)c1.32 (0.90)d
Disgust 1.04 (0.20)a1.21 (0.63)b1.32 (0.85)c1.12 (0.44)d
Bored 2.08 (1.06)a1.63 (0.83)b2.00 (1.16) 2.04 (1.24)d
Arousal2.05 (1.14) E1.84 (0.83) 2.80 (1.08) E1.84 (0.90)
Valence3.42 (1.33) 3.68 (1.00) F2.88 (1.09) 3.64 (1.08)
Familiarity 3.58 (1.45) 3.32 (1.29) 3.04 (1.34) 2.88 (1.36)
Preference3.58 (1.72) 3.79 (0.79) G2.72 (1.17) 3.72 (0.94)
Note. The rating scale was 1 (low) to 5 (high).
For the categorical ratings, bold indicates the expected high correspondence between the intended emotion and the
emotion rating. For the dimensional ratings, bold indicates those music excerpts expected to be rated highest on that
dimension. Non-parametric tests were used because the assumption of normality was violated for 41 of the 44 emotion
rating scales (4 music conditions × 11 music rating scales; K-S test), and the assumption of homogeneity of variance was
violated for 4 of the 11 music rating scales as indicated by the Levene Test (p < .05).
= Kruskall Wallis tests on the emotion ratings between the music excerpts revealed that there was a significant differ-
ence at α < .05.
A, B, C, D, E, F, G= Post-hoc pair-wise comparisons (i.e., Mann Whitney) revealed that these ratings were significantly dif-
ferent from the other ratings in bold at a Bonferonni adjusted value of α < .01.
*= Friedman tests on the emotion ratings within the groups revealed that there was a significant difference at α < .05.
a, b, c, d= Post-hoc pair-wise comparisons (i.e., Wilcoxon) revealed that these ratings were significantly different from the
other ratings in bold at a Bonferonni adjusted value of α < .01.
χ
2
(3, n = 95) = 6.44, p =.09, current valence, χ
2
(3, n = 95) = 4.48, p =.21, or self-reported levels
of stimulant intake χ
2
(3, n = 95) = 2.83, p =.42, or depressant intake χ
2
(3, n = 95) = .29, p =.96.
Verification of music excerpts. The means and standard deviations of the categorical, dimen-
sional, familiarity, and preference ratings for each music excerpt are summarized in Table 1.
Table 1 indicates that across groups, each of the music excerpts induced the highest rating on
the intended emotion category, and that this rating was significantly different from at least one
of the other music excerpts. Table 1 also indicates that within groups, the music excerpts induced
the highest overall rating on the intended emotion category, and that this rating was signifi-
cantly different from at least two of the other emotion categories. The categorical ratings of
happy, χ2(3, n = 95) = 20.89, p < .001; sad, χ2(3, n = 95) = 17.40, p < .001; fearful, χ2(3,
n = 95) = 21.89, p < .001; calm, χ2(3, n = 95) = 21.89, p < .001; and angry, χ2(3, n = 95) =
12.19, p =.01, were significantly different across music excerpts, while the ratings of disgust
and bored were not. The dimensional ratings of arousal, χ2(3, n = 95) = 13.96, p =.003, and
valence, χ2(3, n = 95) = 7.69, p =.05, were also significantly different. The sad music excerpt
was, however, not rated low on the valence dimension. While there were no significant differ-
ences in familiarity ratings across excerpts, the preference ratings were significantly different,
χ2(3, n = 95) = 13.42, p =.004, with the fearful music excerpt rated as less preferred than the
other music excerpts.
348 Musicae Scientiae 16(3)
Analyses of recall data: Test of three theories
Function theory. To test the function theory of emotion-facilitated recall, the total number of
correct responses for recall of setting, goal, threat, outcome, and agent information was col-
lated. A 4 × 5 mixed model ANOVA revealed that the interaction between the music type and
the information type was not significant, F(12, 364) = 1.11, p =.35, η2 = .04. The main effect
of music type on recall was significant, F(3, 91) = 2.74, p =.05, η2 = .08, which appeared to be
due to the lower recall in the happy music condition (Tukey’s HSD post-hoc tests approached
significance for happy compared to fearful, p < .07, and calm, p < .08). A significant main effect
for information type was also found, F(4, 364) = 24.23, p < .001, η2 = .21. Pair-wise compari-
sons with a Bonferroni correction revealed that agent information (M = 7.16, SD = 3.69) was
recalled significantly better than setting (M = 4.48, SD = 3.07), goal (M = 4.90, SD = 3.22),
threat (M = 5.22, SD = 4.19), and outcome (M = 5.36, SD = 3.61) information.
Mood congruence theory. To test the mood congruence theory of emotion-facilitated recall, the
numbers of correct responses for recall of the positive stories and the negative stories were col-
lated. The music types were then combined into a positive valence music group (happy and
calm; n = 51) and a negative valence music group (sad and fearful; n = 44). The means and
standard error of the mean for recall across each music condition for negative and positive sto-
ries are summarized in Figure 2.
Figure 2 suggests that there was an interaction between music valence and narrative
valence. After exposure to negative music, the mean recall of negative stories appears to be
higher than the mean recall of positive stories. In contrast, after exposure to positive music,
the mean recall of positive stories appears to be higher than the mean recall of negative
stories. A 2 × 2 mixed model ANOVA revealed that there was a significant interaction
between the music type and the information type, F(1, 93) = 6.98, p =.01, η2 = .07. Post-
hoc repeated measures t-tests confirmed that after exposure to positive music, the recall of
positive stories (M = 13.67, SD = 8.43) was significantly greater than the recall of negative
stories (M = 11.57, SD = 7.71), t(50) = 2.12, p =.04, r2 = .08, but that after exposure to
negative music, the recall of negative stories (M = 15.66, SD = 8.22) was not significantly
greater than the recall of positive stories (M = 13.63, SD = 9.11), t(43) = 1.65, p =.11,
Figure 2. Mean scores on the recall test as a function of music and information valence. Error bars indicate
standard error of the mean.
Tesoriero and Rickard 349
r2 = .06. There was no significant main effect of either music type or information type on
recall.
Mood regulation. To investigate whether capacity for mood regulation moderated mood
congruence, mood repair scale scores were categorized via a median split (median = 22.003)
into high mood repair (n = 55) and low mood repair groups (n = 40). The analysis to test mood
congruence was repeated with the inclusion of mood repair as a moderating variable. The 2 ×
2 × 2 mixed model ANOVA revealed that the interaction between mood repair, music valence,
and narrative valence was significant, F(1, 91) = 5.37, p =.02, η2 = .06 (see Figure 3). For those
high on mood repair, the interaction between the music valence and the narrative valence was
significant, F(1, 53) = 14.33, p < .001, η2 = .21. Post-hoc repeated measures t-tests revealed
that for those high on mood repair, recall of positive stories (M = 16.17, SD = 8.47) was
significantly greater than the recall of the negative stories (M = 12.53, SD = 8.32) after exposure
to positive music, t(29) = 2.95, p =.006, r2 = .23, two-tailed, while recall of negative stories
Figure 3. Mean scores on the recall test as a function of music and information valence for participants (A)
low on the mood repair scale and (B) high on the mood repair scale. Error bars indicate standard error of
the mean.
350 Musicae Scientiae 16(3)
(M = 16.28, SD = 8.51) was significantly greater than the recall of positive stories (M =
12.04, SD = 9.77) after exposure to negative music, t(24) = 2.49, p =.02, r2 = .21, two-tailed.
In contrast, for participants scoring low on the mood repair scale, there was no significant
interaction between music valence and narrative valence or main effect of narrative valence,
although a significant main effect of music valence was observed, F(1, 38) = 4.36, p =.04, η2
= .10, with recall scores higher following negative than positive music.
Emotional arousal theory. To test the emotional arousal theory of emotion-facilitated recall, the
total number of correct responses was collated (across valence and information types). The
music types were combined into a high emotional arousal music group (happy and fearful; n =
51) and a low emotional arousal music group (sad and calm; n = 44). An independent mea-
sures t-test revealed no difference between total recall for the high emotion arousal music group
(M = 25.33, SD = 14.91) and the low emotion arousal music group (M = 29.18, SD = 15.90),
t(93) = -1.22, p =.23, r2 = .02.
Discussion
The aim of this study was to examine the contribution of three theories, previously utilized to
explain emotion-facilitated memory, to understanding the effect of music on encoding of posi-
tively and negatively valenced information. Of the three theories examined, support was obtained
for the mood congruence theory only. The results supported the mood congruence hypothesis that
the effect of music on recall would depend on congruency between the emotional valence of the
narrative and the emotional valence music. This is consistent with previous research that has
demonstrated mood-congruent recall (e.g., Bower, Gilligan, & Monteiro, 1981; Forgas & Bower,
1987; Nasby, 1996). In contrast, neither the function hypothesis that music type would interact
with the type of information to be recalled, nor the emotional arousal hypothesis that high arousal
music would yield higher recall than low arousal music, was supported in this context.
Moderation by trait mood repair
Interestingly, the mood congruence effect was asymmetrical. While participants recalled sig-
nificantly more positive information than negative information following exposure to positive
music, the finding that participants recalled more negative information than positive informa-
tion following exposure to negative music was a non-significant trend only. This finding implies
a positive emotion bias which is consistent with previous studies in which mood congruence
was greater for the positive valence conditions compared to the negative valence conditions
(e.g., Fiedler et al., 2003; Gilligan & Bower, 1983; Nasby & Yando, 1982). Importantly, mood
regulation moderated this effect, with symmetrical mood congruence observed in participants
with high mood repair scores. In contrast, there was no significant mood-congruent effect in
individuals with low mood repair scores. These findings appear inconsistent with previous
findings, in which participants with high mood repair scores are more likely to maintain posi-
tive moods and repair negative moods such that mood congruence in the negative condition is
expected to be diminished. In contrast, it was expected that those low on mood repair would
demonstrate symmetry or a negative bias because the negative mood would be maintained or
enhanced.
The absence of diminished mood congruence in the negative music condition for high mood
repair individuals may, however, be explained by the type of mood repair strategy employed.
Tesoriero and Rickard 351
Negative mood repair can occur via different mood regulation strategies (Gross, 1998; Gross &
Thompson, 2007), two of which (distraction and reappraisal) correlate positively with the
TMMS (John & Gross, 2007). If a distraction strategy is employed, then an individual directs
attention away from the unpleasant information and towards pleasant information (John &
Gross, 2007; Gross & Thompson, 2007) and this strategy may account for diminished mood
congruence in the negative condition (Bower & Forgas, 2001; Rusting, 1998, 2001). However,
if a reappraisal strategy is employed, then an individual reappraises the unpleasant information
(John & Gross, 2007; Gross & Thompson, 2007), presumably processing it further, which may
account for the symmetrical mood congruence observed. This finding suggests that mood
repair moderates mood congruence and further differentiation of the mood repair strategies
could clarify this relationship.
The absence of mood congruence for participants with low mood repair scores may be attrib-
uted to an absence of mood awareness. These participants are more likely to be passive in
response to their mood and less aware of their mood compared to those high on mood repair
(Salovey et al., 1995); limited insight into one’s own mood such as this has previously been
demonstrated to result in an absence of mood congruence (e.g., Rothkopf & Blaney, 1991). This
finding suggests that mood awareness may also moderate mood congruence. Nonetheless, the
symmetrical mood congruence observed in participants with high mood repair scores provides
support for mood congruence theory.
It is of note that in the current study, the experimental groups were compared rather than
groups defined by subjective ratings. While the felt emotion ratings generally indicated that the
music excerpts induced the expected emotional states, these ratings were nevertheless partly
confounded by intervening tasks. That is, participants were asked to rate the music after listen-
ing to the narrative, completing the distraction tasks, and free recall of the narrative. These
tasks are likely to have influenced the subjective ratings of the music excerpts, and therefore
were a less reliable method of categorizing participants than the experimental groups. Given
that the music excerpts had successfully induced the intended emotional states in previous
studies where subjective ratings and physiological responses were measured without interven-
ing tasks and time delay (Kreutz et al., 2008; Krumhansl, 1997; Mayer et al., 1995;
Mitterschiffthaler et al., 2007; Panksepp & Bekkedal, 1997; Pelletier, 2004), it is highly proba-
ble that the pieces generally induced the intended emotional state.
Absence of support for the function theory
No support for the function theory was obtained in the current study. This finding is incon-
sistent with the findings of Levine and Burgess (1997), which may be attributable to differ-
ences in the mood induction procedure. In particular, the instrumental music may not have
been sufficiently effective at inducing discrete emotions (Juslin & Laukka, 2004; Scherer,
2004), which, given the relatively small sample sizes, means that this experiment may have
had insufficient power to detect such small effect sizes. While the online nature of this study
required experimenter-selected pieces, a stronger effect size may also be obtained via use of
participant-selected music pieces in future research. Although the intended basic emotion
was the most prominently reported, other emotions may have been partially induced as
well, as indicated in the previous studies (Hunter, Schellenberg, & Schimmack, 2010; Kreutz
et al., 2008; Krumhansl, 1997; Mayer et al., 1995; Mitterschiffthaler et al., 2007; Panksepp
& Bekkedal, 1997). This lack of exclusive basic emotion induction may have diminished basic
emotion action tendencies, preventing any of the anticipated specific encoding. This con-
trasts with the mood induction procedure used by Levine and Burgess (1997) where group
352 Musicae Scientiae 16(3)
allocation was based exclusively on the primary emotion induced. A secondary analysis
based on the primary emotion induced could not be achieved in this study because of inad-
equate sample sizes that resulted from the naturally forming groups, but is recommended
for future research, accompanied with a more integrated measure of the emotional states
induced. Continuous measurement of physiological responses (e.g., skin conductance
response) and motor expression (e.g., facial muscle responses) during the experiment
(Grewe, Nagel, Kopiez, & Altenmuller, 2007; Krumhansl, 1997; Witvliet & Vrana, 1995)
may provide a solution to this difficulty.
Absence of support for the emotional arousal theory
Similarly, there was no support for the emotional arousal theory in the current data. This finding
appears inconsistent with previous studies (Burke et al., 1992; Christianson & Loftus, 1987;
Christianson & Loftus, 1991; Cahill & McGaugh, 1995; Cahill et al., 1994; Heuer & Reisberg,
1990; Judde & Rickard, 2010); although see also Eschrich, Münte & Altenmüller, 2008, who
found also that valence rather than arousal levels best predicted recall of music pieces), how-
ever, two factors may account for this inconsistency. First, in this study, emotional arousal was
induced prior to the information to be recalled, while in previous studies in which an arousal
effect has been demonstrated, emotional arousal was induced simultaneously by virtue of the
information itself. It is possible that emotional arousal does not influence encoding when it
precedes the information to be recalled. Second, in this study, recall was tested within approxi-
mately 5 minutes of learning the information. Although emotional arousal has previously
been found to enhance encoding when tested shortly afterwards (Burke et al., 1992;
Christianson & Loftus, 1991; Christianson & Loftus, 1987), the effect increases with time
(Levine & Edelstein, 2009; Reisberg, 2006), so it would be of interest to replicate this study with
a longer learning-test interval.
Emotion-based theoretical frameworks
The current study illuminates the inconsistent findings on the effect of music on memory.
Utilizing an emotion-based theoretical framework, the facilitatory effect of music presented
prior to learning on the recall of narratives were demonstrated to be best explained by the
congruence between the emotional valence of music and the emotional valence of the sto-
ries, particularly for participants who effectively regulate their mood. This may explain,
then, why previous research appears inconsistent, as mood congruence has typically not
been a factor in the selection of music stimuli. It is interesting that music selected for rhyth-
mic or melodic reasons was found to have no facilitatory effect on encoding in several stud-
ies (Crawford & Strapp, 1994; Furnham & Allass, 1999; Furnham & Strbac, 2002). In
contrast, music selected for emotional valence was found to have a facilitatory effect on
encoding; positive valence music compared to negative valence music has facilitated recall
(e.g., Cassidy & MacDonald, 2007; Hallam, Price, & Katsarou, 2002). Although the emo-
tional valence of the information was not specified in such a way that mood congruence
could not be assessed, the emotional valence of the music clearly influences learning. Taken
together, these findings provide direction for music therapists and teachers who might con-
sider utilizing music to facilitate encoding. It is recommended that, where possible, the use
of music be guided by an emotion-based theoretical framework with an awareness of the
congruence between the emotional valence of music and the emotional valence of the infor-
mation presented, along with an appreciation of the individual differences that participants
Tesoriero and Rickard 353
may have in their tendency to regulate their mood. Importantly, in contexts other than that
described here, for instance with music presented during or after learning, or recall tested at
longer delays, the effects of music on recall may be better explained by the function or emo-
tional arousal theory of emotion-facilitated memory.
Notes
1. There is ongoing debate in the literature regarding whether music is capable of inducing ‘real world’
emotional states (e.g., Davies, 2010; Konecni, 2008), which is beyond the scope of this paper. Nev-
ertheless, music is regarded as one of more effective means of inducing ‘authentic’ emotions (Eich et
al., 2007), and the reader is referred to a review of the mechanisms by which music elicits emotions
by Juslin and Vastfjall (2008) and a comparison of the efficacy of emotion models in explaining
music-induced emotional responses by Vuoskoski and Eerola (2011).
2. While the fearful music excerpt was approximately one minute shorter than the others, this excerpt
was selected because it successfully induced fear. This criterion was considered more important than
the duration of the piece given that the time at which the emotion is induced varies widely across
individuals and pieces even when duration is equivalent.
3. While there are no established cut-off points for high and low categories in the TMMS scales, the
median split occurred at a mood repair score of 22.00, which was consistent with both the sample
mean (M = 21.49, SD = 4.21) and previous research. For instance, the mean mood repair score in
an Australian normative sample was 23.20 (SD = 4.30) (Palmer, Gignac, Bates, & Stough, 2003),
while a sample of first year Psychology students from an Australian university yielded a mean mood
repair score of 20.53 (SD = 5.00) (Davies, Stankov, & Roberts, 1998). Given the consistency with
the sample mean and previous normative data, categorization into high and low at a cut-off of 22.00
was considered representative.
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The composition, composer, excerpt, target emotion, and the mean rating of the target emotion from the
pilot study.
Title Composer Excerpt Emotion Pilot Rating
Radetzky march Strauss 0:00–03:00 Happy 3.57 (1.55)
Adagio (G minor) Albinoni 0:00–03:00 Sad 3.71 (1.33)
Arcana for full
orchestra
Varese 0:00–01:58 Fear 3.00 (1.41)
Prelude to the
afternoon of a faun
Debussy 0:00–03:00 Calm
Note. The rating scale was 1 (low) to 5 (high). Figures in brackets are standard deviations.
Appendix: The selected music excerpts for each target emotion
... Relatedly, we detected a positive linear association between music-evoked affect and likelihood of MEAMs for both familiar and unfamiliar music. This finding is in line with previous reports of music mood-congruency effects only occurring with positively-valenced musical cues (Tesoriero & Rickard, 2012). Past work has suggested that manipulations of the emotional content of the cue itself -as opposed to the participants' affective statehas a stronger effect on eliciting mood-congruent memories (Simpson & Sheldon, 2020). ...
... For studies in which positive valence has null effects, again no patterns can be found: more positive mood does not enhance performance on arithmetic calculations, working memory, declarative memory, recall memory, recognition memory, or associative memory (Borella et al., 2014;Bottiroli et al., 2014;Isarida et al., 2017;Nguyen & Grahn, 2017;Proverbio et al., 2018). Patterns appear once more among research investigating the effects of musical congruence: all four studies are done on memory tasks such as working memory tasks (Franco et al., 2014;Tesoriero & Rickard, 2012;Ward et al., 2021;Woloszyn & Ewert, 2012). ...
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The idea that certain types of music can enhance performance on cognitive tasks has fascinated psychologists for decades. One study that has gained heightened attention is the study on the Mozart Effect by Rauscher and others, which demonstrated a positive effect of Mozart’s music on performance on a spatial reasoning task. Later research that replicated the study, however, achieved mixed findings, with some supporting the Mozart Effect while others not. One of the most widely cited alternative explanations is the arousal-mood theory developed by Thompson and others in 2001. Yet, though improving on the previous theory, there are also inconsistent findings regarding this model. Consequently, the present review aims to investigate why contradictory results exist by analyzing experiments conducted in the past decade. Studies are discussed in terms of their level of support for the arousal-mood theory and why this might be so, evoking various pre-existing models. It was found that the results largely rely on task type and individual differences. Research gaps and future research directions are also proposed.
... Several experiments have used music to investigate the influence of emotional states or moods on cognitive processes. Although differences between mood and emotion induction are not clearly defined in several studies (for implications for study design, see Garrido, 2014), participants are typically presented with an induction procedure by listening to music before or during task performance, for example in the study of selective attention in eye-tracking (Arriaga et al., 2014;Isaacowitz et al., 2008), the dot probe (Tamir & Robinson, 2007, Experiment 5), free recall memory (Parrott, 1991;Tesoriero & Rickard, 2012; see also Talamini et al., 2022), or emotion processing (Bouhuys et al., 1995;Jolij & Meurs, 2011), all of which support the mood-congruency hypothesis. The influence of music listening on mood may also change the perception of physical environmental features. ...
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In everyday life, music is increasingly being listened to through headphones and mobile devices in public situations. While a large body of research has demonstrated that music may influence the emotional states of listeners and affect multimodal perceptions i.e. in films, less is known about the music’s impact on environments and the interpretation of social situations. We conducted an online experiment to investigate the influence of music on evaluations, considering individuals’ emotional states (emotion congruence) and group perception. Participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental conditions (music with positive valence and high arousal, music with negative valence and low arousal, and no music) while viewing images of two different social group types that varied in perceived group characteristics (group members being familiar or unfamiliar with each other). Images were rated on four bipolar scales measuring affective quality and cognitive evaluation of social situations. Results show that individuals who listened to negative music provided lower valence ratings and also judgded social environments lower in terms of pleasantness and cheerfulness (affective) than individuals in the other experimental conditions. In contrast, ratings of crowdedness and familiarity (cognitive) did not differ between experimental conditions. The effect of music on affective evaluations was shaped by social group types, such that participants were more influenced by music when viewing intimacy groups (e.g., friends) than when viewing transitory groups (e.g., strangers). Overall, our results support the assumption of mood congruency for affective evaluations and emphasize the need to consider social information when studying the influence of music on the perception of environments.
... Inducing positive moods through music has also been shown to benefit different types of memory, including boosting autobiographical memory retrieval in Alzheimer's patients 76 , recognition of abstract images 77 , as well as both visuospatial and navigational working memory 78 . Studies investigating mood-dependent learning show that encoding and retrieving information in similar emotional contexts elicited by music facilitates memory performance 79,80 . Prior work on moods more broadly is limited, however, in that it focuses on the effects of a sustained and singular affective state following mood induction. ...
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Human emotions fluctuate over time. However, it is unclear how these shifting emotional states influence the organization of episodic memory. Here, we examine how emotion dynamics transform experiences into memorable events. Using custom musical pieces and a dynamic emotion-tracking tool to elicit and measure temporal fluctuations in felt valence and arousal, our results demonstrate that memory is organized around emotional states. While listening to music, fluctuations between different emotional valences bias temporal encoding process toward memory integration or separation. Whereas a large absolute or negative shift in valence helps segment memories into episodes, a positive emotional shift binds sequential representations together. Both discrete and dynamic shifts in music-evoked valence and arousal also enhance delayed item and temporal source memory for concurrent neutral items, signaling the beginning of new emotional events. These findings are in line with the idea that the rise and fall of emotions can sculpt unfolding experiences into memories of meaningful events.
... This training generates a great activity in cerebral areas involved in emotion when musicians experience music (Beaty et al., 2016). Another possible explanation is related to the function theory, which explains the effect of emotional states on the acquisition of information (Forgas, 1999) where negative moods (in our case induced by a protocol with negative images) lead to more systematic and analytic processing strategies (Forgas, 1992;Tesoriero & Rickard, 2012). Musicians are characterized by analytical cognitive processing due to their musical training (Justel & Diaz Abrahan, 2012), and by listening to music, musicians may reinforce analytical processing, which facilitates recall of information. ...
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Research has shown that memory is influenced by emotion. Several studies demonstrated the effectiveness of pharmacological and non-pharmacological interventions to modulate emotional memory pursuing clinical and educational aims. Music has been identified as a potential memory modulator, with results differing widely depending on whether the participant had musical training or not. The current study examined the effect of listening to music on musicians’ and non-musicians’ positive (study 1) and negative (study 2) emotional memory, in a group of 163 volunteers, aged 18–40. After the information was encoded, the groups of participants were exposed to arousing music (Symphony No. 70, D major by Joseph Haydn) or a control stimulus (white noise) for three minutes. Then memory was evaluated through free recall and recognition (immediate and deferred measures). Memory performance was compared between musicians (people with five or more years of music education) and non-musicians. Positive and negative images were better recalled than neutral ones, positive images were better recognized than neutral ones however neutral images were better recognized than negative ones. In Study 1, listening to white noise enhanced recall compared to listening to music. In Study 2, listening to arousing music enhanced recall compared to listening to white noise, and this effect was more pronounced in musicians than non-musicians. Our findings suggest that music has a great impact on memory, especially in those with experience in the field, which is reflected in cognitive performance.
... Relatedly, we detected a positive linear association between music-evoked affect and likelihood of MEAMs for both familiar and unfamiliar music. This finding is in line with previous reports of music mood-congruency effects only occurring with positively-valenced musical cues (Tesoriero & Rickard, 2012). Past work has suggested that manipulations of the emotional content of the cue itself -as opposed to the participants' affective statehas a stronger effect on eliciting mood-congruent memories (Simpson & Sheldon, 2020). ...
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Music-evoked autobiographical memories (MEAMs) are typically elicited by music that listeners have heard before. However, recent evidence indicates that even music that is unfamiliar to the listener can still cue autobiographical memory. Here we examined how perceived familiarity, music-evoked affect, and developmental timing of music release (childhood, adolescence, young adulthood) were associated with evoked memories in older adults (N=75, ages 65-80) who listened to familiar and unfamiliar music in a pre-registered study. More positive music-evoked affect was related to higher MEAM likelihood for both familiar and unfamiliar music. Higher perceived familiarity was associated with the occurrence of MEAMs in response to familiar, but not unfamiliar, music. We also replicated “reminiscence bump” effects for familiar music such that participants reported more MEAMs in response to music released during their adolescence (14-18) than young adulthood (20-25); however, our results indicate that this bump may begin earlier (i.e., middle childhood). Together, our results suggest different mechanisms underlying MEAMs for familiar and unfamiliar music: music-evoked affect may facilitate MEAMs regardless of previous exposure, but perceived familiarity supports MEAMs only for familiar music.
... These results agree with findings on the impact of musical congruence on speed in decision-making, memory retrieval in verbal association tasks, focus of attention, and greater empathy or engagement with the story in film watching (e.g., Costabile & Terman, 2013;Tesoriero & Rickard, 2012). They also agree with data from studies on the effect of music congruency in service settings that report congruency to lead to increased customer's pleasure (Demoulin, 2011). ...
... Important factors that have been identified in this context are task difficulty [4], music complexity [5], and the personal preference for external stimulation, along with extraversion [6,7]. As to emotional factors, arousal and mood conveyed by the music have been shown to differentially influence memory performance [8,9]. In a recent study, Ward et al. [10] found that mood-matching music can improve recall in older adults. ...
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Numerous studies indicate that listening to music and reading are processes that interact in multiple ways. However, these interactions have rarely been explored with regard to the role of emotional mood. In this study, we first conducted two pilot experiments to assess the conveyed emotional mood of four classical music pieces and that of four narrative text excerpts. In the main experiment, participants were asked to read the texts while listening to the music and to rate their emotional state in terms of valence, arousal, and dominance. Subsequently, they rated text and music of the multisensory event in terms of the perceived mood, liking, immersion, and music-text fit. We found a mutual carry-over effect of happy and sad moods from music to text and vice versa. Against our expectations, this effect was not mediated by the valence, arousal, or dominance experienced by the subject. Moreover, we revealed a significant interaction between music mood and text mood. Texts were liked better, they were classified as of better quality, and participants felt more immersed in the text if text mood and music mood corresponded. The role of mood congruence when listening to music while reading should not be ignored and deserves further exploration.
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The current study examined how mood affects the impact of false feedback on belief and recollection. In a three-session experiment, participants first watched 40 neutral mini videos, which were accompanied by music to induce either a positive or negative mood, or no music. Following a recognition test, they received false feedback to reduce belief in the occurrence of the events displayed in some of the videos (Session 2). This was followed by an immediate memory test and a delayed memory assessment one week later (Session 3). The results revealed that participants in negative mood reported higher belief scores compared to those in positive moods, despite an overall decline in belief scores for all groups following the false feedback. Notably, individuals in negative moods exhibited less reduction in their belief scores after encountering challenges, thereby maintaining a higher accuracy in their testimonies. Over time, a reduction in the clarity of participants’ memory recall was observed, which correspondingly reduced their testimony accuracy. This study thus indicates that mood states play a role in shaping belief and memory recall under the influence of false feedback.
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The current study examined how mood affects the impact of false feedback on belief and recollection. In a three-session experiment, participants first watched 40 neutral mini videos, which were accompanied by music to induce either a positive or negative mood, or no music. Following a recognition test, they received false feedback to reduce belief in the occurrence of the events displayed in some of the videos (Session 2). This was followed by an immediate memory test and a delayed memory assessment one week later (Session 3). The results revealed that participants in negative mood reported higher belief scores compared to those in positive moods, despite an overall decline in belief scores for all groups following the false feedback. Notably, individuals in negative moods exhibited less reduction in their belief scores after encountering challenges, thereby maintaining a higher accuracy in their testimonies. Over time, a reduction in the clarity of participants’ memory recall was observed, which correspondingly reduced their testimony accuracy. This study thus indicates that mood states play a role in shaping belief and memory recall under the influence of false feedback.
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The view that emotional intelligence should be included within the traditional cognitive abilities framework was explored in 3 studies (total N = 530) by investigating the relations among measures of emotional intelligence, traditional human cognitive abilities, and personality. The studies suggest that the status of the emotional intelligence construct is limited by measurement properties of its tests. Measures based on consensual scoring exhibited low reliability. Self-report measures had salient loadings on well-established personality factors, indicating a lack of divergent validity. These data provide controvertible evidence for the existence of a separate Emotion Perception factor that (perhaps) represents the ability to monitor another individual's emotions. This factor is narrower than that postulated within current models of emotional intelligence.
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This article reviews evidence for the roles that mood states and personality traits play in the processing of emotion-congruent information across different cognitive tasks. Evidence is reviewed for 3 emotion-congruency frameworks, each summarizing a different route to emotional processing: the traditional approach, a moderation approach, and a mediation approach. Most of the traditional literature includes studies that examine the effects of moods and traits on emotional processing separately; these studies have yielded some inconsistent findings. The moderation and mediation approaches offer potential solutions to the lack of consistency obtained in the traditional literature by allowing for the combined effects of personality traits and mood states on the processing of emotional information. The moderation approach suggests that mood states interact with individual differences in emotion-relevant personality traits to influence emotion-congruent processing. The mediation approach suggests that personality traits predispose individuals to certain mood states, which then influence emotional processing. These approaches provide a framework for understanding the literature and a starting point for future research on emotion-congruent processing.
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Two experiments investigated the selective influences of experimentally induced mood states on 156 5th graders' encoding and retrieval of affectively valent information. Exp I revealed that a happy, compared to a neutral, mood during encoding facilitated recall of positive information; a sad encoding mood disrupted recall of positive material. A happy mood during retrieval also facilitated recall of positive information, but no other selective effects of retrieval mood occurred. Exp II indicated that the negative mood of anger, like that of sadness, disrupted the encoding of positive information; unlike sadness, however, anger facilitated the encoding of negative material. Again, no selective effects of retrieval mood occurred. Findings indicate that selective encoding and retrieval may contribute to children's cognitive ability to regulate mood states as well as other aspects of social learning and development. (48 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
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Most previous studies investigating music-induced emotions have applied emotion models developed in other fields to the domain of music. The aim of this study was to compare the applicability of music-specific and general emotion models – namely the Geneva Emotional Music Scale (GEMS), and the discrete and dimensional emotion models – in the assessment of music-induced emotions. A related aim was to explore the role of individual difference variables (such as personality and mood) in music-induced emotions, and to discover whether some emotion models reflect these individual differences more strongly than others. One hundred and forty-eight participants listened to 16 film music excerpts and rated the emotional responses evoked by the music excerpts. Intraclass correlations and Cronbach alphas revealed that the overall consistency of ratings was the highest in the case of the dimensional model. The dimensional model also outperformed the other two models in the discrimination of music excerpts, and principal component analysis revealed that 89.9% of the variance in the mean ratings of all the scales (in all three models) was accounted for by two principal components that could be labelled as valence and arousal. Personality-related differences were the most pronounced in the case of the discrete emotion model. Personality, mood, and the emotion model used were also associated with the intensity of experienced emotions. Implications for future music and emotion studies are raised concerning the selection of an appropriate emotion model when measuring music-induced emotions. © 2011, European Society for the Cognitive Sciences of Music. All rights reserved.
Chapter
The position of emotion in music has been a subject of considerable interest and debate. However emotional aspects of music have received surprising little attention in the 45 years since the publication of Leonard Meyer's classic work 'Emotion and meaning in music.' During that time, both 'music psychology' and 'emotion' have developed as lively areas of research, and the time is fitting therefore to try and bring together this multidisciplinary interest and take stock of what we now know about this important relationship. A new volume in the Series in Affective Science, Music and Emotion; Theory and Research brings together leading researchers interested in both these topics to present the first integrative review of this subject. The first section reflects the various interdisciplinary perspectives, taking on board views from philosophy, psychology, musicology, biology, anthropology, and sociology. The second section addresses the role of our emotions in the composition of music, the ways that emotions can be communicated via musical structures, the use of music to express emotions within the cinema. The third section looks at the emotions of the performer - how do they communicate emotion, how does their emotional state affect their own performance. The final section looks at the ways in which our emotions are guided and influenced while listening to music, whether actively or passively. Music and Emotion is a timely book, one that will interest psychologists, musicologists, music educators, and philosophers.
Chapter
Emotion research has become a mature branch of psychology, with its own standardized measures, induction procedures, data-analysis challenges, and sub-disciplines. During the last decade, a number of books addressing major questions in the study of emotion have been published in response to a rapidly increasing demand that has been fuelled by an increasing number of psychologists whose research either focus on or involve the study of emotion. Very few of these books, however, have presented an explicit discussion of the tools for conducting research, despite the facts that the study of emotion frequently requires highly specialized procedures, instruments, and coding strategies, and that the field has reached a place where a large number of excellent elicitation procedures and assessment instruments have been developed and validated. The Handbook of Emotion Elicitation and Assessment corrects this oversight in the literature by organizing and detailing all the major approaches and instruments for the study of emotion. It is the most complete reference for methods and resources in the field, and will serve as a pragmatic resource for emotion researchers by providing easy access to a host of scales, stimuli, coding systems, assessment tools, and innovative methodologies. This handbook will help to advance research in emotion by encouraging researchers to take greater advantage of standard and well-researched approaches, which will increase both the productivity in the field and the speed and accuracy with which research can be communicated.
Chapter
Since time immemorial, philosophers, writers, and artists have sought to under stand how and why our feelings and emotions come to influence our memories, thoughts, and judgments. Indeed, clarifying the relationship between such basic mental faculties as affect, cognition, and conation remains a perennial goal in psychology (Hilgard, 1980). Surprisingly, most psychological research in this century proceeded on the implicit assumption that affect, cognition, and conation can be studied as separate, independent features of the human mind. Of the two paradigms that have dominated our discipline so far, neither behaviorism nor cognitivism have traditionally paid much attention to the study of affect. Early work exploring the links between affect and cognition relied either on psychoanalytic principles such as projection (Feshbach & Singer, 1957) or on conditioning theories (Clore & Byrne, 1974; Griffitt, 1970) to account for the apparent infusion of affectively valenced material into our memories, thoughts, and judgments. During the past decade or so, interest in the role of affect in cognition and behavior has increased dramatically. Contemporary theories are predominantly based on cognitive principles to explain affect infusion (Bower, 1981, 1991; Clore, Schwarz, & Conway, 1994; Fiedler, 1990,1991; Forgas, 1992b, 1995a, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c, Kruglanski, 1989). In this chapter, we discuss some of the influences of affective states on cognitive processes, especially those involved in memory and judgment.
Article
The most stable of all mood and memory effects is mood-congruent recall (Mayer, Gayle, Meehan, & Haarman, 1990). Nevertheless, a variety of debates surround this effect. One such debate is whether mood-congruency is due to demand characteristics. In the current experiment, 64 participants experienced mood induction stimuli and were presented with learning stimuli identical to the standard Mayer et al. (1990) condition. Unlike Mayer et al. (1990), demand characteristics were controlled by the use of hypothesis-naive experimenters and limited debriefing to minimize the seepage of the experimental hypothesis into the targeted participant pool. Mood-congruent recall was not observed at a statistically significant level in this experiment. The most interesting finding was evidence which indicated that the mood inductions altered both degrees of pleasure and arousal. This finding suggests that the two dimensions have been confounded in previous research. These results, once again, bring into question the validity of the "mood-congruency" effect.