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Stereotyping among Hispanics and Anglos The Uniformity, Intensity, Direction, and Quality of Auto- and Heterostereotypes
Abstract
U.S. Navy recruits (Hispanics and Anglos) provided autostereotypes and heterostereotypes of blacks, whites, and several Hispanic ethnic groups, by judging on a ten-point scale how likely it was for each of fifteen traits to be a characteristic of a given stimulus group. All autostereotypes were favorable. The Anglos had a more uniform, though not especially intensive, autostereotype than the Hispanics. The Anglo heterostereotype of Hispanics was generally positive but not uniform. The Hispanic heterostereotype of Anglos was positive and uniform. All groups were ethnocentric, in that they assigned more positive attributes to the auto- than the heterostereotype. On several traits there was convergence of the auto- and heterostereotypes. The data are consistent with the theoretical argument of Campbell (1967) and Triandis and Vassiliou (1967) concerning the way stereotypes emerge.
... Единственным критерием признания какого-то 1 Многие, в т. ч. современные исследователи, отмечают, что при стереотипизации характеристик аутгруппы в фокус внимания обычно попадают негативные черты группы (Stein et al. 2019, 944). 2 В последние десятилетия ведется изучение амбивалентных свойств стереотипа по шкалам «теплота» − «компетентность» (Yzerbyt 2005;Fiske et al. 2007;Yzerbyt 2016;Grigoryev et al. 2019). представления стереотипом в таком случае является высокая степень согласованности мнений в группе (Brigham 1971;Triandis et al. 1982;Богомолова/ Стефаненко 1991;Сушков 1988;Stephan et al. 1993;Madon et al. 2001). ...
... Зачинатели традиции изучения этностереотипов, Д. Кац и К. Брэйли, считали достаточным совпадение во мнении 50% испытуемых, чтобы признать существование стереотипа (Katz/Braly 1933, 287). Современные этнопсихологи пороговым определяют уровень начиная с 75-80% испытуемых, дающих одинаковую характеристику представителю какой-нибудь этнической группы (Brigham 1971;Triandis et al. 1982;Богомолова/Стефаненко 1991, 4;Стефаненко 2008, 36;Сушков 1988). Обоснования этого количественного показателя в литературе не обнаруживаем 4 . ...
Ethno-cultural stereotypes are the result of comparing one´s own culture, customs, traditions with that of strangers, identifying and fixing differences between the cultures of ethnic groups. Stereotypical images of different peoples exist even in the minds of those people who had no experience in communication with representatives of these ethnic groups. However, the results of the study of ethnic stereotypes of people who are in direct contact with this ethnic group and see it up close in comparison to people who evaluate it from a distance, often raises more questions than gives clear answers. The solution of these questions raises before the researcher a whole complex of methodological problems. The article will introduce a new methodological approach to reveal ethno-cultural stereotypes in the text culture and in our contemporaries’ common sense perception. To distinguish between people’s individual perception of a particular ethnos and collective stereotypes, the following qualitative and quantitative criteria are suggested: 1) bipolar orthonormal core axes of parameter distribution; 2) the significance of the axis; 3) the degree of consistency of parameters distributed on the axis; 4) the weighting coefficient of testee’s reaction.
... For meta-stereotypes, there must be some degree of agreement within the ingroup regarding the perception of the outgroup as having particular attributes (Finchilescu, 2005). As suggested with regard to stereotypes (Triandis et al., 1982), greater uniformity in meta-stereotypical beliefs may reflect an increased importance of these beliefs in the ingroup and consequently lead to more intense effects in the interaction between groups (Saiz et al., 2009). ...
... According to Triandis et al. (1982) and Saiz et al. (2009), the high level of uniformity in meta-stereotypes reflects a high level of relevance of these beliefs for the ingroup, which could lead to severe effects during interaction with members of the outgroup. Likewise, very uniform unfavourable meta-stereotypes may have a negative influence on the image that homeless people have of themselves (Klein & Azzi, 2001), which could limit their opportunities to change their situation. ...
This study analyses the content and the uniformity of meta-stereotypes among homelessness people, and the stereotypes that domiciled people have of homeless people. The research took place in Madrid (Spain), based on data provided by a representative sample of homeless people (n = 188) and a sample of people at no risk of becoming homeless (n = 180). Results show that stereotypes of homeless people and homeless people’s meta-stereotypes predominantly have negative or indulgent content, with very little positive content, and have a high degree of uniformity, with hardly any differences in terms of basic socio-demographic variables. The meta-stereotypes of homeless people are more uniform, and are more negative and less indulgent than the stereotypes that domiciled people have established regarding homeless people.
... In the stereotyping literature, both Bernard (1979) and Lipton (1983) also provide evidence that discussions among jurors produced a general shift toward leniency when the jurors and the defendant were all White. Lipton also found a shift toward leniency among Hispanic jurors when considering a Hispanic defendant, which is consistent with evidence that Hispanics do not typically hold negative stereotypes about their own group (Triandis et al., 1982). However, when White jurors deliberated about a Hispanic defendant (Lipton, 1983) or a Black defendant (Bernard, 1979), jurors' predeliberation, antidefendant sentiments were maintained throughout the course of group discussion. ...
Two information-processing mechanisms that could potentially contribute to judgmental discrimination against the members of stereotyped social groups were examined in two experiments, using a mock juror decision-making task. Both postulated mechanisms involve biased processing of judgment-relevant evidence. The interpretation hypothesis asserts that the activation of stereotypic concepts influences the perceived probative implications of other evidence. The selective processing hypothesis asserts that stereotype-consistent evidence is processed more extensively than is inconsistent evidence. Judgment and memory data from the first experiment supported the general notion that stereotype-based discrimination emerges from biased evidence processing. The specific pattern of results supported selective processing rather than interpretation biases as the critical process underlying observed judgmental discrimination. The second experiment corroborated this conclusion by showing that a manipulation that prevents selective processing of the evidence effectively eliminated biases in judgments and recall pertaining to stereotyped targets. Implications for a general understanding of stereotyping and discrimination are discussed.
... As suggested by Triandis et al. (1982) with regard to Q7 stereotypes, greater uniformity in meta-stereotypical beliefs may reflect a bigger relevance of these beliefs in the in-group . ...
This paper examines the content and degree of uniformity of meta‐stereotypes among women living homeless in Madrid, Spain, and the differences with their male counterparts. The study was conducted utilizing a structured interview with a representative sample of men living homeless (n = 158) and a convenience sample of a similar size (n = 138) of women living homeless. The results show that the meta‐stereotypes of women living homeless in Madrid are characterized by mainly negative (e.g., consumers of alcohol, drug users, lazy, criminals) or indulgent (e.g., physically and psychologically worn out, rejected by society, sick) contents, with very limited positive (e.g., courteous, respectful, polite) contents, and a high degree of uniformity. There are no major differences in the content of meta‐stereotypes of the female interviewees in terms of their age, academic background, motherhood, or nationality. Compared to men in the same situation, a larger percentage of women living homeless agree with negative and indulgent meta‐stereotypes, and a smaller percentage agree with positive meta‐stereotypes.
... To measure the truthfulness of ethnic stereotypes, researchers have usually compared the majority group's stereotypes either with the minority group's self-stereotypes or with the estimated "real" characteristics of the minority group as measured by different psychological scales. The results of "kernel of truth" tests have varied widely: some studies have corroborated the hypothesis (Gordon, 1989;Madon et al., 1998;Rogers & Wood, 2010;Triandis et al., 1982), others partly supported it (Allik et al., 2010;Bordalo et al., 2016;Realo et al., 2009), while some studies fully refuted it (Hanel et al., 2018;Terracciano et al., 2005). Most previous studies have used scales measuring personality traits to test the "kernel of truth" hypothesis. ...
Few studies have examined to what extent commonly held stereotypes reflect real intergroup differences in motivational goals. Taking a values perspective (Schwartz et al., 2012), the study examines value preferences among Jews and Russians in Russia, to assess the extent to which commonly held stereotypes reflect values of group members. Results showed that Jews reported substantially higher levels of universalism‐tolerance, benevolence (both caring and dependability), and tradition values, and lower levels of power (both dominance and resources), and universalism‐nature values, than Russians. Results indicated that the widespread Jewish stereotypes of power, achievement, and rootlessness/cosmopolitanism are ungrounded, while the stereotypes of liberalism and particularism are upheld by the reported differences in the value preferences between Jews and the majority population in Russia. The present study underscores the importance of value comparisons between ethnic minority and majority groups for understanding their motivational goals and thus fighting prejudices and discrimination.
... We included female as well as male participants in this study because we thought it naive to assume that women are free of the concern of being or appearing sexist. For one, targets of prejudice often internalize the prejudiced beliefs that others hold of them (Apfelbaum, 1979;Jost & Banaji, 5 1994; Triandis et al., 1982), which means that anti-Black racism can be found among African Americans, and sexism among women. Also, there is little evidence that women differ from men in their desire to avoid being or being seen as sexist-and one might even expect them to be more wary than men of being or appearing sexist. 1 For these reasons, we expected that credentials would operate similarly in men and women. ...
Three experiments supported the hypothesis that people are more willing to express attitudes that could be viewed as prejudiced when their past behavior has established their credentials as nonprejudiced persons. In Study 1, participants given the opportunity to disagree with blatantly sexist statements were later more willing to favor a man for a stereotypically male job. In Study 2, participants who first had the opportunity to select a member of a stereotyped group (a woman or an African American) for a category-neutral job were more likely to reject a member of that group for a job stereotypically suited for majority members. In Study 3, participants who had established credentials as nonprejudiced persons revealed a greater willingness to express a politically incorrect opinion even when the audience was unaware of their credentials. The general conditions under which people feel licensed to act on illicit motives are discussed.
... Interestingly, Anglo-Americans are noted to have a more singular identity than other broad ethno-racial categories. Not only are autostereotypes of Anglos uniform, but they also agree well with their identity while heterostereotypes of Anglos by Hispanics were similarly uniform and positive (Triandis et al., 1982 ). Cultural stereotypes can strongly influence the approval or willingness to work with another group as well as perception of how functional or successful another group is. ...
Heterostereotype refers to a group's perception of another group's members’ traits, characteristics, or values with a tendency to define others as rigid ethnic characterizations and strong generalizations about group membership. Different national or cultural assumptions can be described as either simple or projected. A simple heterostereotype asserts egocentric statements making claims regarding another group (i.e., “We think they are …”). On the other hand, projected heterostereotypes are centered in emotional assumptions of another group's self-perception or identity (i.e., “We believe that they think they are …”). Heterostereotypes suggest more about one's identity than about the stranger, even more than the autostereotype, while the autostereotype, or a group's views about the traits or characteristics of its own members, is more differentiated than the heterostereotype, with dominating positive attributes.
Stereotypes are simplified and sometimes over-generalized conceptions of people or groups based on prior assumptions that may or may not be grounded in reality
A series of studies by Taylor and Simard (1975) demonstrated that cross-cultural communication can be, in objective terms, as effective as within-group communication. We should ask then, why this is not always the case, and subjectively too. A major part of the answer, we believe, lies in the role played by stereotypes. We therefore consider the nature of stereotypes, their cognitive foundations and consequences, social functions, resistance to change, and relationship to behaviour.
This study examined the impact of three ethnic labels—Chicanos, Hispanics, and Mexican Americans—on the stereotyping behavior of a sample of white university undergraduates. Using the Katz and Braly (1933) paradigm, two hypotheses were tested. First, it was expected that “Chicanos” would receive a larger percentage of subjects selecting negative stereotypes than would “Hispanics” or “Mexican Americans” (Mexican Americans were expected to be stereotyped most positively). Second, the rate of stereotyping behavior was expected to be affected in similar ways. Results gave modest support for the first hypothesis—Chicanos were more often viewed as ignorant and cruel, for example—but only obtained nonsignificant trends for the second hypothesis. These results are discussed in terms of the importance of ethnic labels in racial attitude development and maintenance and of the need for additional research.Este estudio examinó el impacto de tres rótulos étnicos—Chicano, Hispanic y Mexican-American, en la conducta estereotipada de una muestra de estudiantes universitarios anglo-sajones. Se estudiaron dos hipótesis utilizando el paradigma de Katz y Braly (1933). Primero, se esperó que “Chicanos” recibiría un mayor número de adjetivos negativos que “Hispanic” o “Mexican-American” (el rótulo “Mexican-American” debería recibir un estereotipo mas positivo). Segundo, la tasa de conductas estereotipadas debería ser afectada de manera similar por los rótulos. Los resultados respaldaron modestamente la primera hipótesis—los Chicanos fueron percibidos mas frecuentemente como ignorantes y crueles, por ejemplo; y la segunda hipótesis solo produjo tendencias no significativas en los resultados. Estos datos se discuten con relación a la importancia de rótulos étnicos en el desarrollo y mantenimiento de actitudes raciales y a la necesidad de llevar a cabo estudios adicionales.
Outlines present conceptualizations of stereotypes in psychology, and discusses theoretical approaches linking ethnic stereotypes to negative attitudes and discriminatory behavior. Research results concerning the content of ethnic stereotypes, their development and resistance to change, and the reciprocal nature of intergroup stereotypes are reviewed. Several critical issues, E.g., methodological problems and the "kernel of truth" controversy, are also discussed. It is suggested that none of the current definitions of stereotype are completely adequate. It is proposed that much of the ambiguity, both conceptual and empirical, in this area may be reduced if stereotypes are regarded as generalizations that are considered as unjustified by the person who affixes the label. There are several types of criteria under which a generalization may be considered unjustified. (3 P. Ref.)
EMPHASIZES "THE WAY IN WHICH BOTH ANTHROPOLOGICAL EVIDENCE AND LEARNING THEORY PREDICT THAT IF THERE ARE GROUP DIFFERENCES OR DIFFERENTIALS IN SOCIAL INTERACTION, THESE WILL TEND TO APPEAR IN THE STEREOTYPES GROUPS HAVE OF EACH OTHER." (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Three generations of Mexican American adolescents and Anglo Americans rated persons of Mexican descent living in the United States in terms of both positive and negative stereotypes. In general, Anglo American subjects held significantly less favorable stereotypes of Mexican descent persons than any of the three Mexican American groups. However, a significant linear trend for both positive and negative group stereotypes indicated that with each successive generation (first through third), the stereotypes of Mexican Americans approached the less favorable image held by Anglo Americans. Results are discussed in terms of a two-dimensional model that includes the dual effects of Anglo American prejudice and the degree to which Mexican Americans retain an identification with their traditional culture.
In a test of the mirror image hypothesis (i.e., that 2 groups would perceive themselves in the same positive way and the other or "enemy" in similarly negative ways), data were obtained from 429 college students in Colombia and Venezuela on an open-ended questionnaire and a semantic differential. Ss evaluated own- and other-country nationals, as well as other Latin American countries. A mirror image phenomenon was found in the semantic differential part but not in the open-ended format. Results are discussed in terms of the mirror image hypothesis as a function of territorial proximity and conflict but only within the evaluative dimensions of a stereotype. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
6 SAMPLES OF SS WERE TESTED WITH AN INSTRUMENT WHICH UTILIZED A SEMANTIC DIFFERENTIAL FORMAT. THE CONCEPTS WERE "AMERICANS IN GENERAL TEND TO BE" AND "GREEKS IN GENERAL TEND TO BE." THE SCALES WERE CHARACTERISTICS OBTAINED FROM UNSTRUCTURED INTERVIEWS OF AMERICANS AND GREEKS WORKING TOGETHER IN JOBS REQUIRING FACE-TO-FACE SOCIAL RELATIONS. THE 6 SAMPLES VARIED IN THE DEGREE OF CONTACT. MAXIMUM-CONTACT GROUPS CONSISTED OF AMERICANS WORKING IN GREECE IN JOBS REQUIRING DIRECT CONTACT WITH GREEKS AND GREEK STUDENTS STUDYING IN AMERICA; MEDIUM-CONTACT GROUPS CONSISTED OF AMERICANS LIVING IN ATHENS TAKING A UNIVERSITY COURSE, AND GREEKS LIVING IN GREECE WORKING WITH AMERICANS; MINIMUM-CONTACT GROUPS CONSISTED OF AMERICAN STUDENTS IN ILLINOIS AND GREEK STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS. THE AUTOSTEREOTYPES AND HETEROSTEREOTYPES OF THE 6 SAMPLES WERE INVESTIGATED. IT WAS FOUND THAT THE AUTOSTEREOTYPE OF THE AMERICAN SAMPLES HAVING CONTACT WITH GREEKS IS MORE FAVORABLE THAN THE AUTOSTEREOTYPE OF THE AMERICANS HAVING NO CONTACT; THE AUTOSTEROTYPE OF THE 3 GREEK SAMPLES SHOW NO DIFFERENCES. THE HETEROSTEREOTYPE OF AMERICANS CONCERNING GREEKS IS LESS FAVORABLE FOR THE MAXIMUM THAN THE MINIMUM CONTACT GROUPS; THE HETEROSTEROTYPE OF GREEKS CONCERNING AMERICANS IS MORE FAVORABLE FOR THE MAXIMUM- THAN FOR THE MINIMUM-CONTACT GROUPS. A THEORETICAL INTEGRATION OF THESE RESULTS IS OFFERED. (15 REF.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Stereotypes are conceptualized as models of the world guiding behavior. The literature on minority group stereotypes is discussed in the framework of 5 dimensions: content, uniformity, direction, intensity, and familiarity. Stereotypes are regarded as linguistic models guiding the expression of prejudice. Several illustrations of stereotypes guiding behavior are offered. A brief theoretical sketch of stereotypes as linguistic behavior is presented. (95 ref.) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
This study introduces an instrument, The Chicano Racial Attitude Measure (CRAM), designed to measure racial attitude towards Chicanos by Chicano and Anglo children. It is adapted from the Preschool Racial Attitude Measure (PRAM II), an instrument designed to measure racial attitude towards Blacks, developed by Williams and his associates at Wake Forest University from 1960-1971. Subjects were 120 children, 5 through 7years old; 60 were Chicanos and 60 Anglos; half were females and half males. Twenty-four racial attitude pictures were used. Each picture shows one Chicano and one Anglo figure. A brief story accompanies each picture and contains either a positive or a negative evaluative adjective (PEA orArEA, respectively). The subjects were asked to identify which figure was described by the PEA or the NEA. As a control for cognitive development, 12 sex-role pictures were also included. The children were tested individually. Results demonstrated an overwhelming pro-Anglo, anti-Chicano bias among both the Anglo and the Chicano children. Racial attitude towards Chicanos was not affected by race, sex, or age of subject. Implications of these findings for community-based research and intervention are discussed. There are in excess of five million Chicanos (Americans of Mexican descent or birth) in the United States, representing the nation's second largest minority population. In contrast to other minorities (e.g., Blacks, Indians, Orientals) the Chicano is poorer, occupies inferior housing, is less well educated and suffers from greater rates of unemployment (Burma, 1970; Padilla & Ruiz, 1973). As with Blacks, there is evidence that Chicanos, and other Spanish-speaking, Spanish-surnamed persons in the United States are subject to prejudice and discrimination as a racial (i.e., skin color) minority. In a study by Simmons